Search results for: naturalization

Authors: Zeynep Ozkan, Cigdem Serra Uzunpinar

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Citizenship is a legal bond that binds a person to a certain state. How constitutions define ‘the citizen’ and how they regulate the elements of citizenship have great importance in terms of individuals’ duties before the state as well as the rights they own. Especially in multi-segmented societies that contain foreign elements, it becomes necessary to examinate the institution of naturalization in terms of individuals’ duty of constitutional citizenship. The meaning of citizenship in Turkey has transformed due to the changes in practices of naturalization, in parallel to receiving huge amount of immagrants with the recent Syrian Crisis, the change in the governmental system and facing economic crisis. This transformation took place in the way of a diversion from the states’ initial motive of building the bond of citizenship with the aim of founding/sustaining political unity. Hence, rising of the economic and political motives in naturalization practices are in question, instead of objective and subjective criterias, that are traditionally used on defining the notion of nation. In this study, firstly the regime of citizenship and the legal regime of aliens in Turkish legislation will be given place. Then, the transformation, that the notion of constitutional citizenship underwent, will be studied, especially on the basis of governmental practices of naturalization. The assessment will be made in the context of legal institutions brought with the new governmental system as a result of recent constitutional amendment.

Keywords: constitutional citizenship, naturalization, naturalization practices in Turkish legal system, transformation of the notion of constitutional citizenship

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Authors: Mehrnoosh Abouzari, Shahrokh Sahraei

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Arrival of artificial intelligence or smart robots in the modern world put them in charge on pericise and at risk. So acting human activities with robots makes criminal or civil responsibilities for their acts or behavior. The practical usage of smart robots has entered them in to a unique situation when naturalization happens and smart robots are identifies as members of society. There would be some legal situation by adopting these new smart citizens. The first situation is about legal responsibility of robots. Recognizing the naturalization of robot involves some basic right , so humans have the rights of employment, property, housing, using energy and other human rights may be employed for robots. So how would be the practice of these rights in the society and if some problems happens with these rights, how would the civil responsibility and punishment? May we consider them as population and count on the social programs? The second episode is about the criminal responsibility of robots in important activity instead of human that is the aim of inventing robots with handling works in AI technology , but the problem arises when some accidents are happened by robots who are in charge of important activities like army, surgery, transporting, judgement and so on. Moreover, recognizing independent identification for robots in the legal world by register ID cards, naturalization and civilian rights makes and prepare the same rights and obligations of human. So, the civil responsibility is not avoidable and if the robot commit a crime it would have criminal responsibility and have to be punished. The basic component of criminal responsibility may changes in so situation. For example, if designation for criminal responsibility bounds to human by sane, maturity, voluntariness, it would be for robots by being intelligent, good programming, not being hacked and so on. So it is irrational to punish robots by prisoning , execution and other human punishments for body. We may determine to make digital punishments like changing or repairing programs, exchanging some parts of its body or wreck it down completely. Finally the responsibility of the smart robot creators, programmers, the boss in chief, the organization who employed robot, the government which permitted to use robot in important bases and activities , will be analyzing and investigating in their article.

Keywords: robot, artificial intelligence, personality, responsibility

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Authors: Nisreen Naji Al-Khawaldeh, Lara Ahmad Mansour El-Awar

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The present study investigated the strategies MA translation students used for translating technical terms, the most common obstacles they encountered in translating such terms, and the motives behind using such terms as they are in their original form despite their translatability into Arabic. To achieve these objectives, a translation test was administered to 100 MA students specialising in translation at both Hashemite University and The University of Jordan. It consisted of two parts: (a) 50 English technical terms to be translated (b) two questions to be answered concerning the challenges or problems encountered while translating the previous technical terms and the motives that drive them to use most of the English technical terms as they are despite their translatability into Arabic. The analysis of the results revealed that MA translation students faced problems in translating technical terms, namely the inability to find the equivalent form for the given technical terms, the use of literal translation, and the wider use of loan-words type. Besides, the students used different strategies to translate the technical terms, namely borrowing (i.e., loan- words), paraphrasing, synonymy, naturalization, equivalence, and literal translation. Moreover, it was also revealed that most technical terms were used as they are in the source language despite their translatability into Arabic because these technical terms are easier to use in English rather than in Arabic. Also, when these terms were introduced to the Arab world, they were introduced in English, not in Arabic. So, the brain links these objects to their English terms.

Keywords: arabic, english, technical terms, translation strategies, translation problems

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Authors: Sehwan Kim, Jepkorir Rose Chepyator Thomson

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Music provides opportunities to affirm social identities and facilitate the internalization of one’s identity. The purpose of this study was to examine the role of music in breaking down boundaries between the in-group and out-of-group sport participants. Social identity theory was used to guide an understanding of two American-born South Korean skaters—Yura Min and Alexander Gamelin—who used a Korean representative traditional folk song, Arirang, at the 2018 Winter Olympics. This was an interpretive case study that focused on 2018 Winter Olympic participants whose performance and use of music was understood through the lenses of Koreans. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 Korean audiences who watched two American-born South Korean skaters’ performances. Data analysis involved the determination of themes in the data collected. The findings of this study are as follows: First Koreans viewed the skaters as the out-group based on ethnic appearances and stereotypes. Second, Koreans’ inter-group bias against the skaters was meditated after Koreans watched the skaters as they used Arirang song in performance. Implications for this study include the importance of music as an instrument of unity across diverse populations, including intergroup relations. Music can also offer ways to understand people’s cultures and bridge gaps between age and gender across categories of naturalization.

Keywords: impact of music, intergroup relations, naturalized athletes, social identity theory

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Authors: C. Chaillou

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The dominant theoretical approaches in Criminology are interested in the phenomenon of delinquency from the question of the management of the risks incurred by the population. Thus, this research advocate prevention of this phenomenon by a tracking of early disorders in children. Treatments offered to rely on medical research (genetics and biology are cited as a reference) and assuming a high naturalization of delinquent behaviour. Programs that are offered also reduce to a recovery of the deviant behaviour, and rely readily on behavioral guidelines, with an educational grant. Public policy then rely on these programs to prevent unwanted behaviour within a given population and to reduce the risk for the company. This is the case in France, with national institutes making (juvenile) violence a public health problem. We consider that other approaches, issues of sociology, are more relevant to the treatment of offenders. These approaches are moving, not on its prevention, but from its inputs and its outputs. Several modalities of entries and exits of delinquency can find and analyze in terms of process. We assume that there is a dynamic inherent in the individual and it is important to take into account the environment of the offender. These different types of processes can illuminate from the derived work of the Psychoanalytical psychopathology and lead to more effective treatment of delinquent acts. Psychoanalytic concepts have enabled us to offer a new look means to treat delinquency, placing several types of relationship with the other and relating to the clinical structure and the uniqueness of the case, we have been able to enter subjective and unconscious logics at work in delinquent acts. This research has facilitated the reduction of these types of subjective responses and proposed others, opening to a reintegration of offenders in a social link them being more favourable and in a longer term.

Keywords: delinquency, insertion, social link, unconscious

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Authors: Gina Longo

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Social media, internet technology, and affordable travel have created avenues like tourism and internet chatrooms for Western women to meet foreign partners without paid, third-party intermediaries in regions like the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) and Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), where men from mid-level developing countries meet and marry Western women and try to relocate. Foreign nationals who marry U.S. citizens have an expedited track to naturalization. U.S. immigration officials require that “green card” petitioning couples demonstrate that their relationships are “valid and subsisting” (i.e., for love) and not fraudulent (i.e., for immigration papers). These requirements are ostensibly gender- and racially-neutral, but migration itself is not; black and white women petitioners who seek partners from these regions and solicit advice from similar others about the potential obstacles to their petitions’ success online. Using an online ethnography and textual analysis of conversation threads on a large on-line immigration forum where U.S. petitioners exchange such information, this study examines how gendered and racialized standards of legitimacy are applied to family and sexuality and used discursively online among women petitioners differently to achieve “genuineness” and define “red flags” indicating potential marriage fraud. This paper argues that forum-women members police immigration requests even before cases reach an immigration officer, and use this social media platform to reconstruct gendered and racialized hierarchies of U.S. citizenship. Women petitioners use the formal criteria of U.S. immigration in ways that reveal gender and racial ideologies, expectations for conformity to a gendered hegemonic family ideal, and policing of women’s sexual agency, fertility, and desirability. These intersectional norms shape their online discussions about the suitability of marriages and of the migration of non-citizen male partners of color to the United States.

Keywords: marriage fraud, migration, online forums, women

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Authors: Sandra Maria Cerqueira Da Silva

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The construction of the material world involves a series of social power relations. These relations, in a way, can dictate, shape, judge and drive the profiles of so-called ‘ideal’ individuals. Gender relations, as power relations, are defined based on hierarchies, obediences and inequalities, and male domination seems, with few exceptions, to be rooted in every society around the world. The profile of the Brazilian woman, beyond patriarchal and market determinations, is strongly subjected to media products. Women are, numerically, the majority in Brazilian society. The social indicators point to slight advances in terms of years of study and professional qualification, as well as access to the job market; yet, differences in opportunity and conditions — often explained though the ‘unquestionable’ cultural rancidness argument — still hinder women’s ability to reach and keep job positions. These unequalities are also visible in everyday interactions and in gender relations, and they become greater once race is added to the analysis. For a black woman, her racial origins may play a part in determining the construction of her gender roles. In these terms, there is need to investigate the racial character of the sexual differences within a larger social proccess of naturalization and justification of cultural hierarchies. Thus, the goal of this study is to identify and discuss the media-built image of black women in Brazil. Furthermore, it is necessary to seek views different than those of the ruling classes. The study uses a qualitative approach based on the feminist standpoint, which intends to hold women’s experiences as central. The body of the research — images taken from the Internet — was treated through critical content analysis. The results show that in Brazil the profile of black women, beyond the machist and sexist generalizations, objectifies them or sees them as servants, always at the disposal of non-blacks. It is necessary to overcome the history of this nation, always considering the contribution of these women to the growth and development of places and societies. This can be done through the acknowledgement and highlighting of the few black women who were able to overcome the many barriers in their path and reach leadership position in the country. There are still many important challenges in the way of finding affirmative policies and reaching a more equal society in terms of gender and race; a serious and firm political commitment seems sine qua non.

Keywords: black woman, feminist standpoint, markings, objectification

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Authors: Edward Shizha

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Citizenship is not only political, but it is also a socio-cultural expectation that naturalized immigrants desire for. However, the outcomes of citizenship desirability are determined by forces outside the individual’s control based on legislation and laws that are designed at the macro and exosystemic levels by politicians and policy makers. These laws are then applied to determine the status (permanency or temporariness) of citizenship for immigrants and refugees, but the same laws do not apply to non-immigrant citizens who attain it by birth. While theoretically, citizenship has generally been considered an irrevocable legal status and the highest and most secure legal status one can hold in a state, it is not inviolate for immigrants. While Article 8 of the United Nations Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness provides grounds for revocation of citizenship obtained by immigrants and refugees in host countries, nation-states have their own laws tied to the convention that provide grounds for revocation. Ever since the 9/11 attacks in the USA, there has been a rise in conditional citizenship and the state’s withdrawal of citizenship through revocation laws that denaturalize citizens who end up not merely losing their citizenship but also the right to reside in the country of immigration. Because immigrants can be perceived as a security threat, the securitization of citizenship and the legislative changes have been adopted to specifically allow greater discretionary power in stripping people of their citizenship.The paper ‘Do We Really Belong Here?’ Transnationalism and the Temporality of Naturalized Citizenship examines literature on the temporality of naturalized citizenship and questions whether citizenship, for newcomers (immigrants and refugees), is a protected human right or a privilege. The paper argues that citizenship in a host country is a well sought-after status by newcomers. The question is whether their citizenship, if granted, has a permanent or temporary status and whether it is treated in the same way as that of non-immigrant citizens. The paper further argues that, despite citizenship having generally been considered an irrevocable status in most Western countries, in practice, if not in law, for immigrants and refugees, citizenship comes with strings attached because of policies and laws that control naturalized citizenship. These laws can be used to denationalize naturalized citizens through revocations for those stigmatized as ‘undesirables’ who are threatened with deportation. Whereas non-immigrant citizens (those who attain it by birth) have absolute right to their citizenship, this is seldom the case for immigrants.This paper takes a multidisciplinary approach using Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the macrosystem and exo-system, to examine and review literature on the temporality of naturalized citizenship and questions whether citizenship is a protected right or a privilege for immigrants. The paper challenges the human rights violation of citizenship revocation and argues for equality of treatment for all citizens despite how they acquired their citizenship. The fragility of naturalized citizenship undermines the basic rights and securities that citizenship status can provide to the person as an inclusive practice in a diverse society.

Keywords: citizenship, citizenship revocation, dual citizenship, human rights, naturalization, naturalized citizenship

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Authors: Stephan Treuke

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The paper analyses the neighbourhood effects on the economic mobility of the inhabitants of three segregated communities of Salvador (Brazil), in other words, the socio-economic advantages and disadvantages affecting the lives of poor people due to their embeddedness in specific socio-residential contexts. Recent studies performed in Brazilian metropolis have concentrated on the structural dimensions of negative externalities in order to explain neighbourhood-level variations in a field of different phenomena (delinquency, violence, access to the labour market and education) in spatial isolated and socially homogeneous slum areas (favelas). However, major disagreement remains whether the contiguity between residents of poor neighbourhoods and higher-class condominio-dwellers provides structures of opportunities or whether it fosters socio-spatial stigmatization. Based on a set of interviews, investigating the variability of interpersonal networks and their activation in the struggle for economic inclusion, the study confirms that the proximity of Nordeste de Amaralina to middle-/upper-class communities affects positively the access to labour opportunities. Nevertheless, residential stigmatization, as well as structures of social segmentation, annihilate these potentials. The lack of exposition to individuals and groups extrapolating from the favela’s social, educational and cultural context restricts the structures of opportunities to local level. Therefore, residents´ interpersonal networks reveal a high degree of redundancy and localism, based on bonding ties connecting family and neighbourhood members. The resilience of segregational structures in Plataforma contributes to the naturalization of social distance patters. It’s embeddedness in a socially homogeneous residential area (Subúrbio Ferroviário), growing informally and beyond official urban politics, encourages the construction of isotopic patterns of sociability, sharing the same values, social preferences, perspectives and behaviour models. Whereas it’s spatial isolation correlates with the scarcity of economic opportunities, the social heterogeneity of Fazenda Grande II interviewees and the socialising effects of public institutions mitigate the negative repercussions of segregation. The networks’ composition admits a higher degree of heterophilia and a greater proportion of bridging ties accounting for the access to broader information actives and facilitating economic mobility. The variability observed within the three different scenarios urges to reflect about the responsability of urban politics when it comes to the prevention or consolidation of the social segregation process in Salvador. Instead of promoting the local development of the favela Plataforma, public housing programs priorize technocratic habitational solutions without providing the residents’ socio-economic integration. The impact of negative externalities related to the homogeneously poor neighbourhood is potencialized in peripheral areas, turning its’ inhabitants socially invisible, thus being isolated from other social groups. The example of Nordeste de Amaralina portrays the failing interest of urban politics to bridge the social distances structuring the brazilian society’s rigid stratification model, founded on mecanisms of segmentation (unequal access to labour market and education system, public transport, social security and law protection) and generating permanent conflicts between the two socioeconomically distant groups living in geographic contiguity. Finally, in the case of Fazenda Grande II, the public investments in both housing projects and complementary infrastructure (e.g. schools, hospitals, community center, police stations, recreation areas) contributes to the residents’ socio-economic inclusion.

Keywords: economic mobility, neighborhood effects, Salvador, segregation

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