Commenced in January 2007
Frequency: Monthly
Edition: International
Paper Count: 65

Search results for: protest

65 Protest Poetry in South Africa: A Study of Oswald Mbuyiseni Mtshali’s Sounds of a Cowhide Drum

Authors: Ogbu Harry Omilonye


This paper examines protest as a literary mechanism against the unpopular political policy of the white minority regime in South Africa. It examines some of Mtshali’s poems as examples of protest poetry, showing how he deploys his artistic acumen in the popular struggle of the oppressed South Africans against the aberrations and obnoxious apartheid policy.

Keywords: protest poetry, poems, minority, oppression

Procedia PDF Downloads 408
64 Podemos Party Origin: From Social Protest to Spanish Parliament

Authors: Víctor Manuel Muñoz-Sánchez, Antonio Manuel Pérez-Flores


This paper analyzes the institutionalization of social protest in Spain. In the current crisis Podemos party seems to represent the political positions of the most affected citizens by the economic situation. It studies using quantitative techniques (statistical bivariate analysis), focusing on the exploitation of several bases of statistics data from the Center for Sociological and Research of Spanish Government, 15M movement characterization to its institutionalization in the Podemos party. Making a comparison between the participant's profile by the 15M and the social bases of Podemos votes. Data on the transformation of the socio-demographic profile of the fans, connoisseurs and 15M participants and voters are given.

Keywords: collective action, emerging parties, political parties, social protest

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63 Support for and Participation in 'Spontaneous' Mass Protest in Iceland: The Moderating Effects of Biographical Availability, Critical Mass, and Social Embeddedness

Authors: Jon Gunnar Bernburg


The present study addresses a topic that is fundamental to social movement theory, namely, the contingent link between movement support and movement participation. Usually, only a small fraction of those who agree with the cause of a social movement is mobilized into participating in it (a pattern sometimes referred to as 'the collective action problem'). However, historical moments sometimes emerge when many supporters become mobilized to participate in the movement, greatly enhancing the chance of movement success. By studying a case in point, this paper addresses the limited work on how support and participation are related at such critical moments. Specifically, the paper examines the association between supporting and participating in a huge 'pro-democracy' protest in Iceland in April 2016, in the wake of the global Panama Papers scandal. Organized via social media by only a handful of activists, but supported by a majority of Icelanders, the protest attracted about a fourth of the urban population, leading to a snap election and government change. Surveying Iceland’s urban population, this paper tests hypotheses about the processes mobilizing supporters to participate in the protest. The findings reveal how variables derived from the theories of biographical availability (males vs. females, working class vs. professionals), critical mass (expectations, prior protest success), and social embeddedness (close ties with protesters) moderate the association between protest support and participation. The study helps to account for one of the largest protests in Iceland’s history while contributing to the theory about how historical contexts shape the behavior of movement supporters.

Keywords: Iceland, crisis, protest support vs. participation, theories of mass mobilization

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62 The Politics of Disruption: Disrupting Polity to Influence Policy in Nigeria

Authors: Okechukwu B. C. Nwankwo


The surge of social protests sweeping through the globe is a contemporary phenomenon. Yet the phenomenon in itself is not new. Thus, various scholars have over the years developed conceptual frameworks for evaluating it. Adopting and adapting some of these frameworks this paper begins from a purely theoretical perspective exploring the concept and content of social protest within the specific context of Nigeria. It proceeds to build a typology of the phenomenon in terms of form, actors, origin, character, organisation, goal, dynamics, outcome and a whole lot of other variables that are context relevant for evaluating it in an operationally useful manner. The centrality of the context in which protest evolves is demonstrated. Adopting Easton’s systems theory, the paper builds on the assumption that protests emerge whenever and wherever political institutions and structures prove unable or unwilling to transform inputs in form of basic demands into outputs in form of responsive policies. It argues that protests in Nigeria are simply the crystallisation of opposition in the streets. Protests are thus extra-institutional politics. This is usually the case, as elsewhere, where there is no functional institutionalised opposition. Noting that protest, disruptive or otherwise, is an influence strategy, it argues that every single protest is a new opportunity for reform, for reorganisation of state capacities, for modifying rights and obligation of citizens and government to each other. Each reform outcome is, however, only a temporal antecedent. Its extensity gives signal for the next similar protest event. Through providing evidence on how protests in Nigeria create opportunity for reform, for more accountable, more effective governance, the paper shows the positive impact of protests and its importance even in the consolidation effort for the nation’s nascent democracy. Data on protest events will be based on media reports, especially print media.

Keywords: democracy, dialectics, social protest, reform

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61 The Mobilizing Role of Moral Obligation and Collective Action Frames in Two Types of Protest

Authors: Monica Alzate, Marcos Dono, Jose Manuel Sabucedo


As long as collective action and its predictors constitute a big body of work in the field of political psychology, context-dependent studies and moral variables are a relatively new issue. The main goal of this presentation is to examine the differences in the predictors of collective action when taking into account two different types of protest, and also focus on the role of moral obligation as a predictor of collective action. To do so, we sampled both protesters and non-protesters from two mobilizations (N=376; N=563) of different nature (catalan Independence, and an 'indignados' march) and performed a logistic regression and a 2x2 MANOVA analysis. Results showed that the predictive variables that were more discriminative between protesters and non-protesters were identity, injustice, efficacy and moral obligation for the catalan Diada and injustice and moral obligation for the 'indignados'. Also while the catalans scored higher in the identification and efficacy variables, the indignados did so in injustice and moral obligation. Differences are evidenced between two types of collective action that coexist within the same protest cycle. The frames of injustice and moral obligation gain strength in the post-2010 mobilizations, a fact probably associated with the combination of materialist and post-materialist values that distinguish the movement. All of this emphasizes the need of studying protest from a contextual point of view. Besides, moral obligation emerges as key predictor of collective action engagement.

Keywords: collective action, identity, moral obligation, protest

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60 Contentious Politics during a Period of Transition to Democracy from an Authoritarian Regime: The Spanish Cycle of Protest of November 1975-December 1978

Authors: Juan Sanmartín Bastida


When a country experiences a period of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, involving an earlier process of political liberalization and a later process of democratization, a cycle of protest usually outbreaks, as there is a reciprocal influence between that kind of political change and the frequency and scale of social protest events. That is what happened in Spain during the first years of its transition to democracy from the Francoist authoritarian regime, roughly between November 1975 and December 1978. Thus, the object of this study is to show and explain how that cycle of protest started, developed, and finished in relation to such a political change, and offer specific information about the main features of all protest cycles: the social movements that arose during that period, the number of protest events by month, the forms of collective action that were utilized, the groups of challengers that engaged in contentious politics, the reaction of the authorities to the action and claims of those groups, etc. The study of this cycle of protest, using the primary sources and analytical tools that characterize the model of research of protest cycles, will make a contribution to the field of contentious politics and its phenomenon of cycles of contention, and more broadly to the political and social history of contemporary Spain. The cycle of protest and the process of political liberalization of the authoritarian regime began around the same time, but the first concluded long before the process of democratization was completed in 1982. The ascending phase of the cycle and therefore the process of liberalization started with the death of Francisco Franco and the proclamation of Juan Carlos I as King of Spain in November 1975; the peak of the cycle was around the first months of 1977; the descending phase started after the first general election of June 1977; and the level of protest stabilized in the last months of 1978, a year that finished with a referendum in which the Spanish people approved the current democratic constitution. It was then when we can consider that the cycle of protest came to an end. The primary sources are the news of protest events and social movements in the three main Spanish newspapers at the time, other written or audiovisual documents, and in-depth interviews; and the analytical tools are the political opportunities that encourage social protest, the available repertoire of contention, the organizations and networks that brought together people with the same claims and allowed them to engage in contentious politics, and the interpretative frames that justify, dignify and motivates their collective action. These are the main four factors that explain the beginning, development and ending of the cycle of protest, and therefore the accompanying social movements and events of collective action. Among those four factors, the political opportunities -their opening, exploitation, and closure-proved to be most decisive.

Keywords: contentious politics, cycles of protest, political opportunities, social movements, Spanish transition to democracy

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59 'It’s a Very, Very New Old South Africa…': Exploring Some Race, Corruption and Protest Issues in Zakes Mda’s 'Our Lady of Benoni'

Authors: Bongani Clearance Thela


It seems that theatre remains a practical method for mobilising people and their ideologies; and South African literature has strengthened over the years as a result of the events which took place during both the Apartheid and Post-Apartheid eras. Hence, the problem noted in this study is that, generally, many people seem to believe that the issues which were a concern during Apartheid times in South Africa no longer exist in Post-Apartheid South Africa, whereas, it is seems that they still do. Post-Apartheid playwrights such as Zakes Mda among others, explore these issues in their works. There are common themes between the two periods, for this reason, distinction can only be drawn in terms of the context. Therefore, this study explores solutions offered by the themes of protest, corruption and race in Zakes Mda’s Our Lady of Benoni. The study uses real events and Mda’s play to reveal that there is a reinvention of Apartheid times’ issues into Post-Apartheid times’ issues. Moreover, the theme of race is explored with reference to class issues. Also, the study aims at highlighting some distinctions between the Apartheid period and Post-Apartheid period as shown by the playwright, Zakes Mda’s fictitious version as seen in some of his characters in the play. Theatre in general has always protested, it is either against an issue or for an issue; therefore, this paper will also explore the various ways in which the theme of protest is undertaken in the study of theatre. Respectively, the paper looks in the literal protest found in Mda’s Our Lady of Benoni in order to provide critical understanding with regard to the notion undertaken in this study. The paper goes on to provide an alternative discussion of the theme of protest; it critically evaluates issues such as corruption and race in terms of class that the playwright, Mda addresses in his play. In conclusion, this paper will use other relevant examples other than Mda’s drama, Our Lady of Benoni, in order to prove that there is a reinvention of Apartheid issues in Post-Apartheid issues in South Africa.

Keywords: protest, corruption, race, class

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58 Content Analysis of Images Shared on Twitter during 2017 Iranian Protests

Authors: Maryam Esfandiari, Bohdan Fridrich


On December 28, 2017, a wave of protests erupted in several Iranian cities. Protesters demonstrated against the president, Hasan Rohani, and theocratical nature of the regime. Iran has a recent history with protest movements, such as Green Movement responsible for demonstrations after 2009 Iranian presidential election. However, the 2017/2018 protests differ from the previous ones in terms of organization and agenda. The events show little to no central organization and seem as being sparked by grass root movements and by citizens’ fatigue of government corruption, authoritarianism, and economic problems of the country. Social media has played important role in communicating the protests to the outside world and also in general coordination. By using content analyses, this paper analyzes the visual content of Twitter posts published during the protests. It aims to find the correlation between their decentralized nature and nature of the tweets – either emotionally arousing or efficiency-elicit. Pictures are searched by hashtags and coded by their content, such as ‘crowds,’ ‘protest activities,’ ‘symbols of unity,’ ‘violence,’ ‘iconic figures,’ etc. The study determines what type of content prevails and what type is the most impactful in terms of reach. This study contributes to understanding the role of social media both as a tool and a space in protest organization and portrayal in countries with limited Internet access.

Keywords: twitter, Iran, collective action, protest

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57 Social Movements and the Diffusion of Tactics and Repertoires: Activists' Network in Anti-Globalism Movement

Authors: Kyoko Tominaga


Non-Government Organizations (NGOs), Non-Profit Organizations (NPOs), Social Enterprises and other actors play an important role in political decisions in governments at the international levels. Especially, such organizations’ and activists’ network in civil society is quite important to effect to the global politics. To solve the complex social problems in global era, diverse actors should corporate each other. Moreover, network of protesters is also contributes to diffuse tactics, information and other resources of social movements. Based on the findings from the study of International Trade Fairs (ITFs), the author analyzes the network of activists in anti-globalism movement. This research focuses the transition of 54 activists’ whole network in the “protest event” against 2008 G8 summit in Japan. Their network is examined at the three periods: Before protest event phase, during protest event phase and after event phase. A mixed method is used in this study: the author shows the hypothesis from social network analysis and evaluates that with interview data analysis. This analysis gives the two results. Firstly, the more protesters participate to the various events during the protest event, the more they build the network. After that, active protesters keep their network as well. From interview data, we can understand that the active protesters can build their network and diffuse the information because they communicate with other participants and understand that diverse issues are related. This paper comes to same conclusion with previous researches: protest events activate the network among the political activists. However, some participants succeed to build their network, others do not. “Networked” activists are participated in the various events for short period of time and encourage the diffusion of information and tactics of social movements.

Keywords: social movement, global justice movement, tactics, diffusion

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56 Gold, Power, Protest, Examining How Digital Media and PGIS are Used to Protest the Mining Industry in Colombia

Authors: Doug Specht


This research project sought to explore the links between digital media, PGIS and social movement organisations in Tolima, Colombia. The primary aim of the research was to examine how knowledge is created and disseminated through digital media and GIS in the region, and whether there exists the infrastructure to allow for this. The second strand was to ascertain if this has had a significant impact on the way grassroots movements work and produce collective actions. The third element is a hypothesis about how digital media and PGIS could play a larger role in activist activities, particularly in reference to the extractive industries. Three theoretical strands have been brought together to provide a basis for this research, namely (a) the politics of knowledge, (b) spatial management and inclusion, and (c) digital media and political engagement. Quantitative data relating to digital media and mobile internet use was collated alongside qualitative data relating to the likelihood of using digital media in activist campaigns, with particular attention being given to grassroots movements working against extractive industries in the Tolima region of Colombia. Through interviews, surveys and GIS analysis it has been possible to build a picture of online activism and the role of PPGIS within protest movement in the region of Tolima, Colombia. Results show a gap between the desires of social movements to use digital media and the skills and finances required to implement programs that utilise it. Maps and GIS are generally reserved for legal cases rather than for informing the lay person. However, it became apparent that the combination of digital/social media and PPGIS could play a significant role in supporting the work of grassroots movements.

Keywords: PGIS, GIS, social media, digital media, mining, colombia, social movements, protest

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55 Building Environmental Citizenship in Spain: Urban Movements and Ecologist Protest in Las Palmas De Gran Canaria, 1970-1983

Authors: Juan Manuel Brito-Diaz


The emergence of urban environmentalism in Spain is related to the processes of economic transformation and growing urbanization that occurred during the end of the Franco regime and the democratic transition. This paper analyzes the urban environmental mobilizations and their impacts as relevant democratizing agents in the processes of political change in cities. It’s an under-researched topic and studies on environmental movements in Spain have paid little attention to it. This research takes as its starting point the close link between democratization and environmentalism, since it considers that environmental conflicts are largely a consequence of democratic problems, and that the impacts of environmental movements are directly linked to the democratization. The study argues that the environmental movements that emerged in Spain at the end of the dictatorship and the democratic transition are an important part of the broad and complex associative fabric that promoted the democratization process. The research focuses on investigating the environmental protest in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria—the most important city in the Canary Islands—between 1970 and 1983, concurrently with the last local governments of the dictatorship and the first democratic city councils. As it is a case study, it opens up the possibility to ask multiple specific questions and assess each of the responses obtained. Although several research methodologies have been applied, such as the analysis of historical archives documentation or oral history interviews, mainly a very widespread methodology in the sociology of social movements, although very little used by social historians, has been used: the Protest Event Analysis (PEA). This methodology, which consists of generating a catalog of protest events by coding data around previously established variables, has allowed me to map, analyze and interpret the occurrence of protests over time and space, and associated factors, through content analysis. For data collection, news from local newspapers have provided a large enough sample to analyze the properties of social protest -frequency, size, demands, forms, organizers, etc.—and relate them to another type of information related to political structures and mobilization repertoires, encouraging the establishment of connections between the protest and the political impacts of urban movements. Finally, the study argues that the environmental movements of this period were essential to the construction of the new democratic city in Spain, not only because they established the issues of sustainability and urban environmental justice on the public agenda, but also because they proposed that conflicts derived from such matters should ultimately be resolved through public deliberation and citizen participation.

Keywords: democratization, environmental movements, political impacts, social movements

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54 Participants’ Perception and a Student Protest of Peking University in 2014

Authors: Ruanzhenghao Shi


Student movements have persisted in mainland China, especially in elite universities since the Tiananmen Prodemocracy Movement, contrary to the lack of studies on them. However, the participants' repertoire, mobilization and mode of interaction with authorities are vastly different from their predecessors in the 1980s as well as their western counterparts. In most of the cases, agents, cognizant of the high cost of action and their vulnerability to the authorities, consciously curtailed certain repertoire and themes of resistance. Thus these movements, without appreciable organized force, were self-interested, fragmentally mobilized, lowly integrated and limited within the campus. This study documents the 2014 protest against Yanching Academy program at Peking University, a top-tier Chinese university that played the leading role in the 1989 protest. The 2014 case is different from abovementioned trend of submissive resistance in the last twenty years, insofar as it is a value-oriented and emotion-driven collective action with the resurgence of some repertoire. The participants perceived the university's contemporary ineffectiveness and clumsiness in control and administration, higher Party authorities' indifference to less-political themes, and an increasing number of potential advocates, including students, intellectuals and social media. It shows that resisters' perception of their relative strength to their opponents - in this case, the university and its system for controlling students - under specific circumstances, not merely political opportunities or institutional changes, stimulates the participants and thus contributes to the mobilization and organization of a collective action, even under severe social control.

Keywords: collective action, China, university students, resistance

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53 Development of an Instrument Assessing Participants’ Motivation on Assigning Monetary Value to Quality of Life

Authors: Afentoula Mavrodi, Andreas Georgiou, Georgios Tsiotras, Vassilis Aletras


Placing a monetary value on a quality-adjusted-life-year (QALY) is of utmost importance in economic evaluation. Identifying the population’s preferences is critical in order to understand some of the reasons driving variations in the assigned monetary value. Yet, evidence of the motives behind value assignment to a QALY by the general public is limited. Developing an instrument that would capture the population’s motives could be proven valuable to policy-makers, to guide them in allocating different values to a QALY based on users’ motivations. The aim of this study was to identify the most relevant motives and develop an appropriate instrument to assess them. To design the instrument, we employed: a) the EQ-5D-3L tool to assess participants’ current health status, and b) the Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) approach, within the Contingent Valuation (CV) Method framework, to elicit the monetary value. Advancing the open-ended approach adopted to assess solely protest bidders’ motives; a variety of follow-up item-specific statements were designed (deductive approach), aiming to evaluate motives of both protest bidders and participants willing to pay for the hypothetical treatment under consideration. The initial design of the survey instrument was the outcome of an extensive literature review. This instrument was revised based on 15 semi-structured interviews that took place in September 2018 and a pilot study held during two months (October-November) in 2018. Individuals with different educational, occupational and economical backgrounds and adequate verbal skills were recruited to complete the semi-structured interviews. The follow-up motivation statements of both protest bidders and those willing to pay were revised and rephrased after the semi-structured interviews. In total 4 statements for protest bidders and 3 statements for those willing to pay for the treatment were chosen to be included in the survey tool. Using the CATI (Computer Assisted Telephone Interview) method, a randomly selected sample of 97 persons living in Thessaloniki, Greece, completed the questionnaire on two occasions over a period of 4 weeks. Based on pilot study results, a test-retest reliability assessment was performed using the intra-class correlation coefficient (ICC). All statements formulated for protest bidders showed acceptable reliability (ICC values of 0.84 (95% CI: 0.67, 0.92) and above). Similarly, all statements for those willing to pay for the treatment showed high reliability (ICC values of 0.86 (95% CI: 0.78, 0.91) and above). Overall, the instrument designed in this study was reliable with regards to the item-specific statements assessing participants’ motivation. Validation of the instrument will take place in a future study. For a holistic WTP per QALY instrument, participants’ motivation must be addressed broadly. The instrument developed in this study captured a variety of motives and provided insight with regards to the method through which the latter are evaluated. Last but not least, it extended motive assessment to all study participants and not only protest bidders.

Keywords: contingent valuation method, instrument, motives, quality-adjusted life-year, willingness-to-pay

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52 Media Response to Kashmir Conflict: How Press Differed in Highlighting Protest Shutdowns between 1990-2010

Authors: Danish Gadda


Kashmir has been a bleeding-spot in the South Asian politics since 1947 when the subcontinent was bifurcated into Hindu, India and Muslim Pakistan by the departing British colonisers. Kashmir couldn’t accede to either of the two new-born, sovereign nations until tribal invasion from Pakistan forced an unfortunate change of events. India, driven by conditional accession signed by the Kashmir’s last monarch, sent its army to defend Kashmir Valley, with a promise, made subsequently, that the region’s fate would be decided by the natives through an internationally-monitored plebiscite. The country, however, broke its promise, choosing not to withdraw its military to allow the plebiscite, and, instead, strengthened its claim over Kashmir, which it later started describing as her integral part. War, fought in the shape of three and a half bloody battles, ensued between India and Pakistan, even as the United Nations’ intervention managed a ceasefire as early as in the 1950s, though not before Kashmir had come to be divided into its India-controlled and Pakistan-controlled halves. Prolonged, the dispute over Kashmir took a violent turn in 1989-90 with the start of an anti-India armed rebellion. Kashmiris have been fighting for their right to self-determination, and bringing their own life to a grinding halt has been one of their preferred forms of protest against the Indian rule. This form of resistance is locally called ‘Hartals’, and recognised as shutdowns, which have often been prolonged and violent. Since 1989-90, the shutdowns have become only more frequent and forceful, and there are marked days on which Kashmir shuts down in protest every year, like a ritual. This paper is based on a study of how the Indian and Kashmir press covered the shutdowns observed in the troubled valley on four such days: January 26 (Indian Republic Day), February 11 (the day on which India executed a prominent Kashmiri resistance leader), August 15 (India’s Independence Day), and October 27 (the day on which the Indian military has landed in Kashmir). The coverage given by the Indian and Kashmiri press to the shutdowns observed on these days has been studied using the multi-tier content analysis approach: 1) Difference in the number of shutdowns covered by the two section is looked at, 2) the placement of the stories in the two section of the press is analysed, 3) the discourse highlighted by the two section of the press is compared, and 4) the editorials written by the two section of the press about the shutdowns are analysed. The findings show the Indian and the local press have been focussing on the two, predictable extremes of the situation: the Indian press has favoured the state, while the Kashmir or the local press has focussed on the narrative opposing the state’s. The difference is noticed in the quantitative as well as the qualitative aspects of their coverage.

Keywords: Indo-Pak tension, Kashmir conflict, protest shutdowns, South-Asian politics

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51 Black Protests in Poland: Analysis of Women's Movement in Poland, 2016-2018

Authors: Aneta Ostaszewska


The purpose of this research is to reflect on 'black protests' of women in Poland. 'Black protests' have been organized nationwide since October 2016 as a sign of opposition and resistance to anti-women government’s policy and its attempts to exacerbate abortion law. Women protest not only in the biggest cities (Warsaw, Cracow or Wroclaw) but in over 140 towns and villages all over Poland. The research represents qualitative methodological approach – an active research method. It has involved the observation, description, and analysis of 'black protests' carried out mainly in Warsaw (the capital of Poland). The focus has been on behavior and attitudes of protesting women: protesters’ slogans, statements, and views, the ways of dressing up, ways of participating and involvement in protests. Research also involves the analysis of social media discourse: the analysis of content published by women on social media. Black protests are an example of a grassroots social initiative of women in Poland. What unites women is opposition to government policy. The primary space of communication has become the Internet – especially social media (Facebook). A new social movement 'Dziewuchy dziewuchom' (Girls for girls) has been born as well as organization of 'Ogolnopolski Strajk Kobiet' (Nationwide women's strike) as a result of 'black protest'. These protests and marches became a way of emphasizing women’s subjectivity as well as political and civic activity.

Keywords: women, black protests, communitas, experience, Poland, abortion law

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50 A Retrospective Study of the Effects of Xenophobia on South Africa-Nigeria Relations

Authors: O. Fayomi, F. Chidozie, C. Ayo


The underlying causes of xenophobia are complex and varied. Xenophobia has to do with being contemptuous of that which is foreign, especially of strangers or of people from different countries or cultures. Unemployment and mounting poverty among South Africans at the bottom of the economic ladder have provoked fears of the competition that better educated and experienced migrants can represent. South Africa’s long track-record of violence as a means of protest and the targeting of foreigners in particular, and, the documented tensions over migration policy and the scale of repatriation serve a very good explanation for its xenophobia. It was clear that while most of the attacks were directed against foreign, primarily African, migrants, this was not the rule. Attacks were also noted against Chinese-speakers, Pakistani migrants as well as against South Africans from minority language groups (in the conflict areas). Settlements that have recently experienced the expression of ‘xenophobic’ violence have also been the site of violent and other forms of protest around other issues, most notably service delivery. The failure of government in service delivery was vexed on this form of xenophobia. Due to the increase in migration, this conflict is certainly not temporary in nature. Xenophobia manifests in different regions and communities with devastating effects on the affected nationals. Nigerians living in South Africa have been objects of severe attacks and assault as a result of this xenophobic attitude. It is against this background that this study seeks to investigate the xenophobic attacks against Nigerians in South Africa. The methodology is basically qualitative with the use of secondary sources such as books, journals, newspapers and internet sources.

Keywords: xenophobia, unemployment, poverty, Nigeria, South Africa

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49 People Vote with Their Feet: The 'Parallel Polis' in South Africa as a Reaction to the Neo-Patrimonial State

Authors: A. Kok


The South African experience of the general upsurge in protest movements internationally is characterised by a tension between a neo-patrimonial state on the one hand, and a society with growing middle-class needs and interests on the other. This tension translates into local community service delivery protests – often violent in nature – that have been steadily increasing in number since 2008, student uprisings that have reached their height in October 2015, and various continuing local social #MustFall movements that are geared towards addressing government corruption and transforming neo-liberal structures. As a result, growing citizen (and non-citizen) revolt in South Africa has seen the (i) creeping securitization of the neo-patrimonial state and (ii) the 'top-down' misuse of a current 'bottom-up' people’s ideology, decoloniality, in an attempt by a faction in the ruling party (representing the neo-patrimonial state) to legitimize its actions and consolidate its power. The neo-patrimonial state’s creeping securitization and ideological positioning lead to a further mistrust of public institutions, people’s disengagement with traditional politics, and the creation of a 'parallel polis' by citizens and non-citizens that bypasses the official and oftentimes corrupt structures of the state. By applying the concept 'parallel polis' – originally developed by Václav Benda in connection with the movement Charter 77 in former Czechoslovakia – to a South African case study, it is illustrated that, even in the absence of overt oppression and the use of terror by a ruling elite, entrenched neo-patrimonialism can be potent enough to fuel the creation of various independent parallel public spheres (or, as a whole, understood as a 'parallel polis') to bypass dysfunctional state channels. A flourishing parallel polis offers possibilities for political, social and economic renewal. This is especially relevant in the consolidation of South Africa’s relatively young democracy.

Keywords: decoloniality, neo-patrimonialism, 'parallel polis', protest movements, South Africa, state securitization

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48 Exploring Twitter Data on Human Rights Activism on Olympics Stage through Social Network Analysis and Mining

Authors: Teklu Urgessa, Joong Seek Lee


Social media is becoming the primary choice of activists to make their voices heard. This fact is coupled by two main reasons. The first reason is the emergence web 2.0, which gave the users opportunity to become content creators than passive recipients. Secondly the control of the mainstream mass media outlets by the governments and individuals with their political and economic interests. This paper aimed at exploring twitter data of network actors talking about the marathon silver medalists on Rio2016, who showed solidarity with the Oromo protesters in Ethiopia on the marathon race finish line when he won silver. The aim is to discover important insight using social network analysis and mining. The hashtag #FeyisaLelisa was used for Twitter network search. The actors’ network was visualized and analyzed. It showed the central influencers during first 10 days in August, were international media outlets while it was changed to individual activist in September. The degree distribution of the network is scale free where the frequency of degrees decay by power low. Text mining was also used to arrive at meaningful themes from tweet corpus about the event selected for analysis. The semantic network indicated important clusters of concepts (15) that provided different insight regarding the why, who, where, how of the situation related to the event. The sentiments of the words in the tweets were also analyzed and indicated that 95% of the opinions in the tweets were either positive or neutral. Overall, the finding showed that Olympic stage protest of the marathoner brought the issue of Oromo protest to the global stage. The new research framework is proposed based for event-based social network analysis and mining based on the practical procedures followed in this research for event-based social media sense making.

Keywords: human rights, Olympics, social media, network analysis, social network ming

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47 The Beacon of Collective Hope: Mixed Method Study on the Participation of Indian Youth with Regard to Mass Demonstrations Fueled by Social Activism Media

Authors: Akanksha Lohmore, Devanshu Arya, Preeti Kapur


Rarely does the human mind look at the positive fallout of highly negative events. Positive psychology attempts to emphasize on the strengths and positives for human well-being. The present study examines the underpinning socio-cognitive factors of the protest movements regarding the gang rape case of December 16th, 2012 through the lens of positive psychology. A gamut of negative emotions came to the forum globally: of anger, shame, hatred, violence, death penalty for the perpetrators, amongst other equally strong. In relation to this incident, a number of questions can be raised. Can such a heinous crime have some positive inputs for contemporary society? What is it that has held people to protests for long even when they see faded lines of success in view? This paper explains the constant feeding of protests and continuation of movements by the robust model of Collective Hope by Snyder, a phenomenon unexplored by social psychologists. In this paper, mixed method approach was undertaken. Results confirmed the interaction of various socio-psychological factors that imitated the Snyders model of collective hope. Emergence of major themes was: Sense of Agency, Sense of Worthiness, Social Sharing and Common Grievances and Hope of Collective Efficacy. Statistical analysis (correlation and regression) showed significant relationship between media usage and occurrence of these themes among participants. Media-communication processes and educational theories for development of citizenship behavior can find implications from these results. Theory development as indicated by theorists working in the area of Social Psychology of Protests can be furthered by the direction of research.

Keywords: agency, collective, hope, positive psychology, protest, social media

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46 Decoding the Construction of Identity and Struggle for Self-Assertion in Toni Morrison and Selected Indian Authors

Authors: Madhuri Goswami


The matrix of power establishes the hegemonic dominance and supremacy of one group through exercising repression and relegation upon the other. However, the injustice done to any race, ethnicity, or caste has instigated the protest and resistance through various modes -social campaigns, political movements, literary expression and so on. Consequently, the search for identity, the means of claiming it and strive for recognition have evolved as the persistent phenomena all through the world. In the discourse of protest and minority literature, these two discourses -African American and Indian Dalit- surprisingly, share wrath and anger, hope and aspiration, and quest for identity and struggle for self-assertion. African American and Indian Dalit are two geographically and culturally apart communities that stand together on a single platform. This paper has sought to comprehend the form and investigate the formation of identity in general and in the literary work of Toni Morrison and Indian Dalit writing, particular, i.e., Black identity and Dalit identity. The study has speculated two types of identity, namely, individual or self and social or collective identity in the literary province of these marginalized literature. Morrison’s work outsources that self-identity is not merely a reflection of an inner essence; it is constructed through social circumstances and relations. Likewise, Dalit writings too have a fair record of discovery of self-hood and formation of identity, which connects to the realization of self-assertion and worthiness of their culture among Dalit writers. Bama, Pawar, Limbale, Pawde, and Kamble investigate their true self concealed amid societal alienation. The study has found that the struggle for recognition is, in fact, the striving to become the definer, instead of just being defined; and, this striving eventually, leads to the introspection among them. To conclude, Morrison as well as Indian marginalized authors, despite being set quite distant, communicate the relation between individual and community in the context of self-consciousness, self-identification and (self) introspection. This research opens a scope for further research to find out similar phenomena and trace an analogy in other world literatures.

Keywords: identity, introspection, self-access, struggle for recognition

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45 Dao Din Student Activists: From Hope to Victims under the Thai Society of Darkness

Authors: Siwach Sripokangkul, Autthapon Muangming


The Dao Din group is a gathering of students from the Faculty of Law, Khon Kaen University, a leading university in the northeast of Thailand. The Dao Din group has been one of the most prominent student movements in the past four decades since the bloody massacre of the 6th of October 1976. The group of student is a movement who gather to oppose and protest against different capitalist-run projects that have impacted upon the environment since 2009. The students have become heroes in Thai society and receive support from various groups, especially the middle class who regard the students as role models for the youth. Subsequently, the Dao Din group has received numerous awards between 2011-2013. However, the Dao Din group opposed the military coup d’état of 2014 and the subsequent military junta. Under the military dictatorship regime (2014-present), security officials have hunted, insulted, arrested, and jailed members of the group many times amidst silence from most of the from the middle class. Therefore, this article posits the question of why the Dao Din group which was once the hero and hope of Thai society, has become a political victim in only a few years. The study methods used are the analysis of documentaries, news articles, and interviews with representatives of the Dao Din group. The author argues that Thailand’s middle class previously demonstrated a positive perception of the Dao Din group precisely because that group had earlier opposed policies of the elected Yingluck Shinawatra government, which most of the middle class already despised. However, once the Dao Din group began to protest against the anti-Yingluck military government, then the middle class turned to harshly criticize the Dao Din group. So it can be concluded that the Thai middle class tends to put its partisan interests ahead of a civil society group which has been critical of elected as well as military administrations. This has led the middle class to support the demolishing of Thai democracy. Such a Thai middle-class characteristic not only poses a strong bulwark for the perpetuation of military rule but also destroys a civil society group (composed of young people) who should be the future hope of the nation rather than under the Thai society of darkness.

Keywords: Dao Din student activists, the military coup d’état of 2014, Thai politics, human rights violations

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44 The Representations of Protesters in the UK National Daily Press: Pro- And Anti- Brexit Demonstrations 2016-2019

Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy


In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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43 Indian Women’s Inner-World and Female Protest in Githa Hariharan's Novel ‘The Thousand Faces of Night’

Authors: Hanaa Sameen Ameen Bajilan


Gender statuses are inherently unequal; it is difficult to establish equality between men and women in the light of traditional inequalities across the world. This research focuses on the similarities and differences among women from different generations different kinds of educational backgrounds and highlights the conflict experiences of the characters in Githa Hariharan's novel ‘The Thousand Faces of Night’ The purpose is to show how women are suffering and are being humiliated in a male-dominated society. The paper depicts how women in India grapple from male domination aggressiveness as well as the cultural, social and religious controlling in the society they live in. The paper also seeks to explore the importance of Knowledge as a powerful component that produces positive effects at the level of desire. The paper is based on the theories of Simone Beauvoir, Pierre Bourdieu, Edward Said, Rene Descartes and Amy Bhatt. Finally, the paper emphasizes on survival against hegemonic regimes and Indian women's hope for a better life.

Keywords: equality, gender, Githa Hariharan, humiliation

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42 Ascribing Identities and Othering: A Multimodal Discourse Analysis of a BBC Documentary on YouTube

Authors: Shomaila Sadaf, Margarethe Olbertz-Siitonen


This study looks at identity and othering in discourses around sensitive issues in social media. More specifically, the study explores the multimodal resources and narratives through which the other is formed, and identities are ascribed in online spaces. As an integral part of social life, media spaces have become an important site for negotiating and ascribing identities. In line with recent research, identity is seen hereas constructions of belonging which go hand in hand with processes of in- and out-group formations that in some cases may lead to othering. Previous findings underline that identities are neither fixed nor limited but rather contextual, intersectional, and interactively achieved. The goal of this study is to explore and develop an understanding of how people co-construct the ‘other’ and ascribe certain identities in social media using multiple modes. In the beginning of the year 2018, the British government decided to include relationships, sexual orientation, and sex education into the curriculum of state funded primary schools. However, the addition of information related to LGBTQ+in the curriculum has been met with resistance, particularly from religious parents.For example, the British Muslim community has voiced their concerns and protested against the actions taken by the British government. YouTube has been used by news companies to air video stories covering the protest and narratives of the protestors along with the position ofschool officials. The analysis centers on a YouTube video dealing with the protest ofa local group of parents against the addition of information about LGBTQ+ in the curriculum in the UK. The video was posted in 2019. By the time of this study, the videos had approximately 169,000 views andaround 6000 comments. In deference to multimodal nature of YouTube videos, this study utilizes multimodal discourse analysis as a method of choice. The study is still ongoing and therefore has not yet yielded any final results. However, the initial analysis indicates a hierarchy of ascribing identities in the data. Drawing on multimodal resources, the media works with social categorizations throughout the documentary, presenting and classifying involved conflicting parties in the light of their own visible and audible identifications. The protesters can be seen to construct a strong group identity as Muslim parents (e.g., clothing and reference to shared values). While the video appears to be designed as a documentary that puts forward facts, the media does not seem to succeed in taking a neutral position consistently throughout the video. At times, the use of images, soundsand language contributes to the formation of “us” vs. “them”, where the audience is implicitly encouraged to pick a side. Only towards the end of the documentary this problematic opposition is addressed and critically reflected through an expert interview that is – interestingly – visually located outside the previously presented ‘battlefield’. This study contributes to the growing understanding of the discursive construction of the ‘other’ in social media. Videos available online are a rich source for examining how the different social actors ascribe multiple identities and form the other.

Keywords: identity, multimodal discourse analysis, othering, youtube

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41 Dynamics of Protest Mobilization and Rapid Demobilization in Post-2001 Afghanistan: Facing Enlightening Movement

Authors: Ali Aqa Mohammad Jawad


Taking a relational approach, this paper analyzes the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Enlightening Movement in post-2001 Afghanistan. The movement emerged after the state-owned Da Afghan Bereshna Sherkat (DABS) decided to divert the route for the Turkmenistan-Uzbekistan-Tajikistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan (TUTAP) electricity project. The grid was initially planned to go through the Hazara-inhabited province of Bamiyan, according to Afghanistan’s Power Sector Master Plan. The reroute served as an aide-mémoire of historical subordination to other ethno-religious groups for the Hazara community. It was also perceived as deprivation from post-2001 development projects, financed by international aid. This torched the accumulated grievances, which then gave birth to the Enlightening Movement. The movement had a successful mobilization. However, it demobilized after losing much of its mobilizing capabilities through an amalgamation of external and internal relational factors. The successful mobilization yet rapid demobilization constitutes the puzzle of this paper. From the theoretical perspective, this paper is significant as it establishes the applicability of contentious politics theory to protest mobilizations that occurred in Afghanistan, a context-specific, characterized by ethnic politics. Both primary and secondary data are utilized to address the puzzle. As for the primary resources, media coverage, interviews, reports, public media statements of the movement, involved in contentious performances, and data from Social Networking Services (SNS) are used. The covered period is from 2001-2018. As for the secondary resources, published academic articles and books are used to give a historical account of contentious politics. For data analysis, a qualitative comparative historical method is utilized to uncover the causal mechanisms associated with successful mobilization and rapid demobilization of the Movement. In this pursuit, both mobilization and demobilization are considered as larger political processes that could be decomposed to constituent mechanisms. Enlightening Movement’s framing and campaigns are first studied to uncover the associated mechanisms. Then, to avoid introducing some ad hoc mechanisms, the recurrence of mechanisms is checked against another case. Mechanisms qualify as robust if they are “recurrent” in different episodes of contention. Checking the recurrence of causal mechanisms is vital as past contentious events tend to reinforce future events. The findings of this paper suggest that the public sphere in Afghanistan is drastically different from Western democracies known as the birthplace of social movements. In Western democracies, when institutional politics did not respond, movement organizers occupied the public sphere, undermining the legitimacy of the government. In Afghanistan, the public sphere is ethicized. Considering the inter- and intra-relational dynamics of ethnic groups in Afghanistan, the movement reduced to an erosive inter- and intra-ethnic conflict. This undermined the cohesiveness of the movement, which then kicked-off its demobilization process.

Keywords: enlightening movement, contentious politics, mobilization, demobilization

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40 Local Politics in Taiwan: The Comparison among Magistrates’ Administrative Satisfaction

Authors: Edward Hwang


The efficiency of public policies depends on customer's satisfaction, and the change directions of public policies hinge on customer's assessment; i.e., the performance of public policies in governments is decided by the citizen's administrative satisfaction! The governments in all levels must heave their efficiency and effectiveness of public services to meet the people's substantially multiple needs in order to make citizens trust the governmental operation styles. To pursue the societal equality and justice, governments should treat people equally and provide more services for the disadvantages. The recent Dapu protest event involves Miaoli county Magistrate Liu cheng-hung who arbitrarily demolished houses and destroyed farmlands, and it shifts his popularity into disaffection. Liu case tells us that the political events are lethal to politicians; it cut almost 20% satisfaction degree for Magistrate Liu and hurt KMT support levels nationally. In terms of administrative satisfaction levels, political factors do matter, especially for the derogated events.

Keywords: local politics, administrative satisfaction, Taiwan, customer satisfaction

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39 Mourning Motivations for Celebrities in Instagram: A Case Study of Mohammadreza Shajarian's Death

Authors: Zahra Afshordi


Instagram, as an everyday life social network, hosts from the ultrasound image of an unborn fetus to the pictures of newly placed gravestones and funerals. It is a platform that allows its users to create a second identity independently from and at the same time in relation to the real space identity. The motives behind this identification are what this article is about. This article studies the motivations of Instagram users mourning for celebrities with a focus on the death of MohammadReza Shajarian. The Shajarian’s death had a wide reflection on Instagram Persian-speaking users. The purpose of this qualitative survey is to comprehend and study the user’s motivations in posting mourning and memorializing content. The methodology of the essay is a hybrid methodology consisting of content analysis and open-ended interviews. The results highlight that users' motives are more than just simple sympathy and include political protest, gaining cultural capital, reaching social status, and escaping from solitude.

Keywords: case study, celebrity, identity, Instagram, mourning, qualitative survey

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38 Impact of Social Media on the Functioning of the Indian Government: A Critical Analysis

Authors: Priya Sepaha


Social media has loomed as the most effective tool in recent times to flag the causes, contents, opinions and direction of any social movement and has demonstrated that it will have a far-reaching effect on government as well. This study focuses on India which has emerged as the fastest growing community on social media. Social movement activists, in particular, have extensively utilized the power of digital social media to streamline the effectiveness of social protest on a particular issue through extensive successful mass mobilizations. This research analyses the role and impact of social media as a power to catalyze the social movements in India and further seeks to describe how certain social movements are resisted, subverted, co-opted and/or deployed by social media. The impact assessment study has been made with the help of cases, policies and some social movement which India has witnessed the assertion of numerous social issues perturbing the public which eventually paved the way for remarkable judicial decisions. The paper concludes with the observations that despite its pros and cons, the impacts of social media on the functioning of the Indian Government have demonstrated that it has already become an indispensable tool in the hands of social media-suave Indians who are committed to bring about a desired change.

Keywords: social media, social movements, impact, law, government

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37 Eco-Politics of Infrastructure Development in and Around Protected Areas in Kenya: The Case of Nairobi National Park

Authors: Teresa Wanjiru Mbatia


On 7th June 2011, the government Minister of Roads in Kenya announced the proposed construction of a major highway known as a southern bypass to run on the northern border of the Nairobi National Park. The following day on 8th June 2011, the chairperson of the Friends of Nairobi National Park (FONNAP) posted a protest statement on their website, with the heading, ‘Nairobi Park is Not a cake’ alerting its members and conservation groups, with the aim of getting support to the campaign against the government’s intention to hive off a section of the park for road construction. This was the first and earliest statement that led to a series of other events that culminated in conservationists and some other members of the public campaign against the government’s plan to hive off sections of the park to build road and railway infrastructure in or around the park. Together with other non-state actors, mostly non-governmental organisations in conservation/environment and tourism businesses, FoNNAP issued a series of other statements on social, print and electronic media to battle against road and railway construction. This paper examined the strategies, outcomes and interests of actors involved in opposing/proposing the development of transport infrastructure in and around the Nairobi National Park. Specifically, the objectives were to analyse the: (1) Arguments put forward by the eco-warriors to protest infrastructure development; (2) Background and interests of the eco-warriors; (3) Needs/interests and opinions of ordinary common citizens on transport infrastructural development, particularly in and around the urban nature reserve and (4) Final outcomes of the eco-politics surrounding infrastructure development in and around Nairobi National Park. The methodological approach used was environmental history and the social construction of nature. The study collected combined qualitative data using four main approaches, the grounded theory approach, narratives, case studies and a phenomenological approach. The information collected was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The major findings of the study were that under the guise of “public participation,” influential non-state actors have the capacity to perpetuate social-spatial inequalities in the form of curtailing the majority from accessing common public goods. A case in point in this study is how the efforts of powerful conservationists, environmentalists, and tourism businesspersons managed to stall the construction of much-needed road and railway infrastructure severally through litigations in lengthy environmental court processes involving injunctions and stop orders to the government bodies in charge. Moreover, powerful non-state actors were found to have formed informal and sometimes formal coalitions with politicians with selfish interests, which serves to deepen the exclusionary practices and the common good. The study concludes that mostly composed of certain types of elites (NGOs, business communities, politicians and privileged social-cultural groups), non-state actors have used participatory policies to advance their own interests at the expense of the majority whom they claim to represent. These practices are traced to the historically unjust social, political, and economic forces involved in the production of space in Nairobi.

Keywords: eco-politics, exclusion, infrastructure, Nairobi national park, non-state actors, protests

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36 Not so Street Theatre: Politics in Theatre of Roots

Authors: Dani Karmakar


In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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