Search results for: political rights

Authors: Nashwa Moheyeldine

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Education for sustainable development (ESD) aims to preserve the rights of the present and future generations as well as preserving the globe, both humans and nature. ESD should aim not only to bring about consciousness of the current and future issues, but also to foster student agency to bring about change at schools, communities and nations. According to the Freirian concept of conscientização, (conscientization) — “learning to perceive social, political, and economic contradictions, and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality”, education aims to liberate people to understand and act upon their worlds. Social justice is greatly intertwined with a nation’s social, political and economic rights, and thus, should be targeted through ESD. “Literacy researchers have found that K-12 students who engage in social justice inquiries develop vital academic knowledge and skills, critical understandings about oppression in the world, and strong dispositions to continue working toward social justice beyond the initial inquiries they conduct”. Education for social justice greatly equips students with the critical thinking skills and sense of agency, that are required for responsible decision making that would ensure a sustainable world. In fact teaching for social justice is intersecting with many of the pedagogies such as multicultural education, cultural relevant pedagogy, education for sustainable development, critical theory pedagogy, (local and global) citizenship education, all of which aim to prepare students for awareness, responsibility and agency. Social justice pedagogy has three specific goals, including helping students develop 1) a sociopolitical consciousness - an awareness of the symbiotic relationship between the social and political factors that affect society, 2) a sense of agency, the freedom to act on one’s behalf and to feel empowered as a change agent, and 3) positive social and cultural identities. The keyword to social justice education is to expose the realities to the students, and challenge the students not only to question , but also to change. Social justice has been usually discussed through the subjects of history and social sciences, however, an interdisciplinary approach is essential to enhance the students’ understanding of their world. Teaching social justice through various subjects is also important, as it make students’ learning relevant to their lives. The main question that this paper seeks to answer is ‘How could social justice be taught through different subjects and tools, such as mathematics, literature through story-telling, geography, and service learning will be shown in this paper. Also challenges to education for social justice will be described. Education is not a neutral endeavor, but is either oriented toward the cause of liberation or in support of domination. In fact , classrooms can be “a microcosm of the emancipatory societies we seek to encourage”, education for the 21st century should be relevant to students' lives where it exposes life's realities to them. Education should also provide students with the basics of school subjects with the bigger goal of helping them make the world a better, more just place to live in.

Keywords: teaching for social justice, student agency, citizenship education, education

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Authors: Mauro Cristeche

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This paper approaches the intervention of the American State in the social arena and the modeling of the rights system from the Argentinian experience, by observing the characteristics of its federal budgetary system, the evolution of social public spending and welfare programs in recent years, labor and poverty statistics, and the changes on the labor market structure. The analysis seeks to combine different methodologies and sources: in-depth interviews with specialists, analysis of theoretical and mass-media material, and statistical sources. Among the results, it could be mentioned that the tendency to state interventionism (what has been called ‘nationalization of social life’) is quite evident in the United States, and manifests itself in multiple forms. The bibliography consulted, and the experts interviewed pointed out this increase of the state presence in historical terms (beyond short-term setbacks) in terms of increase of public spending, fiscal pressure, public employment, protective and control mechanisms, the extension of welfare policies to the poor sectors, etc. In fact, despite the significant differences between both countries, the United States and Argentina have common patterns of behavior in terms of the aforementioned phenomena. On the other hand, dissimilarities are also important. Some of them are determined by each country's own political history. The influence of political parties on the economic model seems more decisive in the United States than in Argentina, where the tendency to state interventionism is more stable. The centrality of health spending is evident in America, while in Argentina that discussion is more concentrated in the social security system and public education. The biggest problem of the labor market in the United States is the disqualification as a consequence of the technological development while in Argentina it is a result of its weakness. Another big difference is the huge American public spending on Defense. Then, the more federal character of the American State is also a factor of differential analysis against a centralized Argentine state. American public employment (around 10%) is comparatively quite lower than the Argentinian (around 18%). The social statistics show differences, but inequality and poverty have been growing as a trend in the last decades in both countries. According to public rates, poverty represents 14% in The United States and 33% in Argentina. American public spending is important (welfare spending and total public spending represent around 12% and 34% of GDP, respectively), but a bit lower than Latin-American or European average). In both cases, the tendency to underemployment and disqualification unemployment does not assume a serious gravity. Probably one of the most important aspects of the analysis is that private initiative and public intervention are much more intertwined in the United States, which makes state intervention more ‘fuzzy’, while in Argentina the difference is clearer. Finally, the power of its accumulation of capital and, more specifically, of the industrial and services sectors in the United States, which continues to be the engine of the economy, express great differences with Argentina, supported by its agro-industrial power and its public sector.

Keywords: state intervention, welfare policies, labor market, system of rights, United States of America

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Authors: Nounamo Nguedie Yann Harold

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The factors behind the debt have been the subject of several studies in the literature. Pioneering studies based on the 'double deficit' approach linked indebtedness to the imbalance between savings and investment, the budget deficit and the current account deficit. Most studies on identifying factors that may stimulate or reduce the level of external public debt agree that the following variables are important explanatory variables in leveraging debt: the budget deficit, trade opening, current account and exchange rate, import, export, interest rate, term variation exchange rate, economic growth rate and debt service, capital flight, and over-indebtedness. Few studies addressed the impact of political factors on the level of external debt. In general, however, the IMF's stabilization programs in developing countries following the debt crisis have resulted in economic recession and the advent of political crises that have resulted in changes in governments. In this sense, political institutions are recognised as factors of accumulation of external debt in most developing countries. This paper assesses the role of political factors on the external debt level of African countries in the Franc Zone over the period 1985-2016. Data used come from World Bank and ICRG. Using a logit in panel, the results show that the more a country is politically stable, the lower the external debt compared to the gross domestic product. Political stability multiplies 1.18% the chances of being in the sustainable debt zone. For example, countries with good political institutions experience less severe external debt burdens than countries with bad political institutions.

Keywords: African countries, external debt, Franc Zone, political factors

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Authors: Na Young Kim

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This is a study on the relation between the introduction bill of the Whistle Blowing Act and the CPI (Corruption Perception Index) from 1998 to 2019. It shows that the degree of corruption can be relatively lowered when WBA is introduced, and the system is matured. And when WBA was introduced at the national level and matured, it was found that it could have a greater impact on corruption. Secondly, it shows that OECD countries may have relatively low levels of corruption. In addition to the two variables representing democracy, when additional control variables (GDP (economic power), population size, HDI (education level), etc.) are controlled under the same conditions, the degree of corruption in countries with high political rights can be low (it means clean), while those with high civil freedom can be serious (it means not clean).

Keywords: Whistle Blowing Act, anti-corruption, CPI, GDP

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Authors: Amin Pashaye Amiri

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Freedom of information, according to which the public has a right to have access to government-held information, is largely considered as a tool for improving transparency and accountability in governments, and as a requirement of self-governance and good governance. So far, more than ninety countries have recognized citizens’ right to have access to public information. This recognition often took place through the adoption of an act referred to as “freedom of information act”, “access to public records act”, and so on. A freedom of information act typically imposes a positive obligation on a government to initially and regularly release certain public information, and also obliges it to provide individuals with information they request. Such an act usually allows governmental bodies to withhold information only when it falls within a limited number of exemptions enumerated in the act such as exemptions for protecting privacy of individuals and protecting national security. Some steps have been taken at the national and international level towards the recognition of freedom of information as a human right. Freedom of information was recognized in a few countries as a part of freedom of expression, and therefore, as a human right. Freedom of information was also recognized by some international bodies as a human right. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights ruled in 2006 that Article 13 of the American Convention on Human Rights, which concerns the human right to freedom of expression, protects the right of all people to request access to government information. The European Court of Human Rights has recently taken a considerable step towards recognizing freedom of information as a human right. However, in spite of the measures that have been taken, public access to government information is not yet widely accepted as an international human right. The paper will consider the degree to which freedom of information has been recognized as a human right, and study the possibility of widespread recognition of such a human right in the future. It will also examine the possible benefits of such recognition for the development of the human right to free expression.

Keywords: freedom of information, freedom of expression, human rights, government information

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Authors: Leoni Van Der Merwe

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Historically, in South Africa, disability has been viewed as a dilemma of the individual. The discourse surrounding the definition of disability and applicable theories are as fluid as the differing needs of persons with disabilities within society. In 1997, the Office of the Deputy President published the White Paper on the Integrated National Disability Strategy (WPINDS) which sought to integrate disability issues in all governmental development strategies, planning and programs as well as to solidify the South African government’s stance that disability was to be considered according to the social model and not the, previously utilized, medical model of disability. The models of disability are conceptual frameworks for understanding disability and can provide some insight into why certain attitudes exist and how they are reinforced in society. Although the WPINDS was regarded as a critical milestone in the history of the disability rights struggle in South Africa; it has taken approximately twenty years for the publication of a similar document taking into account South Africa’s changing social, economic, political and technological dispensation. December 2015 marked the approval of the White Paper on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (WPRPD) which seeks to update the WPINDS, integrate principles contained in international law instruments and endorse a mainstreaming trajectory for realizing the rights of persons with disabilities. While the WPINDS and the WPRPD were published two decades apart, both documents contain an emphasis on a transition from the medical model to the social model. Whereas, the medical model presupposes that disability is mainly a health and welfare matter and is focused on an individualistic and dependency-based approach; the social model requires a paradigm shift in the manner in which disability is constructed so as to highlight the shortcomings of society in respect of disability and to bring to the fore the capabilities of persons with disabilities. The social model has led to unmatched success in changing the perceptions surrounding disability. This article seeks to investigate the progress made in the implementation of the social model in South Africa by taking into account the effect of the diverse political and cultural landscape in promoting the historically entrenched medical model and the rise of disability activism prior to the new democratic dispensation as well as legislation, case law, policy documents and barriers in respect of persons with disabilities that are pervasive in South African society. The research paper will conclude that although numerous interventions have been identified and implemented to promote the consideration of disability within a social construct in South Africa, such interventions require increased national and international collaboration, resources and pace to ensure that the efforts made lead to sustainable results. For persons with disabilities, what remains to be seen is whether the proliferation of activism by interest groups, social awareness as well as the development of policy documents, legislation and case law will serve as the impetus to dissipate the view that disability is burden to be carried solely on the shoulders of the person with the disability.

Keywords: disability, medical model, social model, societal barriers, South Africa

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Authors: Abiodun O. Ibude

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Several organizations have devised the strategy of engaging the services of staff not directly employed by them in their production and service delivery. Some organizations also engage on contracting another organization to carry out a part of service or production process on their behalf. Outsourcing is becoming an important alternative employment option for most organizations. This paper attempts an exposition on the rights of workers within the more specific context of outsourcing as a human resource management phenomenon. Outsourced employees and their rights are treated conceptually and analytically in a generic sense as a mere subset of the larger whole, that is, labor. Outsourced employees derive their rights, like all workers, from their job context as well as the legal environment (municipal and global) in which they operate. The dynamics of globalization and the implications of this development for labor practices receive considerable attention in this exposition. In this regard, a guarded proposition is made, to examine the practice and effect of engaging outsourcing as an economic decision designed primarily to cut down on operational costs rather than a Human Resources Management decision to improve worker welfare. The population of the study was selected from purposive and simple random sampling techniques. Data obtained were analyzed through a simple percentage, Pearson product-moment correlation, and cross-tabulation. From the research conducted, it was discovered that, although outsourcing possesses opportunities for organizations, there are drawbacks arising from its implementation of job securities. It was also discovered that some employees are being exploited through this strategy. This gives rise to lower motivation and thereby decline in performance. In conclusion, there is need for examination of Human Resource Managers’ strategies that can serve as management policy tools for the protection of the rights of outsourced employees.

Keywords: legal environment, operational cost, outsourcing, protection

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Authors: Patrick Dzimiri

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This chapter discusses the military-orchestrated leadership change in Zimbabwe that transpired in November 2017. Fundamentally, the chapter provides a critical examination of military interference in the country's politics and its implications for a political transition in the post-Mugabe dispensation. This chapter offers insight into Zimbabwe's political crises propelled by the lack of a succession plan. It emerged that the succession battle within ZANU-PF got complicated by the militarisation of factionalism. The chapter builds from an extensive review of primary and secondary data sources on political developments before and post-Mugabe era. Vilfredo Pareto's (1848-18923) theory on elite circulation is deployed herein to explain the absence of a succession mechanism within ZANU-PF and the militarisation of socio-politics life Zimbabwe. The chapter argues that what transpired in Zimbabwe’s power wrangle within the ZANU-PF political elites was triggered by a lack of a clear succession policy. Building from insights offered by Pareto's theory of elite circulation, it is averred that the removal of Mugabe by the military did not herald any form of political transition but rather a mere power play of one elite replacing another. In addition, it is argued that the lack of political reform by the Mnangagwa government affirms the position that political elites seek power for personal self-actualisation and not the public good. The chapter concludes that Mnangagwa's rise to power is nothing but a new elite displacing the old elite structure and does not herald a positive transition and transformation in the politics of Zimbabwe.

Keywords: military, politics, zimbabwe, governance, political transition

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Authors: Tarela J. Ike

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Over the years, the hemorrhagic acts of Boko Haram have led to the adoption of counter-terrorism measures which mostly takes the form of military repressive measures. These measures have wrought flagrant violation of human rights worthy of concern. Hence, the need to examine the efficacy of the counter-terrorism measures adopted by the Nigeria government in combatting terrorism. This article addresses this issue by relying on a systematic literature review which examines the impact of Nigeria counter-terrorism measures from 2009 to 2016 in combating terrorism. The review of literature includes 42 article. Of the 42 articles, 14 met the peer-reviewed requirement which finds that most of Nigeria’s counter-terrorism policies are geared toward the use of state repressive military approach which violates the human right. Thus, the study concludes that to effectively address the terrorist uprising; Nigeria should adopt a non-aggressive counter-terrorism approach which incorporates religious clerics, and community active engagement strategy in combatting terrorism as opposed to military retaliation which violates human right and so far proved ineffective.

Keywords: Boko Haram, counter-terrorism, human rights, military retaliation

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Authors: Emmanuel Dangana Monday

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Africa as a continent has been ravaged and bedeviled by series of political conflicts associated with politics and power-sharing maneuvering. As a result it has become the most unstable continent in the world in terms of power distribution and stable political culture. This paper examines the efficacy of conscious and deliberate power-sharing strategies to settle or resolve political conflicts in Africa in the arrangements of creation of states, revenue and resources allocation, and office distribution systems. The study is concerned with the spatial impact of conflicts generated in some renowned African countries in which power-sharing would have been a solution. Ethno-regional elite groups are identified as the major actors in the struggles for the distribution of territorial, economic and political powers in Africa. The struggle for power has become so intense that it has degenerated to conflicts and wars of inter and intra-political classes and parties respectively. Secondary data and deductive techniques were used in data collection and analysis. It is discovered that power-sharing has become an indispensable tool to curb the incessant political and power crisis in Africa. It is one of the finest tolerable modality of mediating elite’ competition, since it reflects the interests of both the dominant and the perceived marginalized groups. The study recommends that countries and regions of political, ethnic and religious differences in Africa should employed power-sharing strategy in order to avoid unnecessary political tension and resultant crisis. Interest groups should always come to the negotiation table to reach a realistic, durable and expected compromise to secure a peacefully resolute Africa.

Keywords: Africa, power-sharing, conflicts, politics and political stability

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Authors: Triyanto, Rima Vien Permata Hartanto

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Indonesia is a legal state. The consequence of this status is the recognition and protection of the existence of indigenous peoples. This paper aims to describe the dynamics of legal recognition and protection for indigenous peoples within the framework of Indonesian law. This paper is library research based on literature. The result states that although the constitution has normatively recognized the existence of indigenous peoples and their traditional rights, in reality, not all rights were recognized and protected. The protection and recognition for indigenous people need to be strengthened.

Keywords: indigenous peoples, customary law, state law, state of law

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Authors: Rasha Kumari Panda

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The crime against women in closed door is an important burning issue in day to day life. Domestic violence has become daily part of women’s life. It affects the millions of the women throughout the India as it violates their human rights. Crime against women behind closed door is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women, discrimination against women moreover, when the world is approaching towards modernization, worse the condition of women and girls in our society. This paper examines how the rights of women are being violated and suggests the remedial measures to empower women. Powerlessness of women is the root cause of violence has been specifically addressed.

Keywords: domestic violence, cruelty, dowry, statutes

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Authors: Masnur Marzuki

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As in other democratic countries, the constitutional court of Indonesia has the role of interpreting and applying the Constitution in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. With its strong power to enforce and guard the Constitution, the court is now challenged to provide people an opportunity to understand their constitutional rights close up. At the same time, the court has built up an enviable reputation among constitutional courts in new democracies for the technical quality of its legitimacy in the legal sense. Since its establishment in 2003, the Constitutional Court of Indonesia has decided more than 190 statutes in judicial review case. It has been remarkably successful to make a credible start on its work of guarding the Constitution. Unsurprisingly, many argue that the Court has elevated Indonesia’s democracy to a whole new level. In accomplishing its roles judicial review, the basic principle that can be identified is that the Constitutional Court must always be subordinated to the Constitution. It is not being allowed to invade the field of the legislator. In doing so, the court does not have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. When interpreting a statute “in accordance with the constitution”, the court recognizes and reasserts that it is strictly forbidden to extend the scope of a legal provision in such a way that would create a general norm not established by the law-maker. This paper aims to identify and assess the latest role of Indonesian Constitutional Court in interpreting and applying the Constitution. In particular, it questions 1) the role of the Constitutional Court in judicial review; and 2) the role of the court to assist the legislators in the accomplishment of their functions in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. Concerning positive legislator, jurisprudential and judicial review theories will be approached. The empirical part will include qualitative and comparative research. Main questions to be addressed: Can the Constitutional Court be functionalized as positive legislator? What are the criteria for conducting role of Constitutional Courts as Positive Legislators and how can it be accepted? Concerning the subordination of Constitutional Courts to the Constitution and judicial review, both qualitative and quantitative methods will be used, and differences between Indonesia and German Constitutional Court will be observed. Other questions to be addressed: Can Constitutional Courts have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. Should the Constitutional Court always act as a negative legislator? However, the Constitutional Court in Indonesia has played role as positive legislators which create dynamic of Indonesian legal development. In performing the task of reviewing the constitutionality of statutes, the Constitutional Court has created legal norms or provisions that could be deducted from the Constitution itself.

Keywords: constitution, court, law, rights

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Authors: Sim Nee Ting, Lan Eng Ng

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Standard forms of contract in Malaysia are pre-written, printed contractual documents drafted by recognised authoritative bodies in order to describe the rights and obligations of the contracting parties in all construction projects in Malaysia. Studies and form revisions are usually conducted in a relatively random and qualitative manner, but the search of contractual documents idealization remains. It is not clear how these qualitative findings could be helpful for contractual documents improvements and re-drafting. This study aims to quantitatively and systematically analyse and evaluate the rights and obligations of the contracting parties as stated in the standard forms of contract. The Institution of Engineers Malaysia (IEM) published a new standard form of contract in 2012 with a total of 63 classes but the improvements and changes in the newly revised form that are yet to be analysed. IEM form will be used as the case study for this study. Every clause in this said form were interpreted and analysed according to the involved parties including contractor, engineer and employer. Modified from Matrix Method and Likert Scale, the result analysis were conducted based on a scale from 0 to 1 with five ratings namely “Very Unbalance”, “Unbalance”, “Balance”, “Good Balance” and “Very Good Balance”. It is hoped that quantitative method of form study can be used for future form revisions and any new forms drafting so to reduce on any subjectivity in standard forms of contract studies.

Keywords: contracting parties, Malaysia, obligations, quantitative measurement, rights, standard form of contract

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Authors: Sally Barsoum

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This paper is providing a significant insight into the role of satire in Egyptian politics and how it has been received from the government and viewer’s point of view. It mainly sets out to test whether Bassem Youssef’s satirical program has played a significant role in Egypt recent politics and to investigate what is the nature and extent of this role. In order to test this hypothesis, the researcher chose to critically analyze one episode of Bassem Youssef’s satirical show, El Bernameg. This paper goes further to highlight that the aims of satire is to invite citizens to analyze, criticize and question people in power and the realm of politics rather than remain as untouched subjects by combining humor with critique in order to enhance citizens’ political awareness and perhaps even political engagement. Moreover it identifies that Bassem Youssef’s satire is to use laughter as a medium to communicate his political message. By first informing the public and secondly engaging them through laughter, satire plays a very constructive political role, which have been argued finally that Bassem Youssef has indeed played an important part in the Egyptian political scene of today and this can be measured by the degree of censorship that he has been subject to and the level of international and domestic reaction towards his satirical show. At the end, this paper is suggesting that the measure of a strong government is its ability not only to accommodate satire but also to learn from it.

Keywords: political satirist, Bassem Youssef, capital broadcasting center, TV channel, muslims brotherhood regime, ONTV Egyptian TV channel

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Authors: Zeynep Ozkan, Cigdem Serra Uzunpinar

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Citizenship is a legal bond that binds a person to a certain state. How constitutions define ‘the citizen’ and how they regulate the elements of citizenship have great importance in terms of individuals’ duties before the state as well as the rights they own. Especially in multi-segmented societies that contain foreign elements, it becomes necessary to examinate the institution of naturalization in terms of individuals’ duty of constitutional citizenship. The meaning of citizenship in Turkey has transformed due to the changes in practices of naturalization, in parallel to receiving huge amount of immagrants with the recent Syrian Crisis, the change in the governmental system and facing economic crisis. This transformation took place in the way of a diversion from the states’ initial motive of building the bond of citizenship with the aim of founding/sustaining political unity. Hence, rising of the economic and political motives in naturalization practices are in question, instead of objective and subjective criterias, that are traditionally used on defining the notion of nation. In this study, firstly the regime of citizenship and the legal regime of aliens in Turkish legislation will be given place. Then, the transformation, that the notion of constitutional citizenship underwent, will be studied, especially on the basis of governmental practices of naturalization. The assessment will be made in the context of legal institutions brought with the new governmental system as a result of recent constitutional amendment.

Keywords: constitutional citizenship, naturalization, naturalization practices in Turkish legal system, transformation of the notion of constitutional citizenship

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Authors: Kudrat-E-Khuda Babu

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Rohingya refugees are the most marginalized and persecuted section of people in the world. The heinous brutality of Myanmar has forced the Muslim minority community to flee themselves to their neighboring country, Bangladesh for quite a few times now. The recent atrocity of the Buddhist country has added insult to injury on the existing crisis. In lieu of protection, the rights of the Rohingya community in Myanmar are being violated through exclusion from citizenship and steamroller of persecution. The mass influx of Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh basically took place in 1978, 1992, 2012, and 2017. At present, there are around one million Rohingyas staying at Teknaf, Ukhiya of Cox’s Bazar, the southern part of Bangladesh. The country, despite being a poverty-stricken one, has shown unprecedented generosity in sheltering the Rohingya people. For sheltering half of the total refugees in 2017, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina is now being regarded as the lighthouse of humanity or the mother of humanity. Though Bangladesh is not a ratifying state of the UN Refugee Convention, 1951 and its Additional Protocol, 1967, the country cannot escape its obligation under international human rights jurisprudence. Bangladesh is a party to eight human rights instruments out of nine core instruments, and thus, the country has an indirect obligation to protect and promote the rights of the refugees. Pressure from international bodies has also made Bangladesh bound to provide refuge to Rohingya people. Even though the demographic vulnerability and socio-economic condition of the country do not suggest taking over extra responsibility, the principle of non-refoulment as a part of customary international law reminds us to stay beside those persecuted or believed to have well-founded fear of persecution. In the case of HM Ershad v. Bangladesh and Others, 7 BLC (AD) 67, it was held that any international treaty or document after signing or ratification is not directly enforceable unless and until the parliament enacts a similar statute howsoever sweet the document is. As per Article 33(2) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, there are even exceptions for a state party in case of serious consequences like threat to national security, apprehension of serious crime and danger to safeguard state population. Bangladesh is now at a cross-road of human rights and national interest. The world community should come forward to resolve the crisis of the persecuted Rohingya people through repatriation, resettlement, and reintegration.

Keywords: Rohingya refugees, human rights, Bangladesh, Myanmar

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Michael Steve Lopez Bernabe

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Political news coverage of tabloid sheets as one of the print media molds or influences public opinions and perceptions. In this study, Critical Discourse Analysis was employed to 30 political news taken from major tabloid sheets in the Philippines in order to determine the linguistics features and other features characterizing the political news in tabloids such as discursive styles, news topics or contexts, journalistic roles and news sources. The political underpinnings through framing were also explored in the study. The results revealed that the linguistics features of the news coverage include moods and modalities (morphology), passivity and transitivity, nominalization, appositives and embedding (syntax), and pre-modifications, the use of verbs and omissions (grammatical features). The discursive features were direct or indirect speech; cohesion; endophora and classifications. In terms of news sources were politicians, experts, and journalists; and the tabloid perform the journalistic roles such as an intervention, watchdog, loyal-facilitator, service, infotainment and civic. The news was also evident of different political underpinnings such as game or strategic framing, conflict framing, human interest framing, attrition of responsibility framing, morality framing, economic consequences framing and issue framing.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, political news, applied linguistics, Philippines, tabloid sheets

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Authors: Marco Magasic

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This article examines how a local newspaper’s closure impacts the way everyday people in a rural Australian town are informed about and engage with political affairs. It draws on a two-month focused ethnographic study in the outback town of Lighting Ridge, New South Wales and explores people’s media-related practices following the closure of the towns’ only newspaper, The Ridge News, in 2015. While social media is considered to have partly filled the news void, there is an increasingly fragmented and less vibrant local public sphere that has led to growing complacency among individuals about political affairs. Local residents highlight a dearth of reliable, credible information and lament the loss of the newspaper and its role in community advocacy and fostering people’s engagement with political institutions, especially local government.

Keywords: public sphere, political participation, local news, democratic deficit

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Authors: Asad Ullah Khalid

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This paper encompasses the application of the concept of political economy of mass media in Pakistan. The media has developed at a massive pace and now is considered as one of the vital parts in having better administration furthermore helps in conveying the issues identified with the government to the public. Albeit Pakistani media has gained much independence after 2003 but there are many social, political and economy factors which influence the content of the media. The study employs triangulation of quantitative and qualitative methods. In terms of methods, content analysis and interview method both are used. The content of Pakistani media is analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively. Moreover, interviews with various journalists are conducted, and their findings are disclosed in this paper. Pakistan's communication landscape is neither well documented nor well understood, leaving its public off guard with regards to reviewing the role and impact of news inflow, correspondence and media in political, economic and social life. It has been found out that on particular issues some media channels have strong affiliations with certain political parties, moreover reporting and coverage have also been affected by the factors like terrorism, state policies(written and verbal), advertising/economic and demographic factors like the composition of the population.

Keywords: political economy, news media, Pakistan, electronic news media, journalism, mass media

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Authors: Kolawole Oyekan

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Torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment is one of the issues dealt with by the United Nations in its development of human rights standard. Torture and other ill -treatments is banned at all times in all places including in times of war. There is no justification for torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment under any law in Nigeria. All statutes; local, regional and international on human rights prohibits all forms of degrading treatment. This paper examines the definition of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and the prevalence of confessional statements obtain through torture by security agencies during the interrogation of crime suspects and are mostly relied upon during trial even in cases involving capital punishment. The paper further reviews the Violence against Persons Prohibition Act 2015 which prohibits torture and other forms of ill-treatment. Presently, the Act is applicable only to the federal Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Consequently, the paper concludes that the Act should be adopted as a matter of urgency by the 36 states of the Federation of Nigeria and in addition, cogent steps must be taken to ensure that the provisions of the Act are strictly complied with in order to eliminate torture, cruel and inhuman degrading treatment in Nigeria.

Keywords: confessional statement, human rights, torture, United Nations

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Authors: Ana Alvarenga De Castro

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Food sovereignty has been brought by the international peasants’ movement, La Via Campesina, as a precondition to food security, speaking about the right of each nation to keep its own supply of foods respecting cultural, sustainable practices and productive diversity. The political conceptualization nowadays goes beyond saying that this term is about achieving the rights of farmers to control the food systems according to local specificities, and about equality in the access to natural resources and quality food. The current feminization of agroecosystems and of food insecurity identified by researchers and recognized by international agencies like the UN and FAO has enhanced the feminist discourse into the food sovereignty movement, considering the historical inequalities that place women farmers in subaltern positions inside the families and rural communities. The current tendency in many rural areas of more women taking responsibility for food production and still facing the lack of access to natural resources meets particular aspects in Latin America due to the global economic logic which places the Global South in the position of raw material supplier for the industrialized North, combined with regional characteristics. In this context, Latin American countries play the role of commodities exporters in the international labor division, including among exported items grains, soybean paste, and ores, to the expense of local food chains which provide domestic quality food supply under more sustainable practices. The connections between gender inequalities and global territorial inequalities related to the access and control of food and natural resources are pointed out by feminist political ecology - FPE - authors, and are linked in this article to the potentialities and limitations of women farmers to reproduce diversified agroecosystems in the tropical environments. The work brings the importance of local practices held by women farmers which are crucial to maintaining sustainable agricultural systems and their results on seeds, soil, biodiversity and water conservation. This work presents an analysis of documents, releases, videos and other publicized experiences launched by some peasants’ organizations in Latin America which evidence the different technical and political answers that meet food sovereignty from peasants’ groups that are attributed to women farmers. They are associated with articles presenting the empirical analysis of women farmers' practices in Latin America. The combination drove to discuss the benefits of peasants' conceptions about food systems and their connections with local realities and the gender issues linked to the food sovereignty conceptualization. Conclusion meets that reality on the field cannot reach food sovereignty's ideal homogeneously and that agricultural sustainable practices are dependent on rights' achievement and social inequalities' eradication.

Keywords: food sovereignty, gender, diversified agricultural systems, access to natural resources

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Authors: Mary Ostaszewski

Abstract:

For many years China was riddled by poverty among many other issues and was far from a world power. However, today China has one of the largest GDPs of any country in the world and is a global powerhouse. Since China has accomplished so much, many would presume that this means China is moving away from being a “developing country” alongside countries such as India, Brazil, Israel, etc. into the category “developed country” with countries such as the U.S. Yet, this is not the case as, despite their economic strides, China still has ways to come, especially when it comes to human rights. China faces extreme criticism regarding how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) handles human rights. China has an Orwellian-based society where technology is highly monitored, critics are quickly silenced, and freedoms are heavily restricted. One of their most recent human rights violations is attempting to repress Uyghur populations by placing them into “re-education camps,” where an already vulnerable population is being deprived of their freedoms through severe oppression. These violations create concerns as other developing countries with authoritarian governments follow the example of China. This is mainly because China has seen great success economically while simultaneously being able to maintain its authoritarian regime, thus, inspiring other countries to continue their human rights violations in hopes of gaining success similar to China’s. This idolization of China by other authoritarian regimes creates a concern especially regarding their “re-education” camps. This paper will argue that Chinese “re-education” camps are not only dangerous because they severely oppress and harm the Uyghur population. Yet they are also dangerous because other countries already impressed by China’s success may adopt similar camps in their countries to ensure their oppressive governments retain their tight grasp on power.

Keywords: China, re-education camps, developing countries, Africa, West

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Authors: Mohamed Basheer Abdul Atti Hassan

Abstract:

This research paper will follow the main outlines of the Italian colonization in Libya in a historical geopolitical approach; before we reach the contemporary map. In this study, we are also concerned with following the chain's links, not as drama in time, but as a strategy in place, so that it draws to us a map of power and the distribution of political formations throughout this period within and around Libya. From the sum of these variable distributions and successive balances, we can come up with the basic principles that determined the Italian history in Libya and formed its political entity, which is a compass of guidance and an indication of the future.

Keywords: conflict, Mediterranean, colonization, political history

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Authors: E. Xavier, B. Nandita

Abstract:

Rohingyas are an ethnic and religious minority that resides in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. Post the military coup in 1962, Rohingyas have not been recognized as one of the ethnic tribes of Burma under the legislation. They have lost citizenship, education, health care rights, and instantly became illegal immigrants. While the historicization of this conflict is crucial, this paper wants to humanize the Rohingya population’s embodiment of violence on three different levels – individual, social, and political. In addition, the study focuses on their liminal existence in refugee camps in Bangladesh and in other parts of the world, such as Malaysia and the United States of America. A multi-medium study, it includes first-hand interviews with the Rohingya community in Wisconsin and Chicago, second-hand interviews from documentaries and past ethnographies from scholars to draw meaningful conclusions about their experience as a community. In the end, it focuses on the group of Rohingyas who have managed to resettle in another country and their transitioning experience. Rohingyas embody violence on their individual, social, and political bodies in different ways. Along with rape, murder, and physical harm, the community also encounters sexually transmitted infections, post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms, and poor mental health. On a social level, they encounter heightened gender discrimination, work industry shifting, and immense, shared emotional pain. As for their political body, the news media and journalism industry uses their bodies for purposes that benefit both parties and flirts with a tone of sensationalism in their reporting. In addition, the Rohingya community fluctuates with the concept of nationality, patriotism, citizenship, and refugee when they think about the future. This study provides a framework that future aid or health programs can use to determine the type of community need and its significance in the Rohingya community.

Keywords: embodiment, liminal, refugee, Rohingya

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Authors: Ekin D. Horzum

Abstract:

The aim of the proposal is to examine the relationship between human trafficking related corruption and human security. The proposal suggests that the human trafficking related corruption is about willingness of the states to turn a blind eye to the human trafficking cases. Therefore, it is important to approach human trafficking related corruption in terms of human security and human rights violation to find an effective way to fight against human trafficking. In this context, the purpose of this proposal is to examine the human trafficking related corruption as a safe haven in which trafficking thrives for perpetrators.

Keywords: human trafficking, human security, human rights, corruption, organized crime

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Authors: Meryl Abigail Lucasan

Abstract:

The purpose of this research paper is to present a Single Country Comparative Contextual Description Study of the Executive Authorities in Austria, focusing with the Federal President, Cabinet members (Federal Chancellor, the Vice-Chancellor and the other Federal Ministers) and the State Government. In this paper, the roles and powers of the executive authorities of Austria will be enumerated and explained; and the behavior of the executive authorities of Austria will be described in detail. In addition, the researcher will provide a survey that was answered by an Austrian citizen through electronic mail to gain more concrete information about the current political condition in Austria. Based on research, Austria has a remarkable political stability. This paper will develop a conceptual framework or a sample paradigm to represent the political system in Austria, focusing on its states and Executive Authorities in achieving political stability.

Keywords: Austrian politics, executive branch of the government, federal government, political stability

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Authors: Edith Kamakune

Abstract:

As much as Indigenous rights are presumed to be part of the broad human rights regime, members of the indigenous communities have continually suffered violations, exclusions, and threat. There are a number of steps taken from the international community in trying to bridge the gap, and this has been through the inclusion of provisions as well as the passing of conventions and declarations with specific reference to the rights of indigenous peoples. Some examples of indigenous people include theSiberian Yupik of St Lawrence Island; the Ute of Utah; the Cree of Alberta, and the Xosa andKhoiKhoi of Southern Africa. Uganda’s wide cultural heritage has played a key role in the failure to pay special attention to the needs of the rights of indigenous peoples. The 1995 Constitution and the Land Act of 1998 provide for abstract land rights without necessarily paying attention to indigenous communities’ special needs. Basongora are a pastoralist community in Western Uganda whose ancestral land is the present Queen Elizabeth National Park of Western Uganda, Virunga National Park of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, and the small percentage of the low lands under the Rwenzori Mountains. Their values and livelihood are embedded in their strong attachment to the land, and this has been at stake for the last about 90 Years. This research was aimed atinvestigating the relationship between land rights and the right to cultural identity among indigenous communities, looking at the policy available on land and culture, and whether the policies are sensitive of the specific issues of vulnerable ethnic groups; and largely the effect of land on the right to cultural identity. The research was guided by three objectives: to examine and contextualize the concept of land rights among the Basongora community; to assess the policy frame work available for the protection of the Basongora community; to investigate the forms of vulnerability of the Basongora community. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used. a case of Kaseseand Kampala Districts were purposefully selected .138 people were recruited through random and nonrandom techniques to participate in the study, and these were 70 questionnaire respondents; 20 face to face interviews respondents; 5 key informants, and 43 participants in focus group discussions; The study established that Land is communally held and used and thatit continues to be a central source of livelihood for the Basongora; land rights are important in multiplication of herds; preservation, development, and promotion of culture and language. Research found gaps in the policy framework since the policies are concerned with tenure issues and the general provisions areambiguous. Oftenly, the Basongora are not called upon to participate in decision making processes, even on issues that affect them. The research findings call forauthorities to allow Basongora to access Queen Elizabeth National Park land for pasture during particular seasons of the year, especially during the dry seasons; land use policy; need for a clear alignment of the description of indigenous communitiesunder the constitution (Uganda, 1995) to the international definition.

Keywords: cultural identity, land rights, protection, uganda

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Authors: Beata Anna Bronowicka

Abstract:

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to improve effectiveness of mediation in family matters regarding child protection in Australia and Poland. Design/methodology/approach the methodological approach is phenomenology. Two phenomenological methods of data collection were used in this research 1/ a doctrinal research 2/an interview. The doctrinal research forms the basis for obtaining information on mediation, the date of introduction of this alternative dispute resolution method to the Australian and Polish legal systems. No less important were the analysis of the legislation and legal doctrine in the field of mediation in family matters, especially child protection. In the second method, the data was collected by semi-structured interview. The collected data was translated from Polish to English and analysed using software program. Findings- The rights of children in the context of mediation in Australia and Poland differ from the recommendations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, which require that children be included in all matters that concern them. It is the room for improvement in the mediation process by increasing child rights in mediation between parents in matters related to children. Children should have the right to express their opinion similarly to the case in the court process. The challenge with mediation is also better understanding the role of professionals in mediation as lawyers, mediators. Originality/value-The research is anticipated to be of particular benefit to parents, society as whole, and professionals working in mediation. These results may also be helpful during further legislative initiatives in this area.

Keywords: mediation, family law, children's rights, australian and polish family law

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