Search results for: civil%20engineers%20%28CE%29

Authors: Wijayanada Rupasinghe, A. H. Dinithi Jayasekara

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In a modern democracy, new media can be used by governments to involve citizens in decision-making, and by civil society to engage people in specific issues. However new media can also be used to broaden political participation by helping citizens to communicate with their representatives and with each other. Arguably this political communication is most important during election campaigns when political parties and candidates seek to mobilize citizens and persuade them to vote for a given party or candidate. The new media must be used by Parliaments, Parliamentarians, governments and political parties as they are highly effective tools to involve and inform citizens in public policymaking and in the formation of governments. But all these groups must develop strategies to deal with a wide array of both positive and negative effects of these rapidly growing media.New media has begun to take precedent over other communication outlets in part because of its heightened accessibility and usability. Using personal website can empower the public in a way that is far faster, cheaper and more pervasive than other forms of communication. They encourage pluralism, reach young people more than other media and encourage greater participation, accountability and transparency. This research discusses the impact politicians’ personal websites has over their overall electability and likability and explores the integration of website is an essential campaign tactic on both the local and national level. This research examined the impact of having personal website have over the way constituents view politicians. This research examined how politicians can use their website in the most effective fashion and incorporate these new media outlets as essential campaign tools and tactics. A mixed-method approach using content analysis. Content analysis selected thirty websites in sri Lankan politicians. Research revealed that politician’s new media usage significantly influenced and enriched the experience an individual has with the public figure.

Keywords: election campaign ministers, new media, parliament, politicians websites

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Authors: Gichun Cha, Changgil Lee, Seunghee Park

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The objective of the study is to construct the shape management method contributing to the safety of the large structure. In Korea, the research of the shape management is lack because of the new attempted technology. Terrestrial Laser Scanning (TLS) is used for measurements of large structures. TLS provides an efficient way to actively acquire accurate the point clouds of object surfaces or environments. The point clouds provide a basis for rapid modeling in the industrial automation, architecture, construction or maintenance of the civil infrastructures. TLS produce a huge amount of point clouds. Registration, Extraction and Visualization of data require the processing of a massive amount of scan data. The octree can be applied to the shape management of the large structure because the scan data is reduced in the size but, the data attributes are maintained. The octree space partitioning generates the voxel of 3D space, and the voxel is recursively subdivided into eight sub-voxels. The point cloud of scan data was converted to voxel and sampled. The experimental site is located at Sungkyunkwan University. The scanned structure is the steel-frame bridge. The used TLS is Leica ScanStation C10/C5. The scan data was condensed 92%, and the octree model was constructed with 2 millimeter in resolution. This study presents octree space partitioning for handling the point clouds. The basis is created by shape management of the large structures such as double-deck tunnel, building and bridge. The research will be expected to improve the efficiency of structural health monitoring and maintenance. "This work is financially supported by 'U-City Master and Doctor Course Grant Program' and the National Research Foundation of Korea(NRF) grant funded by the Korea government (MSIP) (NRF- 2015R1D1A1A01059291)."

Keywords: 3D scan data, octree space partitioning, shape management, structural health monitoring, terrestrial laser scanning

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: Gayatri Mahajan

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Modern Construction Technology (CT) includes a broad range of advanced techniques and practices that bound the recent developments in material technology, design methods, quantity surveying, facility management, services, structural analysis and design, and other management education. Adoption of recent digital transformation technology is the need of today to speed up the business and is also the basis of construction improvement. Incorporating and practicing the technologies such as cloud-based communication and collaboration solution, Mobile Apps and 5G,3D printing, BIM and Digital Twins, CAD / CAM, AR/ VR, Big Data, IoT, Wearables, Blockchain, Modular Construction, Offsite Manifesting, Prefabrication, Robotic, Drones and GPS controlled equipment expedite the progress in the Construction industry (CI). Resources used are journaled research articles, web/net surfing, books, thesis, reports/surveys, magazines, etc. The outline of the research organization for this study is framed at four distinct levels in context to conceptualization, resources, innovative and emerging trends in CI, and better methods for completion of the construction projects. The present study conducted during 2020-2022 reveals that implementing these technologies improves the level of standards, planning, security, well-being, sustainability, and economics too. Application uses, benefits, impact, advantages/disadvantages, limitations and challenges, and policies are dealt with to provide information to architects and builders for smooth completion of the project. Results explain that construction technology trends vary from 4 to 15 for CI, and eventually, it reaches 27 for Civil Engineering (CE). The perspective of the most recent innovations, trends, tools, challenges, and solutions is highly embraced in the field of construction. The incorporation of the above said technologies in the pandemic Covid -19 and post-pandemic might lead to a focus on finding out effective ways to adopt new-age technologies for CI.

Keywords: BIM, drones, GPS, mobile apps, 5G, modular construction, robotics, 3D printing

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Authors: Muqarrab Akbar

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Pakistan is considered as a state confronting different internal and external challenges. Extremism is one of the most vital internal challenges faced by Pakistani society. The state’s contradictory policies, political instability, socio-economic injustice, absence of the rule of law are the major reasons behind the proliferation of violence and extremism in society. The fall of the Shah of Iran, the Iranian revolution, the 1979 Afghan war of 1979, the emergence of Al-Qaeda, Talibanisation, war against terrorism, and involvement of Saudia and Iran have further aggravated the culture of violence and extremism in Pakistan. The absence of a narrative of peaceful coexistence and harmony has created a vacuum for youth in Pakistani society. In the contemporary era, civil society and the government of Pakistan has initiated different steps to introduce a narrative to counter violent extremism. These narratives have helped a lot in creating community resilience to promote peace and harmony among Pakistani society in general and to bridge the gap between the Sunni Shia divide in particular. This paper will highlight those factors in detail that threw the society into extremism and violence, particularly with reference to Sunni Shia divide in Pakistan. This paper explores the impact of sectarian violence in Pakistan and highlights the different initiatives and their impacts on Pakistani society at large. A quantitative method has been adopted to explore the results. Empirical study used in the paper was based on the survey conducted by distributing questionnaires among 300 people from both community Sunni and Shia in Pakistan. Some interviews of the religious scholars of both communities are also conducted for this research. The recent developments on the government level and society levels have created community resilience. The results of the survey show that Pakistani society in the contemporary era is more peaceful and tolerant as compared to the past. The research concludes that the counter-narrative approach is positively affecting the peaceful environment in Pakistan.

Keywords: extremism, Pakistan, Shia, Sunni, violence

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Authors: Rowland Brucken

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This paper argues that nation-building theories that prioritize democratic governance best explain the successful post-independence development of Botswana. Three main competing schools of thought exist regarding the sequencing of policies that should occur to re-build weakened or failed states. The first posits that economic development should receive foremost attention, while democratization and a binding sense of nationalism can wait. A second group of experts identified constructing a sense of nationalism among a populace is necessary first, so that the state receives popular legitimacy and obedience that are prerequisites for development. Botswana, though, transitioned into a multi-party democracy and prosperous open economy due to the utilization of traditional democratic structures, enlightened and accountable leadership, and an educated technocratic civil service. With these political foundations already in place when the discovery of diamonds occurred, the resulting revenues were spent wisely on projects that grew the economy, improved basic living standards, and attracted foreign investment. Thus democratization preceded, and therefore provided an accountable basis for, economic development that might otherwise have been squandered by greedy and isolated elites to the detriment of the greater population. Botswana was one of the poorest nations in the world at the time of its independence in 1966, with little infrastructure, a dependence on apartheid South Africa for trade, and a largely subsistence economy. Over the next thirty years, though, its economy grew the fastest of any nation in the world. The transparent and judicious use of diamond returns is only a partial explanation, as the government also pursued economic diversification, mass education, and rural development in response to public needs. As nation-building has become a project undertaken by nations and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Botswana may provide best practices that others should follow in attempting to reconstruct economically and politically unstable states.

Keywords: Botswana, democratization, economic development, nation-building

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Authors: Ramon F. B. da Silva, Mateus Batistella, Emilio Moran

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Although the existence of two Forest Transition (FT) pathways, the economic development and the forest scarcity, there are many contexts that shape the model of FT observed in each particular region. This means that local conditions, such as relief, soil quality, historic land use/cover, public policies, the engagement of society in compliance with legal regulations, and the action of enforcement agencies, represent dimensions which combined, creates contexts that enable forest regeneration. From this perspective we can understand the regeneration process of native vegetation cover in the Paraíba Valley (Forest Atlantic biome), ongoing since the 1960s. This research analyzed public information, land use/cover maps, environmental public policies, and interviewed 17 stakeholders from the Federal and State agencies, municipal environmental and agricultural departments, civil society, farmers, aiming comprehend the contexts behind the forest regeneration in the Paraíba Valley, Sao Paulo State, Brazil. The first policy to protect forest vegetation was the Forest Code n0 4771 of 1965, but this legislation did not promote the increase of forest, just the control of deforestation, not enough to the Atlantic Forest biome that reached its highest pick of degradation in 1985 (8% of Atlantic Forest remnants). We concluded that the Brazilian environmental legislation acted in a strategic way to promote the increase of forest cover (102% of regeneration between 1985 and 2011) from 1993 when the Federal Decree n0 750 declared the initial and advanced stages of secondary succession protected against any kind of exploitation or degradation ensuring the forest regeneration process. The strategic policy formulation was also observed in the Sao Paulo State law n0 6171 of 1988 that prohibited the use of fire to manage agricultural landscape, triggering a process of forest regeneration in formerly pasture areas.

Keywords: forest transition, land abandonment, law enforcement, rural economic crisis

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Authors: Carlos Riascos, Peter Thomson

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Real-time hybrid simulation (RTHS) is a modern cyber-physical technique used for the experimental evaluation of complex systems, that treats the system components with predictable behavior as a numerical substructure and the components that are difficult to model as an experimental substructure. Therefore it is an attractive method for evaluation of the response of civil structures under earthquake, wind and anthropic loads. Another practical application of RTHS is the evaluation of control systems, as these devices are often nonlinear and their characterization is an important step in the design of controllers with the desired performance. In this paper, the response of three-story shear frame controlled by a tuned liquid column damper (TLCD) and subject to base excitation is considered. Both passive and semi-active control strategies were implemented and are compared. While the passive TLCD achieved a reduction of 50% in the acceleration response of the main structure in comparison with the structure without control, the semi-active TLCD achieved a reduction of 70%, and was robust to variations in the dynamic properties of the main structure. In addition, a RTHS was implemented with the main structure modeled as a linear, time-invariant (LTI) system through a state space representation and the TLCD, with both control strategies, was evaluated on a shake table that reproduced the displacement of the virtual structure. Current assessment measures for RTHS were used to quantify the performance with parameters such as generalized amplitude, equivalent time delay between the target and measured displacement of the shake table, and energy error using the measured force, and prove that the RTHS described in this paper is an accurate method for the experimental evaluation of structural control systems.

Keywords: structural control, hybrid simulation, tuned liquid column damper, semi-active sontrol strategy

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Maria Ghorbanian, Mohammad Ghahramani, Mahmood Abolghasemi

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Universities and institutions of higher education in Iran, like other higher education institutions in the world, have a heavy mission and task to educate students based on the needs of the country. Taking on such a serious responsibility requires having a good governance system for planning, formulating executive plans, evaluating, and finally modifying them in accordance with the current conditions and challenges ahead. In this regard, the present study was conducted with the aim of identifying the components of good governance in the Iranian higher education system by survey method and with a quantitative approach. In order to collect data, a researcher-made questionnaire was used, which includes two parts: personal and professional characteristics (5 questions) and the three components of good governance in the Iranian higher education system, including good management and leadership (8 items), continuous evaluation and effective (university performance, finance, and university appointments) (8 items) and civic responsibility and sustainable development (7 items). These variables were measured and coded in the form of a five-level Likert scale from "Very Low = 1" to "Very High = 5". First, the validity and reliability of the research model were examined. In order to calculate the reliability of the questionnaire, two methods of Cronbach's alpha and combined reliability were used. Fornell-Larker interaction and criterion were also used to determine the degree of diagnostic validity. The statistical population of this study included all faculty members of public universities in Tehran (N = 4429). The sample size was estimated to be 340 using the Cochran's formula. These numbers were studied using a randomized method with a proportional assignment. The data were analyzed by the structural equation method with the least-squares approach. The results showed that the component of civil responsibility and sustainable development with a factor load of 0.827 is the most important element of good governance.

Keywords: good governance, higher education, sustainable, development

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Authors: Ehlimana Memisevic

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Genocide denial is considered the final stage of genocide, which in the words of Gregory H. Stanton, represents "one of the most certain indicators of future genocides”. Genocide denial in Bosnia and Herzegovina started in 1992, almost simultaneously with the genocide itself. Over the course of the three decades, different forms of genocide and war crimes denial have been developed by state officials, politicians, journalists, and civilians, both in Republika Srpska – the Serb-dominated entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina – and Serbia. Moreover, genocide and war crimes are not only denied but also glorified and celebrated, which was described as "triumphalism" by the Australian-Bosnian scholar Hariz Halilovich who suggested it be added as the 11th phase of Gregory Stanton's "10 stages of genocide." Since 2007, there have been a number of attempts to criminalize genocide denial at the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, all of them were unsuccessful due to the opposition of representatives of Republika Srpska. On July 23, 2021, the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Valentin Inzko, used his power as the final authority in overseeing the civil implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords to impose amendments to Bosnia and Herzegovina's criminal code to ban the denial and glorification of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. However, immediately after the OHR's decision was announced, Milorad Dodik, a Serb member of Bosnia's tripartite presidency, held a press conference, publicly denied the genocide, and announced that this law would never be accepted in Republika Srpska. Denial remains explicit and public and is promulgated through official channels in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper will analyze the forms of genocide and other war crimes denial and glorification in the period after the amendments to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina were introduced, which include incrimination of public condoning, denial, gross trivialization or justification of a crime of genocide, crimes against humanity or a war crime established by a final adjudication of the international and domestic courts. We aim to determine the effect of the imposed law and the impact of the denial committed by high-ranking public officials on the denial and celebration of genocide and war crimes committed by ordinary citizens.

Keywords: genocide, denial, triumphalism, incrimination

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Authors: Altilio Rosa, Chirico Francesco, Foglia Goffredo

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In recent years, the number of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) has significantly increased. The rapid development of commercial and recreational drones makes them an important part of our society. Despite the growing list of their applications, these vehicles pose a huge threat to civil and military installations: detection, classification and neutralization of such flying objects become an urgent need. Radar is an effective remote sensing tool for detecting and tracking flying objects, but scenarios characterized by the presence of a high number of tracks related to flying birds make especially challenging the drone detection task: operator PPI is cluttered with a huge number of potential threats and his reaction time can be severely affected. Flying birds compared to UAVs show similar velocity, RADAR cross-section and, in general, similar characteristics. Building from the absence of a single feature that is able to distinguish UAVs and birds, this paper uses a multiple features approach where an original feature selection technique is developed to feed binary classifiers trained to distinguish birds and UAVs. RADAR tracks acquired on the field and related to different UAVs and birds performing various trajectories were used to extract specifically designed target movement-related features based on velocity, trajectory and signal strength. An optimization strategy based on a genetic algorithm is also introduced to select the optimal subset of features and to estimate the performance of several classification algorithms (Neural network, SVM, Logistic regression…) both in terms of the number of selected features and misclassification error. Results show that the proposed methods are able to reduce the dimension of the data space and to remove almost all non-drone false targets with a suitable classification accuracy (higher than 95%).

Keywords: birds, classification, machine learning, UAVs

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Authors: Elena Masi, Adolfo Morrone

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Migration has recently become a mainstream development sector and is currently at the forefront in institutional and civil society context. However, no consensus exists on how the link between migration and development operates, that is how development is related to migration and how migration can promote development. On one hand, Official Development Assistance is recognized to be one of the levers to development. On the other hand, the debate is focusing on what should be the scope of aid programs targeting migrants groups and in general the migration process. This paper provides a descriptive analysis on how development aid for migration was allocated in the recent past, focusing on the actions that were funded and implemented by the international donor community. In the absence of an internationally shared methodology for defining the boundaries of development aid on migration, the analysis based on lexical hypotheses on the title or on the short description of initiatives funded by several Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Moreover, the research describes and quantifies aid flows for each country according to different criteria. The terms migrant and refugee are used to identify the projects in accordance with the most internationally agreed definitions and only actions in countries of transit or of origin are considered eligible, thus excluding the amount sustained for refugees in donor countries. The results show that the percentage of projects targeting migrants, in terms of amount, has followed a growing trend from 2009 to 2016 in several European countries, and is positively correlated with the flows of migrants. Distinguishing between programs targeting migrants and programs targeting refugees, some specific national features emerge more clearly. A focus is devoted to actions targeting the root causes of migration, showing an inter-sectoral approach in international aid allocation. The analysis gives some tentative solutions to the lack of consensus on language on migration and development aid, and emphasizes the need to internationally agree on a criterion for identifying programs targeting both migrants and refugees, to make action more transparent and in order to develop effective strategies at the global level.

Keywords: migration, official development assistance, ODA, refugees, time series

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Authors: Jayita Mukhopadhyay

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Even though more than six decades has passed since the death of India’s iconic thinker and mass leader Mahatma Gandhi, the world besieged by terrorism may still take a leaf out of his philosophical discourse on non-violence and attempt to turn his theory into praxis to save mankind. The greatest soul world has ever produced, a man of divine fire, an apostle of peace and non-violence, a revolutionary, a visionary, a social reformer and deliverer of the downtrodden, Father of the nation, these and numerous other epithets have been used by eminent personalities and scholars while describing Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi was a relentless fighter and mass mobiliser who awakened a sleeping giant, the common men and women of India, shook them out of their docile, fatalistic mould, invigorated them with his doctrine of ahimsa and satyagraha (non violence and strict adherence to truth), instilled in them nationalist zeal and patriotic fervour and turned them into determined, steadfast freedom fighters. Under his leadership, the national liberation movement got a new life and ultimately succeeded in ending the era of foreign domination. And he did all these while resisting a natural tendency of his people to respond violently to unspeakable violence and atrocities unleashed by the colonial British administration desperate to keep India in its empire. In this paper, an attempt will be made to unravel Gandhi’s elucidation of the concept of non-violent resistance, along with non-cooperation and civil disobedience and their actual application through political practices which succeeded in capturing the imagination of not only India’s teeming millions but the entire world. The methodology of analytical study will be used as Gandhi’s own writings and those by noted scholars on Gandhi will be examined extensively to establish contemporary relevance of his thought, his invaluable guidelines about how to cope with poverty, inequality, exploitation, repression and marginalization of some sections of society and resultant radicalization of some disturbed members of human race, the very conditions which spawn terrorism in today’s world.

Keywords: India, non cooperation, non violence, terrorism

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Authors: Israel Ekanade, Richard Molapo, Patrick Dzimiri, Isaac Ndlovu

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This study aims to unravel the myth behind animosity towards foreign nationals in South Africa. Systemic violence against foreign African nationals since 2008 to date necessitates critical research with regards to migration issues connected to social upheavals. Extensive research ubiquitously tagged black-on-black violence as xenophobia or Afrophobia. In all, escalation of violence indicates a connotation of belonging. With unemployment rates approaching a crescendo, other vices have also soared in the same regard. As a result, this present generation seems cynical as the South African state has not fulfilled her obligations towards the indigent population; a situation pitching locals against foreigners. Locals have repeatedly blamed African foreign nationals for the economic downturn, using service delivery strikes to express their grievances. These strikes have continued unabatedly over the years but February 2017 marked a turning point in ‘insider-outsider’ relations as the strike was now turned to an anti-immigrant march resulting into widespread violence as the police failed to restore normalcy at some point. Over time, migration has been a harbinger of violence against the foreign black population in South Africa. Our paper encourages the state and civil society to invent new peace-building mechanisms to reduce xenophobic orchestrated violence. Our paper also contends that since the political class has hijacked the situation by using the youths for political propaganda during crises periods, a re-education of the political class and a culture of tolerance is inevitable for peace and harmony between locals and foreigners in post-apartheid South Africa.

Keywords: anti-immigrant march, politics of belonging, service delivery strikes, South Africa

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Authors: K. N. Ashna

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Lightweight fills are a viable alternative where weak soils such as soft clay, peat, and loose silt are encountered. Materials such as Expanded Polystyrene (EPS) geo-foam, plastics, tire wastes, rubber wastes have been used along with soil in order to obtain a lightweight fill. Out of these, Expanded Polystyrene (EPS) geo-foam has gained wide popularity in civil engineering over the past years due to its wide variety of applications. It is extremely lightweight, durable and is available in various densities to meet the strength requirements. It can be used as backfill behind retaining walls to reduce lateral load, as a fill over soft clay or weak soils to prevent the excessive settlements and to reduce seismic forces. Geo-foam is available in block form as well as beads form. In this project Expanded Polystyrene (EPS) beads of various diameters and varying densities were mixed along with sand to study their lightweight as well as strength properties. Four types of EPS beads were used 1mm, 2mm, 3-7 mm and a mix of 1-7 mm. In this project, EPS beads were varied at .25%, .5%, .75% and 1% by weight of sand. A water content of 10% by weight of sand was added to prevent segregation of the mixture. Unconsolidated Unconfined (UU) tri-axial test was conducted at 100kPa, 200 kPa and 300 kPa and angle of internal friction, and cohesion was obtained. Unit weight of the mix was obtained for a relative density of 65%. The results showed that by increasing the EPS content by weight, maximum deviator stress, unit weight, angle of internal friction and initial elastic modulus decreased. An optimum EPS bead content was arrived at by considering the strength as well as the unit weight. The stress-strain behaviour of the mix was found to be dependent on type of bead, bead content and density of the beads. Finally, regression equations were developed to predict the initial elastic modulus of the mix.

Keywords: expanded polystyrene beads, geofoam, lightweight fills, stress-strain behavior, triaxial test

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Authors: Aico Nogueira

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This paper examines the interinstitutional dialogues within the Brazilian federal structures, which comprises federal, state and local levels, around the themes of new approaches and interventions aimed to promote sustainable rural development, particularly rural development as part of a territorial approach. The work seeks to understand to what extent the various levels of the state interact with these strategies, particularly with the locally constituted powers, focusing on the importance of the transition of traditional agriculture methods to more sustainable agroecological systems and its effects on food security and sustainable rural development. The research analyses as case studies the Sustainable Rural Territories Development Program (PRONAT) of the Ministry of Agrarian Development at the federal level, as well as the State of São Paulo and the Vale do Ribeira Territory, an area characterized by environmental and social vulnerability, restrictive environmental laws and attempts to promote sustainable development. In order to examine how the interrelationships between different levels of governance and civil society, in addition to the neo-institutionalist polity centered literature, the research uses an adaptation of the concept of arena in Ostrom and Hannigan, produced at different scales of decision-making processes, as well as the multilevel governance literature. Document analysis, interviews, focus groups and direct observation techniques are also used. The main findings of this study are that how different levels of governance understand and organize themselves for this work and have a direct impact on the actions taken. Consequently, programs formulated for this purpose are not associated with the creation of institutions capable of breaking with a traditional sectoral view that has historically prevailed in policymaking. And the transition from traditional agriculture to agroecological production systems is hampered by a sectorial foundation, based on large-scale production and the strengthening of the traditional country's land concentration model.

Keywords: agroecology, food security, inter-institutional dialogue, rural poverty, sustainable rural development, territorial development

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Authors: May Al Sahib

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This paper draws together an analysis of two autobiographical writings; Ahdaf Soueif’s Cairo: My City, Our Revolution (2012), Radwa Ashour’s Heavier than Radwa (2013), and Revolution is My Name: An Egyptian Woman’s Diary from Eighteen Days in Tahrir (2015). Soueif, Ashour, and Prince are Egyptian authors, activists, and cultural commentators who are fully aware that being a ‘third world’ citizen constrains the writer into taking a specific pattern in writing. However, this paper will analyze the choice of literary form in writing the 2011 January revolution. All texts give factual accounts of the revolution with all its contesting powers lingering with mixed references of anxiety and merriment that accentuates their sense of communal solidarity against social corruption and political positioning. Through shifting between the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘we’, these narratives do not solely engage with the personal life of the memorialist; but rather give an account of the collective. Both writers take us to the heart of high-spirited Tahrir Square in 2011 while millions are ranting to oust Hosni Mubarak, the 30 years ruling dictator. By utilizing the instrumentality of collective memory for expressing textual collectivity in their non-fictional writings, these writers are depicting the people power of Egyptians and the historical civil-resistance against governmental unfairness and establishing a certain type of patriotism that elevates and priorities itself from minor conflicts. Their de-individualizing type of life narrative represents the Arabic nation through vital socio-political situations that perpetuate the politics of resistance and collectivity with a constant fear of betraying it and erupts historical moments aiming for an improved future. The texts incorporate an explicit set of reported political series of thought that shape an overall public argument and representational ideas.

Keywords: resistance narrative, life-writing, Tahrir memoir, Middle Eastern literature

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Dahiru Jafaru Usman

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Nigerian courts have been sanctioned by a plethora of authorities to always employ the literal rule in interpreting statutes where the language of the statute is clear and unambiguous. This cardinal rule of interpretation appears not to be employed on Shari'ah issues in Nigeria. This is more pronounced in the interpretation of the jurisdiction of the Shari'ah Court of Appeal (hereinafter the court). The paper doctrinally assesses the judicial attitude of Nigerian appellate courts towards the construction of Section 277 of the 1999 Constitution as amended and other relevant statutory enactments by the State Houses of Assembly. The paper argues that a careful examination of the wordings of the constitution on the jurisdiction of the court literally reveals the intention of the constitutional drafters empowering the National Assembly and States' House of Assemblies to add to the itemised jurisdictional areas of the court other matters not mentioned. The paper found that the appellate courts failed in their construction of the constitutional provisions to accord the words and phrases used in the establishment, jurisdiction, and quorum sections of the court their ordinary and grammatical meaning. This results in consistent limitation of the jurisdiction of the court to matters of Islamic personal law. This remains so even when Decree No. 26 of 1986 was in force suspending and amending the provisions of the 1979 Constitution deleting the word 'personal' in the suspended Nigerian Constitutions. In order not to render section 277 futile, the paper recommends that appellate courts in Nigeria should as required by rules of statutory interpretation adopt literal and ordinary grammatical meaning in interpreting constitutional provisions on the jurisdiction of the court. It is further recommended that appellate courts must interpret the provisions of the 1999 constitution in a manner not to frustrate the several decades' yearnings of the Muslims for a court that would hear all their appellate criminal and civil matters on the path of Shari'ah from the lowest court to the highest. This is a duty the Nigerian Supreme Court placed on their shoulders.

Keywords: interpretation of statutes, jurisdiction, literal rule, Nigeria, Shari'ah Court of Appeal, 1999 Constitution

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Authors: Muhammad Jum’at Dasuki

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This study investigates the ethical implications of post-fuel subsidy removal support initiatives in Kwara State, Nigeria, with a focus on the application of Islamic principles. The contentious issue of subsidy removal carries significant social and economic consequences, emphasizing the crucial role of ethical considerations in policy implementation. The research provides a comprehensive background on fuel subsidy removal in Nigeria and its implications. Examining post-fuel subsidy removal palliative measures in Kwara State, the study focuses on design and implementation challenges, ethical considerations, transparency, equity, and public trust. Utilizing a case study approach offers insights and best practices. The methodology includes primary sources through in-depth oral interviews and secondary sources like textbooks and journals, aiming for a holistic understanding of the ethical dimensions of support initiatives within the context of Islamic principles in Kwara State. The objective is to contribute to policy decisions and community development. The study recommends an ethically sound implementation of post-fuel subsidy removal support initiatives, emphasizing transparency, accountability, and inclusivity. It advocates for the inclusiveness of governmental palliatives, reaching both civil servants and common individuals in the state. Continuous distribution during fuel subsidy removal challenges is deemed vital. Additionally, extending free or subsidized transportation beyond higher institutions to the general populace is suggested. Consideration should also be given to reducing governmental hospital bills or providing free health services. The study underscores the importance of Islamic ethics in Nigerian governance and employs a case study approach to assess palliative measures in Kwara State, offering practical insights for policymakers and stakeholders.

Keywords: considerations, ethical, palliative, post-fuel subsidy removal

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Authors: Elzyata Kuberlinova

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This study explores how the Kalmyk Buddhist sangha responded to the Russian empire’s administrative integration and how the Buddhist clerical institutions were shaped in the process of interaction with representatives of the predominantly Orthodox state. The eighteenth-nineteenth century Russian imperial regime adhered to a religion-centred framework to govern its diverse subjects. Within this framework, any form of religious authority was considered a useful tool in the imperial quest for legibility. As such, rather than imposing religious homogeneity, the Russian administration engineered a framework of religious toleration and integrated the non-Orthodox clerical institutions in the empire’s administration. In its attempt to govern the large body of Kalmyk Buddhist sangha, the Russian government had to incorporate the sangha into the imperial institutional establishment. To this end, the Russian government founded the Lamaist Spiritual Governing Board in 1834, which became a part of the civil administration, where the Kalmyk Buddhist affairs were managed under the supervision of the Russian secular authorities. In 1847 the Lamaist Spiritual Board was abolished and Buddhist religious authority was transferred to the Lama of the Kalmyk people. From 1847 until the end of the empire in 1917 the Lama was the manager and intermediary figure between the Russian authorities and the Kalmyks where religious affairs were concerned. Substantial evidence collected in archives in Elista, Astrakhan, Stavropol and St.Petersburg show that despite being on the government’s payroll, first the Lamaist Spiritual Governing Board and later on the Lama did not always serve the interests of the state, and did not always comply with the Russian authorities’ orders. Although being incorporated into the state administrative system the Lama often found ways to manoeuvre the web of the Russian imperial bureaucracy in order to achieve his own goals. The Lama often used ‘every-day forms of resistance’ such as feigned misinterpretation, evasion, false compliance, feigned ignorance, and sabotage in order to resist without directly confronting or challenging the state orders.

Keywords: Buddhist Sangha, intermediary, Kalmyks, Lama, legibility, resistance, reform, Russian empire

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Authors: Umberto Di Staso, Marco Soave, Alessio Giori, Federico Prandi, Raffaele De Amicis

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The increasing availability of information about earth surface elevation (Digital Elevation Models DEM) generated from different sources (remote sensing, Aerial Images, Lidar) poses the question about how to integrate and make available to the most than possible audience this huge amount of data. In order to exploit the potential of 3D elevation representation the quality of data management plays a fundamental role. Due to the high acquisition costs and the huge amount of generated data, highresolution terrain surveys tend to be small or medium sized and available on limited portion of earth. Here comes the need to merge large-scale height maps that typically are made available for free at worldwide level, with very specific high resolute datasets. One the other hand, the third dimension increases the user experience and the data representation quality, unlocking new possibilities in data analysis for civil protection, real estate, urban planning, environment monitoring, etc. The open-source 3D virtual globes, which are trending topics in Geovisual Analytics, aim at improving the visualization of geographical data provided by standard web services or with proprietary formats. Typically, 3D Virtual globes like do not offer an open-source tool that allows the generation of a terrain elevation data structure starting from heterogeneous-resolution terrain datasets. This paper describes a technological solution aimed to set up a so-called “Terrain Builder”. This tool is able to merge heterogeneous-resolution datasets, and to provide a multi-resolution worldwide terrain services fully compatible with CesiumJS and therefore accessible via web using traditional browser without any additional plug-in.

Keywords: Terrain Builder, WebGL, Virtual Globe, CesiumJS, Tiled Map Service, TMS, Height-Map, Regular Grid, Geovisual Analytics, DTM

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Authors: Ramona Georgeta Biholar

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Gender-based violence against women plagues societies around the world. The work to eliminate it is an ongoing battle. At the international level, Article 5 (a) CEDAW establishes an agenda for social and cultural transformation: it imposes on States parties to CEDAW an obligation to modify sex roles and stereotypical social and cultural patterns of conduct. Also, it provides for the protection of women from violence stemming from such gender norms. Yet, the lived realities of women are frequently disconnected from this agenda. Nonetheless, it is the reality of the local that is crucial for the articulation, implementation and realization of women’s rights in general, and for the elimination of gender-based violence against women in particular. In this paper we discuss the transformation of sex roles and gender stereotyping with a view to realize women’s right to be free from gender-based violence. This paper is anchored in qualitative data collection undertaken in Jamaica and socio-legal research. Based on this research, 1) We explain the process of vernacularisation as a strategy that enables women’s human rights to hit the ground and benefit rights holders, and 2) We present a synergistic model for the implementation of Article 5 (a) CEDAW so that women’s right to be free from gender-based violence can be realized in a concrete national jurisdiction. This model is grounded in context-based demands and recommendations for social and cultural transformation as a remedy for the incidence of gender-based violence against women. Moreover, the synergistic model offers directions that have a general application for the implementation of CEDAW and Article 5 (a) CEDAW in particular, with a view to realize women’s right to be free from gender-based violence. The model is thus not only a conceptual tool of analysis, but also a prescriptive tool for action. It contributes to the work of both academics and practitioners, such as Governmental officials, and national and local civil society representatives. Overall, this paper contributes to understanding the process necessary to bridge that gap between women’s human rights norms and women’s life realities of discrimination and violence.

Keywords: CEDAW, gender-based violence against women, international human rights law, women’s rights implementation, the Caribbean

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Authors: Joanna Kufel-Orlowska

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Domestic violence is a social threat to public safety and order. It poses a threat not only to the family members of the perpetrator but also disturbs the functioning of society and even the state. In a situation of danger, an individual either defends himself or/and calls for help by contacting an appropriate institution whose aim is to ensure civil security. Most often, such contact takes place through a telephone conversation, which is aimed at diagnosing the problem and prompt intervention. People in different situations and in different ways, despite the general reporting standards, try to inform about the need for help. The article aims to present the results of research on non-standard forms of reporting domestic violence in the opinion of the Polish society and operators of the Polish emergency number 112 (911). The research was conducted in the form of a survey technique on a sample of 160 operators (purposeful selection) and 300 people living in Poland (random selection). The research was conducted in the form of online surveys. The study found that in Poland: 1. emergency number operators often receive reports of domestic violence although they are not always able to diagnose whether the case is strictly about violence; 2. non-standard reports of domestic violence are received by about 30% of emergency number operators. Non-standard should be understood as reports of violence that deviate from the norm, are unusual, or are reported by a non-victim. 3. The most common forms of reporting violence not directly are: pretending to talk to a friend, calling a cab, making an appointment with a dentist/doctor, calling a store and helping with the selection of goods, asking about the bank's hotline, not speaking (in order for the emergency number operator to hear what is going on). 4. Emergency number operators in Poland are properly trained and are able to recognize the threatening situation of the reporting party and conduct the conversation in a safe manner for the reporting party. On the other hand, Polish people support the ability to report violence in a non-standard way and would do so themselves in the event of a threat to their own life, health, or property, thus expecting the emergency number operator to recognize a report and help us.

Keywords: domestic violence, operator of the emergency number 112 (911), emergency call center, reporting domestic violence

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Authors: Marta Fernandez Cabrera

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The period of economic boom generated by the housing bubble created a climate of social indifference to the problem of corruption. This resulted in the persecution and conviction for these criminal offenses being low. After the economic recession, social awareness about the problem of corruption has increased. This has led to the Spanish citizenship requiring the public authorities to try to end the problem in the most effective way possible. In order to respond to the continuous social demands that require an exemplary punishment, the legislator has made changes in crimes against the public administration in the Spanish Criminal Code. However, from the point of view of criminal law, the social change has not served to modify only the law, but also the jurisprudence. After the recession, judges are punishing more severely these conducts than in the past. Before the crisis, it was usual for criminal judges to divert relevant behavior to other areas of the legal system such as administrative law and acquit in the criminal field. Criminal judges have considered that administrative law already has mechanisms that can effectively deal with this type of behavior in order to respect the principle of subsidiarity or ultima ratio. It has also been usual for criminal judges to acquit civil servants due to the absence of requirements unrelated to the applicable offense. For example, they have required an economic damage to the public administration when the offense in the criminal code does not require it. Nevertheless, for some years, these arguments have either partially disappeared or considerably transformed. Since 2010, a jurisprudential stream has been consolidated that aims to provide a more severe response to corruption than it had received until now. This change of opinion, together with greater prosecution of these behaviors by judges and prosecutors, has led to a significant increase in the number of individuals convicted of corruption crimes. This paper has two objectives. The first one is to show that even though judges apply the law impartially, they are flexible to social changes. The second one is to identify the erroneous arguments the courts have used up until now. To carry out the present paper, it has been done a detailed analysis of the judgments of the supreme court before and after the year 2010. Therefore, the jurisprudential analysis is complemented with the statistical data on corruption available.

Keywords: corruption, public administration, social perception, ultima ratio principle

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Authors: Gali Pesin, Yuliya Lipshits-Braziler, Sima Amram-Vaknin, Moshe Tatar

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The present study introduces four different patterns of seeking and providing help online among adolescents: (I) ‘Transceivers’ - adolescents who both seek as well as provide help online; (II) ‘Receivers’ - adolescents who seek help online, yet don’t provide it; (III) ‘Transmitters’ - adolescents who provide help online, yet don’t seek it; and (IV) ‘Idles’ - adolescents who refrain from seeking and providing help online. The study examined differences in seeking and providing help online between possible combinations of the four patterns, as well as gender differences within each pattern. Data was collected from 528 adolescents in Israel (59% were girls). Findings revealed that Transceivers are the largest group (45%) in this study, with higher representation of girls (65%). These adolescents seek help mainly around social difficulties, and they turn to peers who are both known and unknown to them. In addition, their preferred way to seek and provide help is through social network sites. Moreover, they often accept and give others emotional support. Receivers are the smallest group (5%) in this study. They turn to both known and unknown professionals more often than to friends and family. In addition, they seek help mostly around health and nutrition issues, and they usually receive instrumental support. For Receivers, the most important factor for seeking help online is anonymity, and the least important factor is familiarity with the help giver. Transmitters represent 16% of the adolescents in this study, with a greater representation of boys (52%). Their main reason to refrain from seeking help online is self-reliance. Nevertheless, these adolescents provide help to others online, mainly to those known to them through posting or responding to posts on social network sites. Idles represent 34% of the adolescents in this study. They refrain from seeking help online mainly due to their preference to seek help face to face, and due to their lack of trust in the internet or those using it. Idles and Transmitters are willing to seek help online mostly from friends and family. In addition, they are willing seek help online mainly regarding questions concerning military or civil service. They consider the most important facilitators for seeking help online as confidentiality and reliability. The present study’s main contribution is exploring the role of providing online help in understanding the adolescent behavior of seeking help online. In addition, the results of the present study have practical implications for the work of mental health providers, such as counseling psychologists and online mental health support.

Keywords: adolescents, counseling, online help-seeking, online help-providing

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Mehmet Uysal, Yavuz Arat, Uğur Tuztaşı

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As man constructed the spaces that he lived in he also designed spaces where their dead will stay according to their belief systems. These spaces are sometimes monumentalized by the means of a stone on the top of a mountain, sometimes signed by totems and sometimes became structures to protect graves and symbolize the person or make him unforgettable. Various grave monuments have been constructed from the earliest primitive societies to developed societies. Every belief system built structures for itself; Pyramids for pharaohs, grave monuments for kings and emperors, temples and tombs for important men of religion. These spaces are also architectural works like a school or a dwelling and have importance in history of architecture. After Turks embraced Islamism, examples of very beautiful tombs are built in Middle Asia during the Seljuk Period. By the time Seljuks came to Anatolia they built important tombs having peerless architectural characteristics firstly around Ahlat. After Anatolia Seljuks made Konya the capital city and Konya became administrative, cultural and scientific center, very important tombs were built in Konya. Different from the local tomb architecture, the architecture of tombs with half-open “eyvan/Iwan” is significant. Although iwan buildings is vastly used in Anatolian civil architecture and monumental buildings its best exmaples are observed in 13th century Medrese buildings. The iwan tomb tradition which was observed during the time period when this building typology was shaped and departed from the resident tradition in the form of iwan tombs are rarely represented. However, similar tombs were build in resemblance to this tradition. This study provides information on samples of iwan tombs (Gömeç Hatun Tomb, Emir Yavaştagel Tomb, and Beşparmak Tomb) and evaluates the departures from iwan building complexes in view of architectural language. This paper also gives information about iwan tombs among tombs having importance in Islamic Architectural Heritage.

Keywords: Seljuk Building Complex, Eyvan/Iwan, Anatolia, Islamic Architectural Heritage, tomb

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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