Search results for: impunity

Authors: Ikediobi Lottanna Samuel

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Days are gone when perpetrators of core international crimes hide under the cloak of sovereignty to go with impunity. The principle of international criminal responsibility is a reality. This move to end impunity for violation of human rights has led to the creation of international and hybrid tribunals, a permanent international criminal court, and increased prosecution of human rights violations in domestic courts. This article examines the attempts by the international community to bring perpetrators of heinous crimes to book. The work reveals the inadequacy of the current international mechanism for prosecuting core international crimes in order to end the culture of impunity and entrench the culture of accountability. It also identifies that ad hoc international criminal tribunals and the international criminal court face similar challenges ranging from lack of cooperation by nation states, non-existence of hierarchy of crimes, lack of effective enforcement mechanism, limited prosecutorial capacity and agenda, difficulty in apprehending suspects, difficulty in blending different legal tradition, absence of a coherent sentencing guideline, distant location of courts, selective indictment, etc. These challenges adversely affect the functioning of these courts. It is suggested that a more helpful way to end impunity would be to have a more robust and synergistic relationship between national, regional, and international approaches to prosecuting core international crimes.

Keywords: prosecution, criminal, international, tribunal, justice, ad hoc

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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Organised crime in Mexico evolves faster that our capacity to understand and explain it. Organised gangs have become successful entrepreneurs in many ways ad they have somehow mimicked the working ways of the authorities and in many cases, they have successfully infiltrated the governmental spheres. This business model is only possible under a clear scheme of rampant impunity. Impunity, however, is not exclusive to the PRI. Nor the PRI, PAN, or PRD can claim the monopoly of corruption, but what is worse is that none can claim full honesty in their acts either. The current security crisis in Mexico shows a crisis in the Mexican political party system. Corruption today is not only a problem of dishonesty and the correct use of public resources. It is the principal threat to Mexican democracy, governance, and national security.

Keywords: security, war on drugs, drug trafficking, Mexico, Latin America, United States

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Authors: Jeanne-Mari Retief

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As of November 2016, three African states have withdrawn from the International Criminal Court (ICC) and more are expected to follow. The alleged abuse of universal jurisdiction and targeting of African states by the ICC motivated the withdrawals. These historical exits raise many questions, especially in regard to the adequate investigation and prosecution of international crimes in a continent with a history of impunity. Even though African courts exist and one more is proposed, many issues remain i.e. adequate access to the courts, the extent of the courts’ jurisdiction, and proposed methods of effectively dealing with international crimes in Africa. This paper seeks to address the practical effects of the withdrawal from the ICC and the problems posed through utilizing regional courts. It will specifically look at the practical challenges existing courts face, the lack of access to the latter, issues concerning the proposed African Court for Justice and Human Rights, and the shocking promotion of impunity in Africa. These all have severe implications for African citizens and victims of the most heinous crimes. The mantra of African solutions to African problems places an important duty on states to ensure the actual provision of these solutions, which can only be achieved through a critical analysis of the questions above.

Keywords: ACJHR, Africa, impunity, justice, Malabo protocol

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Authors: Jelena Radmanovic

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On 5 March 2020, the International Criminal Court has decided to authorize the investigation into the crimes allegedly committed on the territory of Afghanistan after 1 May 2003. The said determination has raised several controversies, including the recently imposed sanctions by the United States, furthering the United States' long-standing rejection of the authority of the International Criminal Court. The purpose of this research is to address the said investigation in light of its importance for the prevention of impunity in the cases where the perpetrators are nationals of Non-Party States to the Rome Statute. Difficulties that the International Criminal Court has been facing, concerning the establishment of its jurisdiction in those instances where an involved state is not a Party to the Rome Statute, have become the most significant stumbling block undermining the importance, integrity, and influence of the Court. The Situation in Afghanistan raises even further concern, bearing in mind that the Prosecutor’s Request for authorization of an investigation pursuant to article 15 from 20 November 2017 has initially been rejected with the ‘interests of justice’ as an applied rationale. The first method used for the present research is the description of the actual events regarding the aforementioned decisions and the following reactions in the international community, while with the second method – the method of conceptual analysis, the research will address the decisions pertaining to the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction and will attempt to address the mentioned Decision of 5 March 2020 as an example of good practice and a precedent that should be followed in all similar situations. The research will attempt parsing the reasons used by the International Criminal Court, giving rather greater attention to the latter decision that has authorized the investigation and the points raised by the officials of the United States. It is a find of this research that the International Criminal Court, together with other similar judicial instances (Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda), has presented the world with the possibility of non-impunity, attempting to prosecute those responsible for the gravest of crimes known to the humanity and has shown that such persons should not enjoy the benefits of their immunities, with its focus primarily on the victims of such crimes. Whilst it is an issue that will most certainly be addressed further in the future, with the situations that will be brought before the International Criminal Court, the present research will make an attempt at pointing to the significance of the situation in Afghanistan, the International Criminal Court as such and the international criminal justice as a whole, for the purpose of putting an end to impunity.

Keywords: Afghanistan, impunity, international criminal court, sanctions, United States

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Authors: Romina Beqiri

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In the context of the prosecution of those responsible for the commission of the most hideous crimes and the fight against impunity, a fundamental role is played by witnesses of the crimes who contribute to ascertaining the ‘procedural truth’. This article examines recent decisions and legislation of the Hague-based International Criminal Court in terms of the endangerment of the integrity of the criminal proceedings in consequence of witness tampering. The analysis focuses on the new developments in the courtroom and the academia, in particular, on the first-ever sentence confirming the charges of corruptly influencing witnesses, interpretation of presenting false evidence and giving false testimony when under an obligation to tell the truth. Confronted with recent tampering with witnesses and their credibility at stake in the ongoing cases, the research explores different Court’s decisions and scholars’ legal disputes concerning the deterrence approach to punish the authors of offences against the administration of justice when committed intentionally. Therefore, the analysis concludes that the Court cannot tolerate any witness false testimony and should enhance consistency and severity of sanctions for the sake of fair trial and end impunity.

Keywords: International Criminal Court, administration of justice, credibility of witness, fair trial, false testimony, witness tampering

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Authors: Zeynep Üskül Engin

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Looking upon the world’s history, one can easily understand that the most drastic and evil comes to the human from his own kind. Human, proving that Hobbs was actually right, finally have agreed on taking some necessary measures after the destructive effects of the great World Wars. Surely after this, human rights have been more commonly mentioned in written form and now the priority of the values and goals of a democratic society is to protect its individuals. Due to this fact, the right of living is found to be valuable and all the existing forms of torture, anti-human and humiliating activities have been banned. Turkey, having signed the international papers of human rights, has aimed for eliminating torture through changing its laws and regulations to a certain extent. Monitoring Turkey’s experience, it is likely to say that during certain periods of time systematic torture has been applied. The urge to enter the European Union and verdicts against Turkey, have led to considerable progress in human rights. Besides, changes in law and the comprehensive training for the police, judges, medical and prison staff have resulted in positive improvement related to this issue. Certainly, this current legal update does not completely mean the total elimination of the practice of torture; however, in the commitment of this crime, the ones who have committed are standing a trial and facing severe punishments. In this article, Turkey, with a notorious reputation in international arena is going to be examined through its policy towards torture and defects in practice.

Keywords: torture, human rights, impunity of torture, sociology

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Md. Mustakimur Rahman

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On the one hand, while dealing with temporally distant international crimes (TDICs), prosecutors are likely to encounter many defendants suffering from severe physical or mental disorders. The concept of a defendant's "fitness," on the other hand, is based on the notion that an alleged perpetrator must be protected from a conviction resulting from a lack of participation or competence in making proper judgments. As a result, if a defendant is temporarily or permanently mentally ill, going through a formal criminal trial may be highly unlikely. TheExtraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia(ECCC), for example, arrested and tried IengThirth for crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and genocide. Still, the Trial Chamber found her incompetent to stand trial and released her in 2011. Although the prosecution had a lot of evidence against her, she was free from prosecution. It suggests that alleged war criminals may be granted immunity due to their unfitness, implying that unfitness is a hurdle to combating impunity. Given the absence of a formal criminal trial, international criminal law (ICL) should take steps to address this issue. ICL, according to Mark A. Drumbl, has yet to develop its penology; hence it borrows penological rationales from domestic criminal law. For example, international crimes tribunals such as the Nuremberg Tribunal and the Tokyo Tribunal, ad hoc tribunals have used retribution, utilitarianism, and rehabilitation as punishment justifications. On the other hand, like in the case of IengThirth, a criminal trial may not always be feasible. As a result, instead of allowing impunity, this paper proposes informal trials. This paper, for example, suggests two approaches to dealing with unfit defendants: 1) trial without punishment and 2) punishment without trial. Trial without punishment is a unique method of expressing condemnation without incarceration. "Expressivism has a broader basis than communication of punishment and sentencing," says Antony Duff. According to Drumbl, we can untangle our understanding of punishment from "the iconic preference for jailhouses" to include a larger spectrum of non-incarcerative measures like "recrimination, shame, consequence, and sanction." Non-incarcerative measures allow offenders to be punished without going through a formal criminal trial. This strategy denotes accountability for unlawful behavior. This research concludes that in many circumstances, prosecuting elderly war crimes suspects is difficult or unfeasible, but their age or illness should not be grounds for impunity. They should be accountable for their heinous activities through criminal trials or other mechanisms.

Keywords: international criminal law, international criminal punishment, international crimes tribunal, temporally distant international crimes

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: David Abrahams

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In October 2016 South Africa deposited its ‘instrument of withdrawal’ from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Rome Statute is the founding document of the treaty-based International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC has jurisdiction to hear cases where crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide have been committed, on the basis of individual criminal responsibility. It is therefore not surprising that one of the ICCs mandates is to ensure that the sufferings, due to gross human rights violations towards the civilian population is, in principle, brought to an end by punishing those individuals responsible, thus providing justice to the victims. The ICC is unable to effectively fulfill its mandate and thus depends, in part on the willingness of states to assist the Court in its functions. This requires states to ratify the Statute and to domesticate its provisions, depending on whether it is a monist or dualist state. South Africa ratified the Statute in November 2000, and domesticated the Statute in 2002 by virtue of the Implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act 27 of 2002. South Africa thus remains under an obligation to cooperate with the ICC until the final date of withdrawal, which is October 2017. An AU Summit was hosted by South Africa during June 2015. Omar Al-Bashir, whom the prosecutor of the ICC has indicted on two separate occasions, was invited to the summit. South Africa made an agreement with the AU that it will honour its obligations in terms of its Diplomatic and Immunities Privileges Act of 2001, by granting immunity to all heads of state, including that of Sudan. This decision by South Africa has raised a plethora of questions regarding the status and hierarchy of international laws versus regional laws versus domestic laws. In particular, this paper explores whether a state’s international law treaty obligations may be suspended in favour of, firstly, regional peace (thus safeguarding the security of the civilian population against further atrocities and other gross violations of human rights), and secondly, head of state immunity. This paper also reflects on the effectiveness of the trias politca in South Africa in relation the manner in which South African courts have confirmed South Africa’s failure in fulfilling its obligations in terms of the Rome Statute. A secondary question which will also be explored, is whether the Rome Statute is currently an effective tool in dealing with gross violations of human rights, particularly in a regional African context, given the desire by a number of African states currently party to the Statute, to engage in a mass exodus from the Statute. Finally, the paper concludes with a proposal that there can be no justice for victims of gross human rights violations unless states are serious in playing an instrumental role in bringing an end to impunity in Africa, and that withdrawing from the ICC without an alternative, effective system in place, will simply perpetuate impunity.

Keywords: African Union, diplomatic immunity, impunity, international criminal court, South Africa

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Authors: Armel Mbon

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This paper discusses the first-person point of view in Maugham's 'Mr. Know-All.' It particularly analyses the narrator's position in relation to the story told in this short story, with the intention of disclosing the latter's prejudice against Mr. Kelada, the protagonist, and, consequently, its hindrance to globalisation. It thus underlines the fact that this protagonist and other travellers are different colours, but one person on this ship epitomises globalisation. The general attitude of readers is that they are inclined to easily believe the narrator while forgetting that fiction is the work of a taler, a teller, but, first and foremost, a liar. The audience, whether it is disconnected from the setting or not, also tends to forget that "travellers from afar can lie with impunity." In fact, the nameless narrator in Maugham's short story has a persona that leaves a lot to be desired. He is prejudiced against Mr. Kelada, known as Mr. Know-All, as will be evidenced by the scrutiny of his diction. This paper finally purports to show that those who proclaim globalisation loudly are not ready to live together.

Keywords: narrator, persona, point of view, diction, contrast, globalisation

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Authors: Tosin Osasona

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The Nigeria Police Force bears the constitutional mandate as the primary policing agency for the protection of life and property within Nigeria; however, the police have an historical ill-reputation for corruption, ineptitude and impunity. Using the institutional theory of police as the framework of analysis, the paper argues that the performance of the police in Nigeria mirrors the dominant political, social and economic institutions and the structural environment of the Nigerian state. The article puts in perspective the deliberate political decision to underfund the police, leaving officers of the force the extra task of foraging for funds to undertake the duty that the Nigeria state primarily exists for; the article further explores the nexus between corruption in the police in Nigeria and the issue of funding. The article finds that the Nigerian state, by deliberately under-funding the police, while expecting the agency to perform its duties, has indirectly sanctioned the corruption of the force and approved the cooption of the institution of police and policing for private use in Nigeria.

Keywords: Police Corruption, Funding , Informal Taxation, POlice Checkpoint

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Authors: Esther Gumboh

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The police play a critical role in society and are an integral aspect of the rule of law. Equally, respect for human rights is an integral part of professional policing. In view of the vast powers that the police enjoy and the attendant risk of abuse and resulting human rights violations, the need for police accountability and civilian police oversight is internationally and regionally recognised. Policing oversight springs from the duty to investigate human rights violations. Those implicated in perpetrating or covering up violations must be disciplined or prosecuted to ensure effective accountability. Police accountability is particularly important in Malawi given the dark history of policing in the country during the 30-year dictatorial era under President Kamuzu Banda. Described as one of the most repressive regimes in Africa, the Banda administration was characterised by gross state-sponsored violence, repressive policing and human rights violations. Indeed, the police were involved in various forms of human rights abuse including arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions, torture, and excessive use of force in conducting arrests and public order policing. This situation flourished within a culture of police impunity bolstered in part by the absence of clear oversight mechanisms for police accountability. In turn, there was immense public mistrust of the police. Unsurprisingly, the criminal justice system was one of the priority areas for reform when Malawi adopted its first democratic Constitution in 1994. Section 153 of the Constitution envisions a police service that is, for all intents and purposes, there to provide for the protection of public safety and the rights of persons in Malawi according to the prescriptions of the Constitution and any other law. This position reflects the view that the duty to protect and promote human rights is not incompatible with effective policing. Despite this, the police continue to engage in questionable behaviour in public order policing, excessive use of force, deaths in police custody, ill-treatment, torture and other forms of abuse including sexual abuse. Perpetrators of abuses are occasionally punished, but investigations are often delayed, abandoned, or remain inconclusive. Police accountability remains largely elusive. Commendably, the law does subject the police to significant oversight both internally and externally. However, until 2010, Malawi lacked a wholly independent civilian oversight mechanism specifically mandated to monitor the activities of the Malawi Police Service and held it accountable. This void has since been filled by the Independent Complaints Commission established under the Police Act. This is a positive development that reiterates Malawi’s commitment to the investigation of human rights violations by the police and to ending police impunity. This contribution examines the legal framework for this Commission to project the effectiveness of the Commission. While the framework looks promising on various fronts, there are potential challenges that lie ahead. Malawi must pre-emptively deal with these challenges carefully if the Commission is to have any practical significance in transforming police accountability in the country. Drawing on lessons from other jurisdictions like South Africa, the paper makes recommendations for legislative reform to strengthen the Commission’s framework.

Keywords: civilian policing oversight, Malawi, police, police accountability, policing, policing oversight

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Authors: Neha Singh, Anshuman Rana

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Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination which reinforces inequalities between men and women. It is defined as violence that is directed against a person on the basis of gender. There has been increased attention to human trafficking that has exposed to illegal migration. Trafficking is complex, but it generally takes place due to “push and pull factors”. India is both a source as well as a transit country for trafficking. Women are bought and sold with impunity and trafficked to other countries. They are forced to work as sex worker, forced labour and other practices of slavery. Trafficked victims often suffer from serious abuse and physical exhaustion. The effects of violence on women vary widely. GBV typically has physical, psychological and social effects. They face unwanted pregnancies, miscarriages, high rate of infertility and sexually transmitted disease. The social exclusion of women is so great that it constitutes a new form of apartheid. Women are considered as lesser value and deprived of their fundamental rights. Violation of human rights and fundamental freedom such as- trafficking of women, girls for sex trade, forced prostitution and sex tourism have become the focus of internationally organized crimes. My paper will analyse the impact of violence on society as well. Law alone cannot change the scenario and problem of gender-biasness. The whole issue of gender violence needs social awakening and change in attitude of masses, so that due respect and equal status is given to women.

Keywords: gender-based violence, trafficking, migration, violence impact, social exclusion, law enforcement

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Authors: Onyeke Paul Chuks

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Nigeria is ranked among the developing nations and a country with a low income per capita. The consequences of this economic situation have led to the low achievement records below UN benchmark especially in the area of basic education for her citizens. The country is, however, making relentless efforts at arresting the situation by making budgetary allocations to ensure the realization of Millennium Development Goal No. 2 which is achieving universal basic education, her distressed economy notwithstanding. Basic education which comprises primary and lower secondary education as well as pre-primary and/or adult literacy programs have suffered serious setbacks orchestrated by the dwindling of the nation’s economy. This category of education being the bedrock of all other levels of education is regarded as a priority by developing countries and also the focus of the Education for All Movement led by UNESCO. The introduction of child-friendly school model is one of the strategies designed by UNESCO to achieving this all important MDGs goal No. 2. Child-friendly education model is aimed at replacing the out-dated, mundane, regimented and officious school administrative model where the basic rights of school children are trampled upon with impunity and community participation in school activities is viewed as unnecessary interference by school managers. This paper ex-rayed the potential obstacles likely to impinge on the implementation of child-friendly school model in Nigeria especially from the angle of her distressed economy and the colossal effects of the corrupt practices bedeviling the nation. The paper as well outlines prospects for the successful implementation of the child-friendly school model in Nigeria.

Keywords: child-friendly school, distressed economy, model, Nigeria

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Authors: Mike Omilusi

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Since the Buhari administration came to power, it has gained the people’s confidence with its anti-corruption efforts. Making culprits account for their past unlawful deeds, in a very determined and aggressive manner ever witnessed in the nation’s political history, generates different reactions among Nigerians. However, some questions remain pertinent to this study: Are Nigerians really advocating persecution or prosecution in respect of the graft suspects? Do they want conviction without being convinced? Is their outburst propelled by emotions and revengeful anticipation of having suspected looters of the nation’s commonwealth behind bars? Can the war be successfully fought without resorting to impunity? Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this study seeks to interrogate the claim of fundamental human rights in the face of wanton looting of the nation’s resources. If, as opined by President Buhari, corruption is a crime against humanity, then it is argued that those who commit such crime should be subjected to penalties prescribed by law. Such crime -as corruption in this study- deprives the citizens of welfare, social amenities and good things of life. In this instance, it also poses threats to national security, having misappropriated funds meant for the war against the Boko Haram terrorism as revealed by the anti-corruption agency in the country. A theoretically-driven investigation, this essay raises some expectations within the context of good governance-propelled anti-corruption crusade, making modest recommendations as to how corruption should be prevented and combated within the confine of rule of law.

Keywords: corruption, rule of law, human rights, prosecution, commonwealth

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Authors: Michael Fusi Ligaliga

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Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS), despite being a new pedagogical discipline, is a growing interdisciplinary academic field that has expanded its presence from the traditional lens of war, conflict, and violence to addressing various social issues impacting society. Family and domestic violence (FDV) has seldom been explored through the PACS lens despite some studies showing that “on average, nearly 20 people per minute are physically abused by an intimate partner in the United States. Over one year, this equates to more than 10 million women and men.” In the Pacific, FDV rates are some of the highest in the world. The friction caused by cultural practices reinforcing patriarchy and male impunity, compounded by historical colonial experiences, as well as the impact of Christianity on the Pacific region, creates a complex social landscape when thinking about and addressing FDV in the Pacific. This paper seeks to re-examine Johan Galtung’s violence triangle (GVT) theory and its application to understanding FDV in the Pacific. Galtung argues that there are three forms of violence – direct, structural, and cultural. Direct violence (DV) is behaviors that threaten life itself or diminishes the ability of a person to meet his or her basic needs. This form of violence is visible because it is manifested in behaviors such as killing, maiming, sexual assault, etc. Structural violence (SV) exists when people do not get equal access to goods and services (health, education, justice) that enable them to reach their full potential. When ideologies embedded in cultural norms and practices are used to justify and advocate acts of violence by shifting the moral parameters from being wrong to right or acceptable, this, according to Galtung, is referred to as Cultural violence (CV).

Keywords: direct violence, cultural violence, structural violence, indigenous peacebuilding, samoa

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Authors: O. E. Eberechi, G. P. Stevens

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Legal theory has been referred to as the explanation of why things do or do not happen. It also describes situations and why they ensue. It provides a normative framework by which things are regulated and a foundation for the establishment of legal mechanisms/institutions that can bring about a desired change in a society. Furthermore, it offers recommendations in resolving practical problems and describes what the law is, what the law ought to be and defines the legal landscape generally. Some legal theories provide a universal standard, e.g. human rights, while others are capable of organizing and streamlining the collective use, and, by extension, bring order to society. Legal theory is used to explain how the world works and how it does not work. This paper will argue for the application of the principles of legal theory in the achievement of access to justice for female victims of sexual violence in refugee camps in Africa through the analysis of legal theories underpinning the access to justice for these women. It is a known fact that female refugees in camps in Africa often experience some form of sexual violation. The perpetrators of these incidents may never be apprehended, prosecuted, convicted or sentenced. Where prosecution does occur, the perpetrators are either acquitted as a result of poor investigation, inept prosecution, a lack of evidence, or the case may be dismissed owing to tardiness on the part of the prosecutor, which accounts for the culture of impunity in refugee camps. In other words, victims do not have access to the justice that could ameliorate the plight of the victims. There is, thus, a need for a legal framework that will facilitate access to justice for these victims. This paper will start with an introduction, and be followed by the definition of legal theory, its functions and its application in law. Secondly, it will provide a brief explanation of the problems faced by female refugees who are victims of sexual violence in refugee camps in Africa. Thirdly, it will embark on an analysis of theories which will be a help to an understanding of the precarious situation of female refugees, why they are violated, the need for access to justice for these victims, and the principles of legal theory in its usefulness in resolving access to justice for these victims.

Keywords: access to justice, underpinning legal theory, refugee, sexual violence

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Authors: Saraswati Suna

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The outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic and the subsequent lockdown have significantly impacted India's political, structural, and economic systems and a rising gap between the rich and the disadvantaged, upper and lower caste. For Dalit women, such forms of subjugation were followed by socioeconomic uncertainty due to the pandemic's economic shutdown and labour oppressions. Dalit women have been the victims of the most oppression among the nation's underprivileged groups. Dalit women undergo systemic oppression at the hands of the state, caste, class, gender, and religious hegemons historically. Dalit women hold a subordinate position within the gender to their male counterparts and caste to their upper-caste counterparts. This paper examines how Brahminical patriarchy and state power severely affected Dalit/Adivasi women during COVID-19 in Odisha, India. In order to understand caste-based sexual violence, a total of five cases have been analysed from newspapers. Findings revealed that Covid-19 appears to have a significant physical, psychological, and economic impact on Dalit women. The intention of sexual harassment and rape perpetrated by upper caste men is to maintain power and patriarchal culture in society. Dalit women are economically, socially, and culturally marginalised, which effectively exacerbates the sense of impunity by perpetrators of violence against Dalit women. This issue requires special attention to end atrocities against Dalit women. Dalit women become the target of rape, sexual assault, and murder. Sexual violence against Dalit women cannot be fully explained without linkage to caste, gender, and power. Dominant caste comes through caste privilege-socio-economic and politically; these factors contribute to sexual violence against Dalit women. The findings revealed that state police manipulate sexual violence, and in so doing, they create and deny access to both services to get justice. This article has argued that understanding Brahminical culture and the legal impacts of state police on Dalit women's identity requires a nuanced analysis.

Keywords: COVID-19, dalit women, sexual violence, brahminical patriarchy, power

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Authors: Dini Dewi Heniarti

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Military Court which is a judicial institution within the military institution has a heavy duty. Military court has to ensuring a fair legal process for military personnel (due process of law) and enforces military discipline. Military justice must also ensure protects the rights of military personnel. In Indonesia tren of military court changes in vision. The debate is happened on the jurisdiction of military court that allegedly has the potential existence of impunity. The Decree of People’s Consultative Assembly Number VII/MPR/2000 which states that the army general who committed the crime should not be tried in military court is one that underlies the proposed amendment limits the jurisdiction of military court. For the identify of the background in a specific format that is limited to juridical review. The goals this research is to gain knowledge, deep understanding and the concept of jurisdiction of military courts for military members who committed general crimes in adjudication procedure from the perspective of legal reform as alternative to establish independency of military judiciary. This research using Rule of Law as Grand Theory, Development Legal Theory as a Middle Theory and Criminal Justice System and concept of jurisdiction as supporting as Applied Theory. This study using a normative juridical approach, and equipped by primary data juridical approach of historical and comparative approach. The author uses descriptive analytical specifications. The main data used in this research is secondary data, which includes primary legal materials, secondary legal material and legal materials tertiary. Analysis primary data and qualitative data is done legally. Technique checking the validity of the data in this study used multiple methods with the research triangulation. This paper will demonstrate the problems concerning the jurisdiction of military courts for military personnel who committed general crimes in perspective of military justice reform Indonesia and adjudication procedures for military member who committed general crimes in the military justice system in Indonesia, as alternative to establish independency of judiciary in military justice in Indonesia. Comparative approached the military justice system from another countries is aimed to development military justice in Indonesia.

Keywords: jurisdiction, military courts, military justice, independency of judiciary

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Authors: Beatriz Botella-Gil, Patricio Martínez-Barco, Lea Canales

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The Internet and ICT are an integral element of and omnipresent in our daily lives. Technologies have changed the way we see the world and relate to it. The number of companies in the ICT sector is increasing every year, and there has also been an increase in the work that occurs online, from sending e-mails to the way companies promote themselves. In social life, ICT’s have gained momentum. Social networks are useful for keeping in contact with family or friends that live far away. This change in how we manage our relationships using electronic devices and social media has been experienced differently depending on the age of the person. According to currently available data, people are increasingly connected to social media and other forms of online communication. Therefore, it is no surprise that violent content has also made its way to digital media. One of the important reasons for this is the anonymity provided by social media, which causes a sense of impunity in the victim. Moreover, it is not uncommon to find derogatory comments, attacking a person’s physical appearance, hobbies, or beliefs. This is why it is necessary to develop artificial intelligence tools that allow us to keep track of violent comments that relate to violent events so that this type of violent online behavior can be deterred. The objective of our research is to create a guide for detecting and recording violent messages. Our annotation guide begins with a study on the problem of violent messages. First, we consider the characteristics that a message should contain for it to be categorized as violent. Second, the possibility of establishing different levels of aggressiveness. To download the corpus, we chose the social network Twitter for its ease of obtaining free messages. We chose two recent, highly visible violent cases that occurred in Spain. Both of them experienced a high degree of social media coverage and user comments. Our corpus has a total of 633 messages, manually tagged, according to the characteristics we considered important, such as, for example, the verbs used, the presence of exclamations or insults, and the presence of negations. We consider it necessary to create wordlists that are present in violent messages as indicators of violence, such as lists of negative verbs, insults, negative phrases. As a final step, we will use automatic learning systems to check the data obtained and the effectiveness of our guide.

Keywords: human language technologies, language modelling, offensive language detection, violent online content

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Authors: Anisah Ari

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Effects of organized crime permeate all facets of life, including public health, socio-economic endeavors, and human security. If any element of this is affected, it impacts large-scale national and global interest. Seeking to address terrorist networks through technical thinking is like trying to kill a weed by just cutting off its branches. It will re-develop and expand in proportions beyond one’s imagination, even in horrific ways that threaten human security. The continent of Africa has been bedeviled by this menace, with little or no solution to the problem. Nigeria is dealing with a protracted insurgency that is perpetrated by a sect against any form of westernization. Reimagining approaches to dealing with pressing issues like terrorism may require engaging the right set of people in the conversation for any sustainable change. These are people who have lived through the daily effects of the violence that ensues from the activities of terrorist activities. Effective leadership is required for an inclusive process, where spaces are created for diverse voices to be heard, and multiple perspectives are listened to, and not just heard, that supports a determination of the realistic outcome. Addressing insurgency in Nigeria has experienced a lot of disinformation and uncertainty. This may be in part due to poor leadership or an iteration of technical solutions to adaptive challenge peacemaking efforts in Nigeria has focused on behaviors, attitudes and practices that contribute to violence. However, it is important to consider the underlying issues that build-up, ignite and fan the flames of violence—looking at conflict as a complex system, issues like climate change, low employment rates, corruption and the impunity of discrimination due to ethnicity and religion. This article will be looking at an option of the more relational way of addressing insurgency through adaptive approaches that embody engagement and solutions with the people rather than for the people. The construction of a local turn in peacebuilding is informed by the need to create a locally driven and sustained peace process that embodies the culture and practices of the people in enacting an everyday peace beyond just a perennial and universalist outlook. A critical analysis that explores the socially identified individuals and situations will be made, considering the more adaptive approach to a complex existential challenge rather than a universalist frame. Case Study and Ethnographic research approach to understand what other scholars have documented on the matter and also a first-hand understanding of the experiences and viewpoints of the participants.

Keywords: terrorism, adaptive, peace, culture

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Authors: Giovana Privatte Maciera, Jair Izaías Kappann

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Introduction: The violence against woman is a complex phenomenon that accompanies the woman throughout her life and is a result of a social, cultural, political and religious construction, based on the differences among the genders. Those differences are felt, mainly, because of the patriarchal system that is still present which just naturalize and legitimate the asymmetry of power. As consequence of the women’s lasting historical and collective effort for a legislation against the impunity of violence against women in the national scenery, it was ordained, in 2006, a law known as Maria da Penha. The law was created as a protective measure for women that were victims of violence and consequently for the punishment of the aggressor. Methodology: Analysis of police inquiries is established by the Police Station of Defense of the Woman of Assis city, by formal authorization of the justice, in the period of 2013 to 2015. For the evaluating of the results will be used the content analysis and the theoretical referential of Psychoanalysis. Results and Discussion: The final analysis of the inquiries demonstrated that the violence against women is reproduced by the society and the aggressor, in most cases it is a member of their own family, mainly the current or former-spouse. The most common kinds of aggression were: the threat bodily harm, and the physical violence, that normally happens accompanied by psychological violence, being the most painful for the victims. The biggest part of the aggressors was white, older than the victim, worker and had primary school. But, unlike the expected, the minority of the aggressors were users of alcohol and/or drugs and possessed children in common with the victim. There is a contrast among the number of victims who already admitted have suffered some type of violence earlier by the same aggressor and the number of victims who has registered the occurrence before. The aggressors often use the discourse of denial in their testimony or try to justify their act like the blame was of the victim. It is believed in the interaction of several factors that can influence the aggressor to commit the abuse, including psychological, personal and sociocultural factors. One hypothesis is that the aggressor has a violence history in the family origin. After the aggressor being judged, condemned or not, usually there is no rehabilitation plan or supervision that enable his change. Conclusions: It has noticed the importance of studying the aggressor’s characteristics and the reasons that took him to commit such violence, making possible the implementation of an appropriate treatment to prevent and reduce the aggressions, as well the creation of programs and actions that enable communication and understanding concerning the theme. This is because the recurrence is still high, since the punitive system is not enough and the law is still ineffective and inefficient in certain aspects and in its own functioning. It is perceived a compulsion in repeat so much for the victims as for the aggressors, because they end involving, almost always, in disturbed and violent relationships, with the relation of subordination-dominance as characteristic.

Keywords: aggressors' profile, gender equality, Maria da Penha law, violence against women

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Authors: Anurag Devkota

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Foreign employment serves to be the strongest pillar in engendering employment options for a large number of the young Nepali population. Nepali workers are forced to leave the comfort of their homes and are exposed to precarious conditions while on a journey to earn enough money to live better their lives. The exponential rise in foreign labour migration has produced a snowball effect on the economy of the nation. The dramatic variation in the economic development of the state has proved to establish the fact that migration is increasingly significant for livelihood, economic development, political stability, academic discourse and policy planning in Nepal. The foreign employment practice in Nepal largely incorporates the role of individual agents in the entire process of migration. With the fraudulent acts and false promises of these agents, the problems associated with every Nepali migrant worker starts at home. The workers encounter tremendous pre-departure malpractice and exploitation at home by different individual agents during different stages of processing. Although these epidemic and repetitive ill activities of intermediaries are dominant and deeply rooted, the agents have been allowed to walk free in the absence of proper laws to curb their wrongdoings and misconduct. It has been found that the existing regulatory mechanisms have not been utilised to their full efficacy and often fall short in addressing the actual concerns of the workers because of the complex legal and judicial procedures. Structural changes in the judicial setting will help bring perpetrators under the law and victims towards access to justice. Thus, a qualitative improvement of the overall situation of Nepali migrant workers calls for a proper 'regulatory' arrangement vis-à-vis these brokers. Hence, the author aims to carry out a doctrinal study using reports and scholarly articles as a major source of data collection. Various reports published by different non-governmental and governmental organizations working in the field of labour migration will be examined and the research will focus on the inductive and deductive data analysis. Hence, the real challenge of establishing a pro-migrant worker regime in recent times is to bring the agents under the jurisdiction of the court in Nepal. The Gulf Visit Study Report, 2017 prepared and launched by the International Relation and Labour Committee of Legislature-Parliament of Nepal finds that solving the problems at home solves 80 percent of the problems concerning migrant workers in Nepal. Against this backdrop, this research study is intended to determine the ways and measures to curb the role of agents in the foreign employment and labour migration process of Nepal. It will further dig deeper into the regulatory mechanisms of Nepal and map out essential determinant behind the impunity of agents.

Keywords: foreign employment, labour migration, human rights, migrant workers

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Authors: Iryna Teslenko

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According to the provisions of the current criminal procedural legislation of Ukraine, the issue of admissibility of evidence is closely related to both the right to a fair trial and the presumption of innocence. The general rule is that evidence obtained improperly or illegally cannot be taken into account in a court case. Therefore, the evidence base of the prosecution, collected at the stage of the pre-trial investigation, compliance with the requirements of the law during the collection of evidence, is of crucial importance for the criminal process, the violation of which entails the recognition of the relevant evidence as inadmissible, which can nullify all the efforts of the pre-trial investigation body and the prosecution. Therefore, the issue of admissibility of evidence in criminal proceedings is fundamentally important and decisive for the entire process. Research on this issue began in December 2021. At that time, there was still no clear understanding of what needed to be conveyed to the scientific community. In February 2022, the lives of all citizens of Ukraine have totally changed. A war broke out in the country. At a time when the entire world community is on the path of humanizing society, respecting the rights and freedoms of man and citizen, a military conflict has arisen in the middle of Europe - one country attacked another, war crimes are being committed. The world still cannot believe it, but it is happening here and now, people are dying, infrastructure is being destroyed, war crimes are being committed, contrary to the signed and ratified international conventions, and contrary to all the acquisitions and development of world law. At this time, the life of the world has divided into before and after February 24, 2022, the world cannot be the same as it was before, and the approach to solving legal issues in the criminal process, in particular, issues of proving the commission of crimes and the involvement of certain persons in their commission. An international criminal has appeared in the humane European world, who disregards all norms of law and morality, and does not adhere to any principles. Until now, the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and domestic courts of Ukraine treated with certain formalism, such a property of evidence in criminal proceedings as the admissibility of evidence. Currently, we have information that the Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in The Hague has started an investigation into war crimes in Ukraine and is documenting them. In our opinion, the world cannot allow formalism in bringing a war criminal to justice. There is a war going on in Ukraine, the cities are under round-the-clock missile fire from the aggressor country, which makes it impossible to carry out certain investigative actions. If due to formal deficiencies, the collected evidence is declared inadmissible, it may lead to the fact that the guilty people will not be punished. And this, in turn, sends a message to other terrorists in the world about the impunity of their actions, the system of deterring criminals from committing criminal offenses (crimes) will collapse due to the understanding of the inevitability of punishment, and this will affect the entire world security and European security in particular. Therefore, we believe that the world cannot allow chaos in the issue of general security, there should be a transformation of the approach in general to such a property of evidence in the criminal process as admissibility in order to ensure the inevitability of the punishment of criminals. We believe that the scientific and legal community should not allow criminals to avoid responsibility. The evil that is destroying Ukraine should be punished. We must all together prove that legal norms are not just words written on paper but rules of behavior of all members of society, their non-observance leads to mandatory responsibility. Everybody who commits crimes will be punished, which is inevitable, and this principle is the guarantor of world security in the future.

Keywords: admissibility of evidence, criminal process, war, Ukraine

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Authors: Benjamin Thomas Greer, Grace Cotulla, Mandy Johnson

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Human trafficking is one of the fastest growing international crimes and human rights violations in the world. The United States Department of State (State Department) approximates some 800,000 to 900,000 people are annually trafficked across sovereign borders, with approximately 14,000 to 17,500 of these people coming into the United States. Today’s slavery is conducted by unscrupulous individuals who are often connected to organized criminal enterprises and transnational gangs, extracting huge monetary sums. According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), human traffickers collect approximately $32 billion worldwide annually. Surpassed only by narcotics dealing, trafficking of humans is tied with illegal arms sales as the second largest criminal industry in the world and is the fastest growing field in the 21st century. Perpetrators of this heinous crime abound. They are not limited to single or “sole practitioners” of human trafficking, but rather, often include Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCO), domestic street gangs, labor contractors, and otherwise seemingly ordinary citizens. Monetary gain is being elevated over territorial disputes and street gangs are increasingly operating in a collaborative effort with TCOs to further disguise their criminal activity; to utilizing their vast networks, in an attempt to avoid detection. Traffickers rely on a network of clandestine routes to sell their commodities with impunity. As law enforcement agencies seek to retard the expansion of transnational criminal organization’s entry into human trafficking, it is imperative that they develop reliable trafficking mapping of known exploitative routes. In a recent report given to the Mexican Congress, The Procuraduría General de la República (PGR) disclosed, from 2008 to 2010 they had identified at least 47 unique criminal networking routes used to traffic victims and that Mexico’s estimated domestic victims number between 800,000 adults and 20,000 children annually. Designing a reliable mapping system is a crucial step to effective law enforcement response and deploying a successful victim support system. Creating this mapping analytic is exceedingly difficult. Traffickers are constantly changing the way they traffic and exploit their victims. They swiftly adapt to local environmental factors and react remarkably well to market demands, exploiting limitations in the prevailing laws. This article will highlight how human trafficking has become one of the fastest growing and most high profile human rights violations in the world today; compile current efforts to map and illustrate trafficking routes; and will demonstrate how the proprietary analytical mapping analysis of point-source and destination-source mapping can help local law enforcement, governmental agencies and victim services providers effectively respond to the type and nature of trafficking to their specific geographical locale. Trafficking transcends state and international borders. It demands an effective and consistent cooperation between local, state, and federal authorities. Each region of the world has different impact factors which create distinct challenges for law enforcement and victim services. Our mapping system lays the groundwork for a targeted anti-trafficking response.

Keywords: human trafficking, mapping, routes, law enforcement intelligence

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