Search results for: fascism

Authors: Rana Eijaz Ahmad

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This paper is going to explain about the Fifth Political Theory that challenges all existing three plus one (Capitalism, Marxism and Fascism + Fourth Political Theory) theories. It says, ‘it is human ambiance evolve any political system to survive instead of borrowing other imported thoughts to live in a specific environment, in which Legitimacy leads to authority and promotes humanism.’ According to this theory, no other state is allowed to dictate or install any political system upon other states. It is the born right of individuals to choose a political system or a set of values that are going to make their structures and functions efficient enough to support the system harmony and counter the negative forces successfully. In the post 9/11 era, it is observed that all existing theories like Capitalism, Marxism, Fascism and Fourth Political Theory remained unsuccessful in resolving the global crisis. The so-called war against terrorism is proved as a war for terrorism and creates a vacuum on the global stage, worsening the crisis. The fifth political theory is an answer to counter terrorism in the twenty-first century. It calls for accountability of the United Nations for its failure in sustaining peace at global level. Therefore, the UN charter is supposed to be implemented in its true letter and spirit. All independent sovereign states have right to evolve their own system to carry out a political system that suits them best for sustaining harmony at home. This is the only way to counter terrorism. This paper is comprised of mixed method. Qualitative, quantitative and comparative methods will be used along with secondary sources. The objective of this paper is to create knowledge for the benefit of human beings with a logical and rational argument. It will help political scientists and scholars in conflict management and countering terrorism on pragmatic grounds.

Keywords: capitalism, fourth political theory, fifth political theory, Marxism, fascism

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Authors: Desiree Di Marco

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The aim of this work is to show through the lens of art first which kind of reality was the one represented through fascist maps, and second to study the impact of the fascist regime’s cartography (FRC) on observers eye’s. In this study, it is assumed that the FRC’s representation of reality was simplified, timeless, and even a-spatial because it underrates the concept of territoriality. Cubism and Picasso’s paintings will be used as counter-examples to mystify fascist cartography’s ideological assumptions. The difference between the gaze of an observer looking at the surface of a fascist map and the gaze of someone observing a Picasso painting is impressive. Because there is always something dark, hidden, behind and inside a map, the world of fascist maps was a world built starting from the observation of a “window” that distorted reality and trapped the eyes of the observers. Moving across the map, they seem as if they were hypnotized. Cartohypnosis is the state in which the observer finds himself enslaved by the attractive force of the map, which uses a sort of “magic” geography, a geography that, by means of symbolic language, never has as its primary objective the attempt to show us reality in its complexity, but that of performing for its audience. Magical geography and hypnotic cartography in fascism blended together, creating an almost mystical, magical relationship that demystified reality to reduce the world to a conquerable space. This reduction offered the observer the possibility of conceiving new dimensions: of the limit, of the boundary, elements with which the subject felt fully involved and in which the aesthetic force of the images demonstrated all its strength. But in the early 20th century, the combination of art and cartography gave rise to new possibilities. Cubism which, more than all the other artistic currents showed us how much the observation of reality from a single point of view falls within dangerous logic, is an example. Cubism was an artistic movement that brought about a profound transformation in pictorial culture. It was not only a revolution of pictorial space, but it was a revolution of our conception of pictorial space. Up until that time, men and women were more inclined to believe in the power of images and their representations. Cubist painters rebelled against this blindness by claiming that art must always offer an alternative. Indeed the contribution of this work is precisely to show how art can be able to provide alternatives to even the most horrible regimes and the most atrocious human misfortunes. It also enriches the field of cartography because it "reassures" it by showing how much good it can be for cartography if also for other disciplines come close. Only in this way researcher can increase the chances for the cartography of a greater diffusion at the academic level.

Keywords: cartography, Picasso, fascism, culture

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Authors: Warner Woodworth

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While the explosion of autocratic governments is growing globally, perhaps nowhere is it more obvious than in the United States since 2015. In that nation, democracy is increasingly caving to extreme Right-wing movements, especially after Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden in the 2020 election. Angered by that rejection, he and his support groups that foster extremism began an all-out assault on freedom, beginning with the attack on the US Capitol itself on January 6, 2021. Since then, following Trump’s two presidential impeachments, 34 felony convictions, 88 impending court cases by the Department of Justice, and crimes by some of his most ardent co-conspirators, the rule of law, traditional political values, and even the Constitution became threatened. Now, since his Nov. 5, 2024, campaign victory, the dark clouds of autocracies loom larger every day. To wit: Appointments to Trump’s cabinet are all extremists promising to eliminate major beneficiary citizen programs such as healthcare, civil rights, education, justice, and a massive move to drive millions of immigrants from the country. The political divide is at its highest extreme since the 1861 Civil War between North and South. Autocratization is manifest daily in fake news media, as well as traditional conspiracy organizations such as politically violent motorcycle gangs, the John Birch Society, Eagle Forum, and Anti-Constitutional Sheriffs and other law enforcement groups. Even worse is the expansion of violent groups such as the Proud Boys, Aryan Nations, Patriot Front, White Nationalists, Stormfront, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters, Ku Klux Klan, Moms for Liberty, American Nazi Party, Operation Homeland, Skinhead organizations, America First, Veterans on Patrol, hundreds of militia groups from coast to coast, and of course, hundreds more under the banner of Trump’s movement, ‘Make America Great Again.’ This paper will draw on the author’s decades of researching these groups and Trump's new authoritarian agenda. Qualitative data will include expert analysis from multiple academic disciplines as Americans, and the larger world seek to understand these dangerous U.S. trends and future prospects. The paper concludes by sharing the prospects of America’s future over the next four years, or longer if Trump’s vow to be a dictator is extended.

Keywords: American authoritarianism, trump, fascism, conspiracies, extremism

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Authors: Santiago Guerra Fernández

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Abstract—This study is focused on exploring the conditions for the development of Galician music in the communities of Latin America after the massive arrival of Galician immigrants in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, fleeing from hunger and misery in Spain. Migration would be accentuated after 1936 with the arrival of refugees from the Spanish Civil War due to their Republican political militancy fleeing fascism. The aim of this paper is to investigate the part that miscegenation with other local musical traditions has played within Galician expat music, helping to understand the complexity of contemporary Galician identity. Through archival work, the focus is set on examining the different traditional dances (such as the ‘muiñeira’), folk instruments (bagpipes, ‘pandeireta’), and poetic forms (‘cantiga’, ‘copla’) that were exported to Argentina and Cuba. Although research about migrant Galician music has been conducted in Spanish scholarship, there is a gap in the English literature on the topic that this paper intends to fill in. The results show how these musical traditions have played an essential role in shaping the social life and customs of Galician emigrants. By virtue of its malleability and blending properties, music serves here as an indicator of social cohesion.

Keywords: folk, Galicia, migration, identity

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Authors: Masami Usui

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Kazuo Ishiguro’s The Remains of the Day (1989) underlines another holocaust, an imprisonment of human life, dignity, and self in the globalizing sphere of the twentieth century. The Remains of the Day delineates the invisible and cruel space of “lost and found” in the postcolonial and post-imperial discourse of this century, that is, the Holocaust. The context of the concentration camp or wartime imprisonment such as Auschwitz is transplanted into the public sphere of modern England, Darlington Hall. The voice is retrieved and expressed by the young journalist and heir of Darlington Hall, Mr. David Cardinal. The new media of journalism is an intruder at Darlington Hall and plays a role in revealing the wrongly-input ideology. “Lost and Found” consists of the private and public retrieved voices. Stevens’ journey in 1956 is a return to the past, especially the period between 1935 and 1936. Lost time is retrieved on his journey; yet lost life cannot be revived entirely in his remains of life. The supreme days of Darlington Hall are the terrifying days caused by the Nazis. Fascism, terrorism, and militarism destroyed the wholesomeness of the globe. Into blind Stevens, both Miss Kenton and Mr. Cardinal bring out the common issue, that is, the political conflicts caused by Nazis. Miss Kenton expresses her own ideas against anti-Semitism regarding the Jewish maids in the crucial time when Sir Oswald Mosley’s Blackshirts organization attacked the Anglo Jews between 1935 and 1936. Miss Kenton’s half-muted statement is reinforced and assured by Cardinal in his mention of the 1934 Olympic Rally threatened by Mosley’s Blackshirts. Cardinal’s invasion of Darlington Hall embodies the increasing tension of international politics related to World War II. Darlington Hall accommodates the crucial political issue that definitely influences the fate of the house, its residents, and the nation itself and that is retrieved in the newly progressive and established media.

Keywords: modern English literature, culture studies, communication, history

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Authors: Suneet Jagdev

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The development of the original Bauhaus occurred at a time in the beginning of the 20th century when the industrialization of Germany had reached a climax. The cities were a reflection of the new living conditions of an industrialized society. The Bauhaus can be interpreted as an ambitious attempt to find appropriate answers to the challenges by using architecture-urban development and design. The core elements of the conviction of the day were the belief in the necessary crossing of boundaries between the various disciplines and courage to experiment for a better solution. Even after 100 years, the situation in our cities is shaped by similar complexity. The urban consequences of developments are difficult to estimate and to predict. The paper critically reflected on the central aspects of the history of the Bauhaus and its role in bringing the modernism in India by comparative studies of the methodology adopted by the artists and designer in both the countries. The paper talked in detail about how the Bauhaus Exhibition in 1922 offered Indian artists a new weapon of anti-colonial resistance. The original Bauhaus fought its aesthetic and political battles in the context of economic instability and the rise of German fascism. The Indians had access to dominant global languages and in a particular English. The availability of print media and a vibrant indigenous intellectual culture provided Indian people a tool to accept technology while denying both its dominant role in culture and the inevitability of only one form of modernism. The indigenous was thus less an engagement with their culture as in the West than a tool of anti-colonial struggle. We have shown how the Indian people used Bauhaus as a critique of colonialism itself through an undermining of its typical modes of representation and as a means of incorporating the Indian desire for spirituality into art and as providing the cultural basis for a non-materialistic and anti-industrial form of what we might now term development. The paper reflected how through painting the Bauhaus entered the artistic consciousness of the sub-continent not only for its stylistic and technical innovations but as a tool for a critical and even utopian modernism that could challenge both the hegemony of academic and orientalist art and as the bearer of a transnational avant-garde as much political as it was artistic, and as such the basis of a non-Eurocentric but genuinely cosmopolitan alternative to the hierarchies of oppression and domination that had long bound India and were at that moment rising once again to a tragic crescendo in Europe. We have talked about how the Bauhaus of today can offer an innovative orientation towards discourse around architecture and design.

Keywords: anti-colonial struggle, art over architecture, Bauhaus exhibition of 1922, industrialization

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Authors: Cagri Baris Kasap

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In this study, how interface designers can be viewed as producers of culture in the current era will be interrogated from a critical theory perspective. Walter Benjamin was a German Jewish literary critical theorist who, during 1930s, was engaged in opposing and criticizing the Nazi use of art and media. ‘The Author as Producer’ is an essay that Benjamin has read at the Communist Institute for the Study of Fascism in Paris. In this article, Benjamin relates directly to the dialectics between base and superstructure and argues that authors, normally placed within the superstructure should consider how writing and publishing is production and directly related to the base. Through it, he discusses what it could mean to see author as producer of his own text, as a producer of writing, understood as an ideological construct that rests on the apparatus of production and distribution. So Benjamin concludes that the author must write in ways that relate to the conditions of production, he must do so in order to prepare his readers to become writers and even make this possible for them by engineering an ‘improved apparatus’ and must work toward turning consumers to producers and collaborators. In today’s world, it has become a leading business model within Web 2.0 services of multinational Internet technologies and culture industries like Amazon, Apple and Google, to transform readers, spectators, consumers or users into collaborators and co-producers through platforms such as Facebook, YouTube and Amazon’s CreateSpace Kindle Direct Publishing print-on-demand, e-book and publishing platforms. However, the way this transformation happens is tightly controlled and monitored by combinations of software and hardware. In these global-market monopolies, it has become increasingly difficult to get insight into how one’s writing and collaboration is used, captured, and capitalized as a user of Facebook or Google. In the lens of this study, it could be argued that this criticism could very well be considered by digital producers or even by the mass of collaborators in contemporary social networking software. How do software and design incorporate users and their collaboration? Are they truly empowered, are they put in a position where they are able to understand the apparatus and how their collaboration is part of it? Or has the apparatus become a means against the producers? Thus, when using corporate systems like Google and Facebook, iPhone and Kindle without any control over the means of production, which is closed off by opaque interfaces and licenses that limit our rights of use and ownership, we are already the collaborators that Benjamin calls for. For example, the iPhone and the Kindle combine a specific use of technology to distribute the relations between the ‘authors’ and the ‘prodUsers’ in ways that secure their monopolistic business models by limiting the potential of the technology.

Keywords: interface designer, cultural producer, Walter Benjamin, materialist aesthetics, dialectical thinking

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Authors: G. Iacoviello, A. Lazzini

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This paper focuses on the development of the study of accounting in the Italian education system between the 19th and 20th centuries. It also focuses on the subsequent formation of a scientific and experimental forma mentis that would prepare students for administrative and managerial activities in industry, commerce and public administration. From a political perspective, the period was characterized by two dominant movements - liberalism (1861-1922) and fascism (1922-1945) - that deeply influenced accounting practices and the entire Italian education system. The materials used in the study include both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources used to inform this study are numerous original documents issued from 1890-1935 by the government and maintained in the Historical Archive of the State in Rome. The secondary sources have supported both the development of the theoretical framework and the definition of the historical context. This paper assigns to the educational system the role of cultural producer. Foucauldian analysis identifies the problem confronted by the critical intellectual in finding a way to deploy knowledge through a 'patient labour of investigation' that highlights the contingency and fragility of the circumstances that have shaped current practices and theories. Education can be considered a powerful and political process providing students with values, ideas, and models that they will subsequently use to discipline themselves, remaining as close to them as possible. It is impossible for power to be exercised without knowledge, just as it is impossible for knowledge not to engender power. The power-knowledge relationship can be usefully employed for explaining how power operates within society, how mechanisms of power affect everyday lives. Power is employed at all levels and through many dimensions including government. Schools exercise ‘epistemological power’ – a power to extract a knowledge of individuals from individuals. Because knowledge is a key element in the operation of power, the procedures applied to the formation and accumulation of knowledge cannot be considered neutral instruments for the presentation of the real. Consequently, the same institutions that produce and spread knowledge can be considered part of the ‘power-knowledge’ interrelation. Individuals have become both objects and subject in the development of knowledge. If education plays a fundamental role in shaping all aspects of communities in the same way, the structural changes resulting from economic, social and cultural development affect the educational systems. Analogously, the important changes related to social and economic development required legislative intervention to regulate the functioning of different areas in society. Knowledge can become a means of social control used by the government to manage populations. It can be argued that the evolution of Italy’s education systems is coherent with the idea that power and knowledge do not exist independently but instead are coterminous. This research aims to reduce such a gap by analysing the role of the state in the development of accounting education in Italy.

Keywords: education system, government, knowledge, power

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Authors: Mirele Plenishti

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Revisionist powers are sometimes associated to revolutionary and status quo powers, this because along the line representing the level of satisfaction–dissatisfaction with the system, revisionist powers are located in between status quo and revolutionary powers. In particular, the case of revisionist powers seeking for social status adjustments (while having status quo intentions) can, in the first option, be refuted due to the disbelief that dissatisfaction could coexist with status quo intentions – this entailing the possibility to trigger a spiral effect by over-counter-reacting. In the second option, revisionist powers can be underestimated as a real threat, this entailing a potential inadequate reaction. The necessity to well manage international change entails the need to understand better how revisionist powers seek for changes in status, within the system. The complexity of this case is heightened by the propensity of both IR scholars and practitioners to infer states' aims and intentions – towards the system – by looking at their behaviours. This has resulted in the tendency to consider cooperative international behaviours as symptomatic of status quo intentions, and vice versa: status quo intentions as manifested through positive/cooperative behaviours. Similarly, assertive/competitive international behaviours are considered as symptomatic (and vice versa, as manifestations) of revolutionary intentions. Therefore, within complex and composite foreign policies, scholars who disbelieve the existence of revisionist powers with status quo intentions, tend to highlight the negative/competitive elements; while more optimist scholars tend to focus on conforming/cooperative behaviours. Both perspectives, while understanding relevant components of the complex international interaction, still miss a composite overview. In order to closely investigate the strategies adopted by (status quo aiming) revisionist states, and by drawing on sociological studies on peer relations, focused on children's behaviour, one could expect that the compresence of both positive (compliant/cooperative) and negative (competitive/assertive) behaviours, is deliberate, and functional to seeking social status adjustments. Indeed, at the end of 90s, peer relation studies focused on children's behaviour, discerned between the concept of social acceptance (that refers to the degree of social preference assigned to the child– how much is s/he liked) and popularity (which refers to the social status assigned to the child within the group). By building on this distinction, it was possible to identify a link relating social acceptance to prosocial (compliant/cooperative) behaviours and strategies, and popularity to both prosocial and antisocial (aggressive/assertive) behaviours and strategies. Since then, antisocial behaviours ceased to be considered as a proof of social maladjustment and were finally identified as socially recognized strategies adopted in function of the achievement of popularity. Drawing on these results, one can hypothesize that also international status seekers perform both positive (conforming/compliant/cooperative) and negative (assertive/aggressive/competitive) behaviours. Therefore, the link between aims and behaviours loses its strength, since cooperative and competitive behaviours are both means for status seeking strategies that aim at status quo intentions. By carrying out a historical investigation of Italy's foreign policy during fascism, the intent is to closely look at this compresence of behaviours, in order to better qualify its components and their relations.

Keywords: compresence of cooperative and competitive behaviours and strategies, revisionist powers, status quo intentions, status seeking

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