Search results for: presidential coattails

Authors: B. Kuiper

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When Dwight D. Eisenhower delivered his final Presidential speech in 1961, he was using the opportunity to bid farewell to America, but he was also trying to warn his fellow countrymen about deeper challenges threatening the country. In this analysis, Eisenhower’s speech is examined in light of the impact it had on American culture, communication concepts, and political ramifications. The paper initially highlights the previous literature on the speech, especially in light of its 50^th anniversary, and reveals a man whose main concern was how the speech’s words would affect his beloved country. The painstaking approach to the wording of the speech to reveal the intent is key, particularly in light of analyzing the motivations according to “virtuous communication.” This philosophical construct indicates that Eisenhower’s Farewell Address was crafted carefully according to a departing President’s deepest values and concerns, concepts that he wanted to pass along to his successor, to his country, and even to the world.

Keywords: Eisenhower, mass communication, political speech, rhetoric

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Authors: Kais A. Kadhim

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This paper is a semantic analysis of the English modals in Obama’s speech. The main objective of this study is to analyze selected modal auxiliaries identified in selected speeches of Obama’s campaign based on Coates’ (1983) semantic clusters. A total of fifteen speeches of Obama’s campaign were selected as the primary data and the modal auxiliaries selected for analysis include will, would, can, could, should, must, ought, shall, may and might. All the modal auxiliaries taken from the speeches of Barack Obama were analyzed based on the framework of Coates’ semantic clusters. Such analytical framework was carried out to examine how modal auxiliaries are used in the context of persuading people in Obama’s campaign speeches. The findings reveal that modals of intention, prediction, futurity and modals of possibility, ability, permission are mostly used in Obama’s campaign speeches.

Keywords: modals, meaning, persuasion, speech

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Authors: Omar Abdillah, Mirna Adriani

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In this work, we perform new approach for analyzing public sentiment towards the presidential candidate in the 2014 Indonesian election that expressed in Twitter. In this study we propose such procedure for analyzing sentiment over Indonesian political message by understanding the behavior of Indonesian society in sending message on Twitter. We took different approach from previous works by utilizing punctuation mark and Indonesian sentiment lexicon that completed with the new procedure in determining sentiment towards the candidates. Our experiment shows the performance that yields up to 83.31% of average precision. In brief, this work makes two contributions: first, this work is the preliminary study of sentiment analysis in the domain of political message that has not been addressed yet before. Second, we propose such method to conduct sentiment analysis by creating decision making procedure in which it is in line with the characteristic of Indonesian message on Twitter.

Keywords: unsupervised sentiment analysis, political message, lexicon based, user behavior understanding

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Authors: Michael T. Miller, G. David Gearhart

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Shared governance is an important element in higher education decision making. Through the joint decision making process, faculty members are provided an opportunity to help shape the future of an institution while increasing support for decisions that are made. Presidents, those leaders who are legally bound to guide their institutions, must find ways to collaborate effectively with faculty members in making decisions, and the first step in this process is understanding when and how presidents and faculty leaders interact. In the current study, a national sample of college presidents reported their preparation for the presidency, their perceptions of the functions of a faculty senate, and ultimately, the locations for important interactions between presidents and faculty senates. Results indicated that presidents, regardless of their preparation, found official functions to be the most important for communicating, although, those presidents with academic backgrounds were more likely to perceive faculty senates as having a role in all aspects of an institutions management.

Keywords: college faculty, college president, faculty senate, leadership

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Authors: Morteza Azimi

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In Afghanistan, as a multi-ethnic country, there have been ethnic conflicts, especially after 2001. These conflicts are more visible among the four main ethnicities Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek. In this paper, such ethnic conflicts and their roles in the political sphere will be discussed. The distribution of personal electronic ID cards, for example, has been one of the most controversial and unsuccessful projects in Afghanistan. As a result, the lack of clear population statistics has led to several corrupted and unsuccessful presidential elections since 2001. The nation-building process in post-Taliban Afghanistan, as well as the Afghan government’s failure to build a nation, are discussed. By referring to the hybridity theory of Homi Bhabha, it is argued that the process of assimilation for nation-building has not only failed but has deepened ethnic divisions. In the end, some suggestions and solutions for making the most out of ethnic diversity rather than suffering from it will be provided. It will be argued that diversity or difference improves the freedom of choices for groups and individuals; it boosts agency in comparison with life in an assimilated, coherent, and homogeneous society.

Keywords: Afghan identity, ethnicity, nation-building, political system, self and other

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Authors: Gohar Rahman, Rabia Saad Ullah

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This research aims to examine the use of discourse markers within the dominion of political speeches, differentiating between genders. The analysis centers on twelve speakers, comprising six males and six females. Speeches selected include commencement, victory, state union addresses, campaigns, and presidential speeches. Halliday and Hasan's cohesion framework, specifically discourse markers, is utilized as a theoretical framework. Data is quantitatively analyzed using AntConc to identify marker frequency. The findings are presented through Excel's tables and graphs, suggesting differences in discourse marker preferences between genders. The findings suggest a divergence in the preferences for discourse markers between males and females. However, asserting that females utilize discourse markers more frequently due to the increased use of filler words, face threat mitigation, and polite speech would be an exaggeration. The disparity in frequency is not substantial, suggesting that males and females exhibit varying language inclinations to some degree.

Keywords: discourse markers, political discourse, gender, speeches, language

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

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The adoption and application of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government administration through e-government is expected to permeate all sectors of state/ public institutions as well as democratic institutions. One of such public institutions is the Electoral Commission of Ghana mandated by the 1992 Constitution to hold all public elections including presidential and parliamentary elections. As Ghana holds its 7th General Elections since 1992, on 7th November 2016, there are demands from key stakeholders for the Election Management Body, which is the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt and implement an electronic voting system. This case study, therefore, attempts to contribute significantly to the debate by examining influencing factors that would impact on citizen’s readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) was used as a theoretical framework for this study, out of which a research model and hypotheses were developed. Importantly, the outcome of this research finding would form a basis for appropriate policy recommendation for consideration of Government and EC of Ghana.

Keywords: citizens readiness, e-government, electronic voting, technology acceptance model (TAM)

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Authors: Flavio Contrera, Paulo Cesar Gregorio

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Recent political developments and government control actions in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic draw attention to the contrast between the duties of government and the demands of democratic representation. Elected by mobilizing far-right issues, Trump and Bolsonaro moved away from the WHO guidelines but had to accommodate demands on the health and on the social protection system on the one hand and demands from the economic sector on the other. This study used the MARPOR Project method to assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the issue and ideological congruence between the electoral and governmental arena in both the Trump and Bolsonaro Administrations. Findings reveal issue congruence between arenas in "National Way of Life: Positive", "Law and Order," and "Technology and Infrastructure" for Donald Trump, and "Welfare State Expansion" for Bolsonaro. Ideological estimation results show that Trump and Bolsonaro positioned to the right in their presidential elections, initially moved to the center-right. However, welfare policies actions at high frequency during the COVID-19 pandemic moved the ideological estimations of both governments to the center-left, despite their denial rhetoric.

Keywords: congruence, COVID-19, Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro

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Authors: Abdulmalik Adamu

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This study is premised on the assumption that language, particularly, English plays a significant role in the acquisition of power in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the fact that for the first time in the political history of Nigeria, an opposition party succeeded in dethroning an incumbent President and ruling political party in an election. Therefore the main objective was to investigate the role of language, particularly English in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria. The corpus generated for this study consisted of excerpts from the media exchange between the spokespersons of the two dominant political parties at the time of the elections in 2015; Olisa Metuh of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Lai Mohammed of the All Progressive Party (APC). The excerpts were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a research tool. The findings revealed the acceptance of the first proposition that English facilitates the acquisition of political power in Nigeria and the rejection of the second proposition that English is an instrument for the exclusion of the populist from political events in Nigeria. The study, therefore, concluded that language, particularly English played a significant role in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria.

Keywords: language, power, politics, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

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Authors: Michael Miller, G. David Gearhart

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The role of the American college presidency continues to evolve, increasingly incorporating varied elements of responsibility of institutional management. Once primarily focused on the academic operation of an institution, the role has changed to incorporate all of the business-related and public agency operations of an institution. This means that the modern college president must be capable of persuasively talking to legislators and donors, as well as students taking classes and the faculty who teach them. In addition to these dimensions, the contemporary college president must also be an expert on state and federal compliance issues, and must have the talent to steer marketing and public relations activities in a persuasive manner. This paper will report the findings of a spring 2020 survey of nearly 300 college presidents in the United States concerning their perceptions about the changing nature of the college presidency, with special consideration given to media relations, fundraising, business development, internationalization, and facility management.Survey results will be analyzed based on institutional type, gender, length of tenure in the presidential position, and career pathway to the presidency.

Keywords: college president, leadership, education management, neo-liberal higher education

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Authors: Mohamed S. Negm, Waleed S. Mandour

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The present study aims primarily at investigating words of peace (lexemes of peace) in the formal speeches of the Egyptian president Abdulfattah El-Sisi in a two-year span of time, from 2018 to 2019. This paper attempts to shed light not only on the contextual use of the antonyms, war and peace, but also it underpins quantitative analysis through the current methods of corpus linguistics. As such, the researchers have deployed a corpus-based approach in collecting, encoding, and processing 30 presidential speeches over the stated period (23,411 words and 25,541 tokens in total). Further, semantic fields and collocational networkzs are identified and compared statistically. Results have shown a significant propensity of adopting peace, including its relevant collocation network, textually and therefore, ideationally, at the expense of war concept which in most cases surfaces euphemistically through the noun conflict. The president has not justified the action of war with an honorable cause or a valid reason. Such results, so far, have indicated a positive sociopolitical mindset the Egyptian president possesses and moreover, reveal national and international fair dealing on arising issues.

Keywords: CADS, collocation network, corpus linguistics, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Firmanda Taufiq

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Turkey as a country with great political power and political dynamics that occurred in Turkey shows symptoms that make this country interesting enough to be studied. In addition, there is also Post-Islamism phenomenon that causes fluctuations and changes in Turkish politics. In this regard, Turkey carved out history by holding a referendum that changed the state system from a parliamentary system with a presidential system. This change has major implications in the life of Turkish society and politics. The condition is not only influenced by the government of Recep Tayyib Erdogan alone, but actually there is also anxiety middle class Turkish (Middle Class Anatolia). So there was a Turkish referendum held on 16 April 2017. This research using descriptive-analysis method to analyzing problems of research, that's how the post-Islamism situation in Turkey and Anatolian Middle Class impact to Turkish referendum. Actually, the political process that took place in Turkey is inseparable from Post-Islamism which became an important part in the change and transition of government system. The AKP Party as the basis of the Erdogan government movement became an important actor in the political and policy dynamics produced by the Erdogan government. It is then why the Turkish referendum took place.

Keywords: post-Islamism, Turkish politic, AKP, middle class Anatolia

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Authors: Mary Titilayo Olowe

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The controversies that trailed the political campaign and eventual choice of Donald Trump as the American president is so great that expectations are high as to what the content of his inaugural speech will portray. Given the fact that language is a dynamic vehicle of expressing intentions, the speech needs to be objectively assessed so as to access its content in the manner intended through the three strands of meaning postulated by the Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG): the ideational, the interpersonal and the textual. The focus of this paper, however, is on the interpersonal meaning which deals with how language exhibits social roles and relationship. This paper, therefore, attempts to analyse President Donald Trump’s inaugural speech to elicit interpersonal meaning in it. The analysis is done from the perspective of mood and modality which are housed in SFG. Results of the mood choice which is basically declarative, reveal an information-centered speech while the high option for the modal verb operator ‘will’ shows president Donald Trump’s ability to establish an equal and reliant relationship with his audience, i.e., the Americans. In conclusion, the appeal of the speech to different levels of Interpersonal meaning is largely responsible for its overall effectiveness. One can, therefore, understand the reason for the massive reaction it generates at the center of global discourse.

Keywords: interpersonal, modality, mood, systemic functional grammar

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Authors: WooJin KANG

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Contrary to the ideal, in the cartelized democracy, meritocracy is revealed to be a system that gives arrogance to the winners and humiliation to the losers, and more and more studies are asserting the upper-class bias of meritocracy. However, only some studies have analyzed the determinants of the perception of meritocracy and fairness among young people. This article was an attempt to fill this gap. According to the empirical results of this article, the determinants of fairness of the meritocracy in the youth were multidimensional. The social status model, the political ideology model, and the future prospect model all significantly impacted the perception of meritocracy fairness among young people. Contrary to the predictions of the system justification theory and the compensatory control theory of previous studies, the lower-class youth were critical of meritocracy. In addition, the more negative the future outlook, the less they accepted the fairness of meritocracy. In addition, ideological debates over solutions to inequality of opportunity, which began in earnest during the 20th presidential election, turned out to be a variable that significantly influenced the perception of fairness based on meritocracy among young people. The results of the empirical analysis in this article reaffirmed the multidimensional structure of the youth. This suggests the need for policy responses leading to education tailored to various subgroups within the youth.

Keywords: Meritocracy, Exam-Meritocracy, Fairness, Multiple-inequality

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Authors: Maryam Esfandiari, Bohdan Fridrich

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On December 28, 2017, a wave of protests erupted in several Iranian cities. Protesters demonstrated against the president, Hasan Rohani, and theocratical nature of the regime. Iran has a recent history with protest movements, such as Green Movement responsible for demonstrations after 2009 Iranian presidential election. However, the 2017/2018 protests differ from the previous ones in terms of organization and agenda. The events show little to no central organization and seem as being sparked by grass root movements and by citizens’ fatigue of government corruption, authoritarianism, and economic problems of the country. Social media has played important role in communicating the protests to the outside world and also in general coordination. By using content analyses, this paper analyzes the visual content of Twitter posts published during the protests. It aims to find the correlation between their decentralized nature and nature of the tweets – either emotionally arousing or efficiency-elicit. Pictures are searched by hashtags and coded by their content, such as ‘crowds,’ ‘protest activities,’ ‘symbols of unity,’ ‘violence,’ ‘iconic figures,’ etc. The study determines what type of content prevails and what type is the most impactful in terms of reach. This study contributes to understanding the role of social media both as a tool and a space in protest organization and portrayal in countries with limited Internet access.

Keywords: twitter, Iran, collective action, protest

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Authors: Marc Arthur Bien Aimé, Julio da Silveira Moreira

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This study examines the political speech in Haiti over the course of the decade 2011-2021, focusing on the speeches of the presidents Michel J. Martelly and Jovenel Moïse and their impacts on their awareness collective. In using a qualitative approach, we have analyzed the speech of the president pronounced in response to the political instability of countries, as well as interviews with a group of 20 Haitians living in Port- Au-Prince. Our results put in evidence their complex relationship between politics, awareness collective, and the influence of the powers imperialists. We show that the situation in Haiti's disastrous social and political situation is driven by personal political interests and the absence of a state political project. Moreover, the speeches of the president’s analysis are meaningless, transforming concepts such as social progress and justice in simple words. This political rhetoric contributes to the domination symbolic of the population of Haitian. This study is also linked to the theme “Constitutions, processes democratic and critical of the state in Latin America,” emphasizing the importance of analysis of political speech to understand the complexities of the democratic process and criticism of the State in their Latin American region. We suggest future research to deepen our understanding of these political dynamics and their impact on public policies and developments of the constitutions throughout Latin America.

Keywords: political discourse, conscience collective, inequality social, democratic processes, constitutions, Haiti

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Authors: Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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This paper examines the influence of identity politics on the development of electoral democracy in Nigeria. The paper was anchored on a theory of African democracy adopted the qualitative methodology and deployed data from secondary sources to evaluate the 2023 presidential election, and found that ethnicity, religion, and regional sentiments played a major role in the election. The practical implications of this paper are that while Nigeria’s democracy is tending towards consolidation, if the unexpected does not happen, e.g., military takeover, religious and ethnic identities can mar the country’s development as competent candidates that have good policies will be voted out based on religious and ethnic sentiments. Thus, there is a need to de-emphasize religion and ethnicity in the Nigerian polity. Candidates and parties that campaign based on racial or religious narratives should be barred from contesting elective positions. The paper concluded that identity politics is inimical to Nigeria’s democratization process as well as efforts aimed at uniting and integrating the country; it, therefore, recommended that to establish a sound electoral democracy and a strong united country, the menace of ethnic, religious, and regional cleavages should be addressed. To achieve this, efforts should be intensified towards providing a set of principles for nation-building which should be included in the constitution. In addition, the paper urges the media to support the formation of an inclusive government, cutting across tribes and religions in the country to reduce the negative impact of ethnicity and religion in the country.

Keywords: cleavages, democracy, ethnicity, election, identity politics, religion

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Authors: JoVontae Butts

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A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not.

Keywords: race, religion, evangelicalism, political engagement

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Authors: Obiakor Casmir Uchenna, Ikegbunam Peter Chierike, Ezeja Perpetual Chisom

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Irregularities have been a major feature of the Nigerian political activities since 1999. The rate at which such impunities thrive in the country has made elections grossly unacceptable among the people because the outcomes have never reflected the wish of the masses. Conscious of this, citizens have subscribed to the use of social media in exposing the ugly faces of the country’s elections which have always been against the less privileged. This study is an exploration of the relationship between exposure to social media shared video-clips and the respondents’ perception of the 2023 presidential election in Nigeria. The general objective of the study is to find out what the respondents make of the election as a result of the video-clips shared on different social media platforms showing electoral irregularities. The study adopted survey research method in studying 378 university undergraduates from NAU, COOU and Paul University selected through purposive sampling technique. The study was premised on the theoretical provision of violation of expectation theory. Findings revealed that the respondents are well exposed to different video-clips showing irregularities on the election. It was also found that the respondents have negative perception of the election. It was concluded that electoral umpire, the government in power and the security apparatus violated the respondents’ expectation from the election based on the pre-election promises made to the citizens. It was recommended among others, that Nigeria must strengthen the various institutions responsible for the conduct of elections if violence will not be made the best option for the poor masses.

Keywords: social media shared video-clips, exposure, irregularities, elections, audience perception, outcome

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Authors: Marion Billard

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This paper will focus on the question of the real relationship between young people and fake news. Fake news is one of today’s main issues in the world of information and communication. Social media and its democratization helped to spread false information. According to traditional beliefs, young people are more inclined to believe what they read through social media. But, the individuals concerned, think that they are more inclined to make a distinction between real and fake news. This phenomenon is due to their use of the internet and social media from an early age. During the 2016 and 2017 French and American presidential campaigns, the term fake news was in the mouth of the entire world and became a real issue in the field of information. While young people were informing themselves with newspapers or television until the beginning of the ’90s, Gen Z (meaning people born between 1997 and 2010), has always been immersed in this world of fast communication. They know how to use social media from a young age and the internet has no secret for them. Today, despite the sporadic use of traditional media, young people tend to turn to their smartphones and social networks such as Instagram or Twitter to stay abreast of the latest news. The growth of social media information led to an “ambient journalism”, giving access to an endless quantity of information. Waking up in the morning, young people will see little posts with short texts supplying the essential of the news, without, for the most, many details. As a result, impressionable people are not able to do a distinction between real media, and “junk news” or Fake News. This massive use of social media is probably explained by the inability of the youngsters to find connections between the communication of the traditional media and what they are living. The question arises if this over-confidence of the young people in their ability to distinguish between accurate and fake news would not make it more difficult for them to examine critically the information. Their relationship with media and fake news is more complex than popular opinion. Today’s young people are not the master in the quest for information, nor inherently the most impressionable public on social media.

Keywords: fake news, youngsters, social media, information, generation

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Authors: Reagan Rodriguez

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With a growing divide between political echo chambers in the United States, exacerbated by race and income inequality, it might seem to be unfathomable to draw connections that tie working class in an industrial city and a U.S. territory. Yet, in regions where either the economy has been hit due to dwindling job infrastructure or natural disasters have left indelible marks on an island already once marked by colonial imperialism, a larger social shared identity is at play. Fracking has long been an intergenerational and stable work opportunity for many in the Pittsburg PA, yet the rising severity of global climate change may soon impact the policy and even presidential elections which could result in the reduction of jobs in the industry. Cock-fighting, considered a cultural mainstay within the island of Puerto Rico, has already had legislation banning activity and thus cutting out one of the most lucrative aspects of a severely injured economy. Insecurity, infringement, and isolation while being tied to a working-class bracket with no other opportunities in proximity have left both groups expressing similar frustration and while another larger shared identity politic is giving little other options to develop social mobility. This paper utilizes a thematic analysis and compares convergent and divergent themes on internet forums amongst unionized fracking workers in Pittsburg and cockfighters in Puerto Rico. This research examines how group identity in relation to job and cultural identity is most strong and at which points its most malleable; when intergenerational job identity becomes a part of one’s cultural identity, its override may be strongest when it is perceived as threatened. Final findings and limitations were comprehensively outlined.

Keywords: identity threat, social psychology, group identity, culture and social mobility

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Authors: Mariana Anaya Villafana

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The sudden change of a significant percentage of the Latino community in the United States elections towards a Republican political orientation was reflected during the 2016 presidential election. This moment represented a radical change that is happening inside the Latino community in the United States, the support they have given to Trump's campaign only demonstrates their support for new anti-immigration regulations and conservative values, which are causing a division of ideologies inside the Latino community. One of the main goals of the following research is to understand the whole phenomenon 'Why would people join their own oppressor?' Align themselves with the politics that prevent many of their relatives to come to the United States and made the assimilation process difficult for their parents. It is important to prove that a change in the identity has happened, through the use of power relations and the attachment to the desired object. A group of Hispanics/Latinos have decided to vote for Trump in order to belong to a society that hasn’t been able to fully include them within it, an action that can result on the non-intentional harm of the values and aims of the rest of the Latino/Hispanic community. In order to understand their new political beliefs, it is necessary to use the method of discourse analysis to comprehend those comments and interviews that are published on web sites such as: 'Latinos for Trump' and 'GOP Hispanic Division'. Among the results that the research has shown, the notion of the 'American Dream' can be considered as a determinant object for the construction of a new identity that is rooted in hard work and legality. One that is proud of the Latino heritage but still wants to maintain the boundaries between legality and illegality in relation to the immigrants. This discourse results on a contradiction to most of the cases because they mention that their families came to the U.S. as immigrants; the only difference is that they work hard to obtain legal citizenship.

Keywords: populism, identity, Latino Community, migration

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Authors: Astha Sinha, Anjali Kanagali

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India has been tackling with less than sophisticated legislations when it comes to recovery of debt and bankruptcy situations for a while now. There were multiple overlapping laws and adjudication forums dealing with financial failures and insolvency of companies/individuals in India without really aiding the timely recover of defaulted assets. It remained dicey for businesses to invest in India since there was a lack of legal and institutional machinery for dealing with debt defaults as per the global standards. After much deliberation, the Indian Draft Insolvency code received the presidential assent on May 28, 2016 bringing the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Code, 2016 into existence. The Code is expected to bring about great progress for the country and specifically has the two standout developments. The first is that it calls for resolution of corporate insolvency within a period of 180 days extendable by 90 days hence bringing about security in the minds of investors. Second is that it calls for the creation of a new class of insolvency professionals whose primary function shall be helping sick companies and banks with their takeovers, provides for setting up an Insolvency and Bankruptcy Board to regulate the same and provides for a two stage process of liquidation. The Code is estimated to help India move up its ranking on the World Bank’s ease of doing business index. It is currently ranked at the 130th position lower than some of the sub-saharan African countries. Besides this, however, there are various areas in which the Code falls short such as lack of provisions for aiding the issue of cross-border insolvency, impact on Medium and Small Enterprises in India etc. This paper aims to analyze the provisions of the new Bankruptcy and Insolvency Code, 2016 and its contribution in making India a more desirable location for doing business. It shall also emphasize on the cross-border insolvency issues, practices followed by other countries to resolve the same and the way forward for India to strengthen its Bankruptcy and Insolvency framework.

Keywords: bankruptcy and insolvency code 2016, cross-border insolvency provisions in the 2016 code, Ease of doing business and bankruptcy code, highlights of the new Indian bankruptcy code 2016

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Authors: Opeyemi Awau Adepoju

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The task of nation-building for Nigeria, like other developing nations, has continued to be riddled with audacious challenges that kept threatening to consume the state itself. Among the destabilizing factors that are sometimes mutually reinforcing are poverty and insecurity. Nigeria has been bedeviled with poverty since the onset of the 1980s when the country metamorphosed from an agricultural to an oil-based economy coupled with unbridled political corruption and wasteful management of resources by successive governments. The crippling poverty started manifesting in the scourge of criminalities and a general state of insecurity. Poverty gradually becomes the breeder of insecurity and threats to human life in Nigeria. Interestingly, successive governments tended to recognize the destructive tendencies of poverty and took several interventionist initiatives towards abating or slowing down the spate of poverty so as to reverse the trend of insecurity, but none of those initiatives can be adjudged good or enduring legacies. The emergence of the Buhari administration in 2015 provided a new opportunity to tackle poverty and, in turn, insecurity that had permeated every aspect of national life before that year’s presidential elections. Expectedly, the government took ambitious steps through its innovative ideas of intervention through its National Social Intervention Programmes (NSIP). Therefore, this paper is an assessment of the Buhari administration’s initiatives in poverty eradication in Nigeria as one of its strategies to fight insecurity, and the paper adopted a qualitative approach. The theoretical arguments put up by this paper are with respect to the connection between poverty and insecurity sourced from the theory of Relative Deprivation. The paper found that the Buhari administration has done better than any government since 1999 in inventing a social intervention program and that the poverty of the people has been addressed to a notable extent. However, the problem of politicization of intervention programs has continued to be the practice under the administration, and if this is not abated, the post-Buhari era may as well be like the eras before it. The paper recommends legislation that can make poverty ameliorating programs permanent, at least for some years to come, so as to avoid the usual policy summersault at every instance of political transition, which has limited the sustainability of public policies and indeed hindered nation-building efforts in Nigeria.

Keywords: insecurity, poverty alleviation, public policies, social intervention

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Authors: Dianne Lyneth Alavado

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At the turn of the millennium, development paradigms in the international scene revolved around one goal: elimination of global poverty without comprising human rights. One measure which achieved high endorsement and visibility in the world of work is the Decent Work Agenda (DWA) championed by the United Nation’s (UN) specialized agency for work, the International Labour Organization (ILO). The DWA has been thoroughly promoted and recommended as an ingredient of development planning and a poverty reduction strategy, particularly in developing countries such as the Philippines. The global imperative of economic growth is measurable not only in the numbers raked in by countries in terms of expanding economy but also by the development and realization of the full capacities of their people. Decent work (DW), as an outcome and not just a development approach, promises poverty eradication by means of providing both quantity and quality work that is accompanied by rights, representation, and protection. As a party to these international pacts, the Philippines is expected to heed the call towards a world free from poverty through well-endorsed measures such as the DWA with the aid of multilateral and donor organizations such as the ILO. This study aims to assess the capacity and readiness of the Philippines to achieve the goals of the DWA. This is a qualitative research using the sociological and juridical lens in the desk analysis of existing Philippine laws, policies, and programs vis-à-vis decent work indicators set forth by the ILO. Interview with experts on the Philippine labor situation is conducted for further validation. The paper identifies gaps within the Philippine legal system and its collection of laws, acts, presidential decrees, department orders and other policy instruments aimed towards achieving the goals of the DWA. Among the major findings of this paper are: the predisposition of Philippine labor laws towards the formal sector; the need for alternative solutions for the informal sector veering away from the usual dole-outs and livelihood projects; the needs for evaluation of policies and programs that are usually self-evaluated; the minimal reach of the labour inspectorate which ensures decent work; and the lack of substantial penalty for non-compliance with labor laws. The paper concludes with policy implications and recommendations towards addressing the potholes on the road to Decent Work.

Keywords: decent work agenda, labor laws, millennium development goals, poverty eradication, sustainable development goal

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Authors: Warner Woodworth

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While the explosion of autocratic governments is growing globally, perhaps nowhere is it more obvious than in the United States since 2015. In that nation, democracy is increasingly caving to extreme Right-wing movements, especially after Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden in the 2020 election. Angered by that rejection, he and his support groups that foster extremism began an all-out assault on freedom, beginning with the attack on the US Capitol itself on January 6, 2021. Since then, following Trump’s two presidential impeachments, 34 felony convictions, 88 impending court cases by the Department of Justice, and crimes by some of his most ardent co-conspirators, the rule of law, traditional political values, and even the Constitution became threatened. Now, since his Nov. 5, 2024, campaign victory, the dark clouds of autocracies loom larger every day. To wit: Appointments to Trump’s cabinet are all extremists promising to eliminate major beneficiary citizen programs such as healthcare, civil rights, education, justice, and a massive move to drive millions of immigrants from the country. The political divide is at its highest extreme since the 1861 Civil War between North and South. Autocratization is manifest daily in fake news media, as well as traditional conspiracy organizations such as politically violent motorcycle gangs, the John Birch Society, Eagle Forum, and Anti-Constitutional Sheriffs and other law enforcement groups. Even worse is the expansion of violent groups such as the Proud Boys, Aryan Nations, Patriot Front, White Nationalists, Stormfront, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters, Ku Klux Klan, Moms for Liberty, American Nazi Party, Operation Homeland, Skinhead organizations, America First, Veterans on Patrol, hundreds of militia groups from coast to coast, and of course, hundreds more under the banner of Trump’s movement, ‘Make America Great Again.’ This paper will draw on the author’s decades of researching these groups and Trump's new authoritarian agenda. Qualitative data will include expert analysis from multiple academic disciplines as Americans, and the larger world seek to understand these dangerous U.S. trends and future prospects. The paper concludes by sharing the prospects of America’s future over the next four years, or longer if Trump’s vow to be a dictator is extended.

Keywords: American authoritarianism, trump, fascism, conspiracies, extremism

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Authors: Erni Agustin, Zendy Prameswari

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The Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage was issued by Indonesian Government to replace the old marriage law stipulated in Burgerlijk Wetboek inherited from the Dutch colonial. The Law defines marriage as both physical and mental bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife with the purpose to form a harmonious family based on deity. Marriage shall be conducted when determined requirements are met based on the Law. Article 7 of the Law Number 1 Year 1974 stipulates the minimum age requirement to enter into marriage, which is 19 years for men and 16 years for women. This stipulation is made to make the marriage achieve the true goal to form a happy, eternal and prosperous family. It is expected at that age, each party has a mature soul and physic. However, it is possible for those who have not reached the age to enter into marriage if there is a dispensation granted by the courts or other official designated by the parents of each party in the marriage. As many other countries in the world, Indonesia has serious problems linked with the child or underage marriage. Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest absolute numbers of child marriage. In 2012, a judicial review was filed to the Constitutional Court against the provisions of the minimum age limit in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. The appeal was filed in order to raise the limit of minimum age for women from 16 years to be 18 years. However, the Constitutional Court considered that the provisions on the minimum age in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage is constitutional. At the international level, Indonesia has participated in the formulation of variety of international human rights instrument which have an impact on children, and is a party to a number of them. Indonesia ratified the CRC through Presidential Decree of the Republic of Indonesia Number 36 Year 1990 on 5 September 1990. This paper attempts to analyze three main issues. Firstly, it will scrutinize the ratio legis of the stipulation on minimum age requirement to enter into marriage in the Law Number 1 Year 1974 on Marriage. Secondly, it will discuss the conformity of Indonesian marriage law to the principles and provisions on the CRC. Last, this paper will elaborate the legal measures shall be taken to strengthen the legal protection for children against child marriage. This paper is a doctrinal research using statute, conceptual and historical approaches. This study argues that The Law-making of Indonesian marriage law influenced by religious values that live in Indonesia. With regard to the conformity of Indonesian marriage law with the CRC, Indonesia is facing the issue of the compatibility of its respective national law with the CRC. Therefore, the legal measures that have to be taken are to review and amend the Indonesian Marriage Law to provide better protection for the children against underage marriage.

Keywords: child marriage, children’s rights, indonesian marriage law, underage marriage

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Authors: Adeola Adenikinju, Olusanya E. Olubusoye, Lateef O. Akinpelu, Dilinna L. Nwobi

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Since the enactment of the Fiscal Responsibility Act (2007), the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) has made public its fiscal budget and the subsequent implementation report. A critical review of these documents shows significant variations in the five macroeconomic variables which are inputs in each Presidential budget; oil Production target (mbpd), oil price ($), Foreign exchange rate(N/$), and Gross Domestic Product growth rate (%) and inflation rate (%). This results in underperformance of the Federal budget expected output in terms of non-oil and oil revenue aggregates. This paper evaluates first the existing variance between budgeted and actuals, then the relationship and causality between the determinants of Federal fiscal budget assumptions, and finally the determinants of FGN’s Gross Oil Revenue. The paper employed the use of descriptive statistics, the Autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model, and a Profit oil probabilistic model to achieve these objectives. This model permits for both the static and dynamic effect(s) of the independent variable(s) on the dependent variable, unlike a static model that accounts for static or fixed effect(s) only. It offers a technique for checking the existence of a long-run relationship between variables, unlike other tests of cointegration, such as the Engle-Granger and Johansen tests, which consider only non-stationary series that are integrated of the same order. Finally, even with small sample size, the ARDL model is known to generate a valid result, for it is the dependent variable and is the explanatory variable. The results showed that there is a long-run relationship between oil revenue as a proxy for budget performance and its determinants; oil price, produced oil quantity, and foreign exchange rate. There is a short-run relationship between oil revenue and its determinants; oil price, produced oil quantity, and foreign exchange rate. There is a long-run relationship between non-oil revenue and its determinants; inflation rate, GDP growth rate, and foreign exchange rate. The grangers’ causality test results show that there is a mono-directional causality between oil revenue and its determinants. The Federal budget assumptions only explain 68% of oil revenue and 62% of non-oil revenue. There is a mono-directional causality between non-oil revenue and its determinants. The Profit oil Model describes production sharing contracts, joint ventures, and modified carrying arrangements as the greatest contributors to FGN’s gross oil revenue. This provides empirical justification for the selected macroeconomic variables used in the Federal budget design and performance evaluation. The research recommends other variables, debt and money supply, be included in the Federal budget design to explain the Federal budget revenue performance further.

Keywords: ARDL, budget performance, oil price, oil quantity, oil revenue

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Matt Fullmer, Carol Wilkinson, Keven Prusak, Dennis Eggett, Todd Pennington

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Obesity and chronic health issues are linked to physical inactivity. Physical education (PE) programs in school can play a major role in combating these health-related issues. This study focused on supporting competence through keeping a leisure-time physical activity (LTPA) record as part of PE. Keeping a daily LTPA record may be an effective intervention helping students feel more competent toward exercise, and thus, self-determined (within the context of self-determination theory) to exercise. Little is known about the relationship between daily LTPA records and perceived competence, motivational profiles, and LTPA levels of students enrolled in PE. This study examined the relationship between keeping a daily, online LTPA record and adolescent (a) motivational profiles toward LTPA, (b) perceived competence toward LTPA, and (c) LTPA behaviors. Secondary students (N = 124) in physical education classes completed a baseline questionnaire which consisted of the Behavioural Regulation in Exercise Questionnaire–2, the Perceived Competence Scale, and the Godin Leisure-Time Exercise Questionnaire. For three weeks, the students were assigned to keep the Presidential Active Lifestyle Award Challenge (PALAC) as their online LTPA record. They completed the questionnaire after each week. A 2 (gender) x 4 (trials) repeated measures ANCOVA examined the relationships between recording compliance and motivation, perceived competence, and physical activity. Results showed that recording compliance was not a significant predictor of perceived competence to participate in LTPA. Examining motivational factors, a significant interaction between recording compliance and introjected regulation was found. The more students recorded the less motivated they were by guilt or obligation to exercise in their leisure-time. Also, a significant interaction was found between recording compliance and intrinsic regulation, indicating that the more students recorded the more intrinsically motivated they were to exercise in their leisure-time. Lastly, there was a significant interaction between recording compliance and LTPA. As students kept the LTPA record, girls’ LTPA levels significantly decreased and boys’ LTPA levels significantly increased. The key findings are that, as implemented in this study: a) the lack of PALAC compliance suggests that daily LTPA records may NOT be the most effective intervention for this population, b) keeping a daily LTPA record did NOT help students feel more competent to exercise in their leisure-time, c) a daily LTPA record may help students move towards being more self-determined in their feelings towards LTPA, and d) the outcome of keeping a LTPA record on LTPA behavior is statistically significant, although actual differences may not be practically important.

Keywords: behavioural regulation in exercise questionnaire–2, Godin leisure–time exercise questionnaire, online physical activity log, perceived competence scale, self-determination theory

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