Search results for: beneficiary rights

Authors: Edith Kamakune

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As much as Indigenous rights are presumed to be part of the broad human rights regime, members of the indigenous communities have continually suffered violations, exclusions, and threat. There are a number of steps taken from the international community in trying to bridge the gap, and this has been through the inclusion of provisions as well as the passing of conventions and declarations with specific reference to the rights of indigenous peoples. Some examples of indigenous people include theSiberian Yupik of St Lawrence Island; the Ute of Utah; the Cree of Alberta, and the Xosa andKhoiKhoi of Southern Africa. Uganda’s wide cultural heritage has played a key role in the failure to pay special attention to the needs of the rights of indigenous peoples. The 1995 Constitution and the Land Act of 1998 provide for abstract land rights without necessarily paying attention to indigenous communities’ special needs. Basongora are a pastoralist community in Western Uganda whose ancestral land is the present Queen Elizabeth National Park of Western Uganda, Virunga National Park of Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, and the small percentage of the low lands under the Rwenzori Mountains. Their values and livelihood are embedded in their strong attachment to the land, and this has been at stake for the last about 90 Years. This research was aimed atinvestigating the relationship between land rights and the right to cultural identity among indigenous communities, looking at the policy available on land and culture, and whether the policies are sensitive of the specific issues of vulnerable ethnic groups; and largely the effect of land on the right to cultural identity. The research was guided by three objectives: to examine and contextualize the concept of land rights among the Basongora community; to assess the policy frame work available for the protection of the Basongora community; to investigate the forms of vulnerability of the Basongora community. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used. a case of Kaseseand Kampala Districts were purposefully selected .138 people were recruited through random and nonrandom techniques to participate in the study, and these were 70 questionnaire respondents; 20 face to face interviews respondents; 5 key informants, and 43 participants in focus group discussions; The study established that Land is communally held and used and thatit continues to be a central source of livelihood for the Basongora; land rights are important in multiplication of herds; preservation, development, and promotion of culture and language. Research found gaps in the policy framework since the policies are concerned with tenure issues and the general provisions areambiguous. Oftenly, the Basongora are not called upon to participate in decision making processes, even on issues that affect them. The research findings call forauthorities to allow Basongora to access Queen Elizabeth National Park land for pasture during particular seasons of the year, especially during the dry seasons; land use policy; need for a clear alignment of the description of indigenous communitiesunder the constitution (Uganda, 1995) to the international definition.

Keywords: cultural identity, land rights, protection, uganda

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Authors: Silvia Miele, Patrice Rusconi, Harriet Tenenbaum

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An increasingly multi-ethnic Europe has been pushing citizens’ boundaries on who should be entitled and to what extent to practise their own diversity. Indeed, according to a Standard Eurobarometer survey conducted in 2017, immigration is seen by Europeans as the most serious issue facing the EU, and a third of respondents reported they do not feel comfortable interacting with migrants from outside the EU. Many of these come from Muslim countries, accounting for 4.9% of Europe population in 2016. However, the figure is projected to rise up to 14% by 2050. Additionally, political debates have increasingly focused on Muslim immigrants, who are frequently portrayed as difficult to integrate, while nationalist parties across Europe have fostered the idea of insuperable cultural differences, creating an atmosphere of hostility. Using a 3 X 3 X 2 between-subjects design, it was investigated how people reason about endorsing religious and non-religious rights to minorities. An online survey has been administered to university students of three different countries (Italy, Spain and the UK) via Qualtrics, presenting hypothetical scenarios through a vignette methodology. Each respondent has been randomly allocated to one of the three following conditions: Christian, Muslim or non-religious (vegan) target. Each condition entailed three questions about children self-determination rights to exercise some control over their own lives and 3 questions about children nurturance rights of care and protection. Moreover, participants have been required to further elaborate on their answers via free-text entries and have been asked about their contact and quality of contact with the three targets, and to self-report religious, national and ethnic identification. Answers have been recorded on a Likert scale of 1-5, 1 being "not at all", 5 being "very much". A two-way ANCOVA will be used to analyse answers to closed-ended questions, while free-text answers will be coded and data will be dichotomised based on Social Cognitive Domain Theory for four categories: moral, social conventional and psychological reasons, and analysed via ANCOVAs. This study’s findings aim to contribute to the implementation of educational interventions and speak to the introduction of governmental policies on human rights.

Keywords: children's rights, Europe, migration, minority

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Authors: Beata Anna Bronowicka

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to improve effectiveness of mediation in family matters regarding child protection in Australia and Poland. Design/methodology/approach the methodological approach is phenomenology. Two phenomenological methods of data collection were used in this research 1/ a doctrinal research 2/an interview. The doctrinal research forms the basis for obtaining information on mediation, the date of introduction of this alternative dispute resolution method to the Australian and Polish legal systems. No less important were the analysis of the legislation and legal doctrine in the field of mediation in family matters, especially child protection. In the second method, the data was collected by semi-structured interview. The collected data was translated from Polish to English and analysed using software program. Findings- The rights of children in the context of mediation in Australia and Poland differ from the recommendations of the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child, which require that children be included in all matters that concern them. It is the room for improvement in the mediation process by increasing child rights in mediation between parents in matters related to children. Children should have the right to express their opinion similarly to the case in the court process. The challenge with mediation is also better understanding the role of professionals in mediation as lawyers, mediators. Originality/value-The research is anticipated to be of particular benefit to parents, society as whole, and professionals working in mediation. These results may also be helpful during further legislative initiatives in this area.

Keywords: mediation, family law, children's rights, australian and polish family law

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Authors: Ani Eda Njwe

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Cameroon is a bilingual and bijural country in West and Central Africa. The current president has been in power since 1982, which makes him the longest-serving president in the world. The length of his presidency is one of the major causes of the ongoing political instability in the country. The preamble of the Cameroonian constitution commits Cameroon to respect international law and human rights. It provides that these laws should be translated into national laws, and respected by all spheres of government and public service. Cameroon is a signatory of several international human rights laws and conventions. In theory, the citizens of Cameroon have adequate legal protection against the violation of their human rights for political reasons. The ongoing political crisis in Cameroon erupted after the Anglophone lawyers and teachers launched a protest against the hiring of Francophone judges in Anglophone courts; and the hiring of Francophone teachers in Anglophone schools. In retaliation, the government launched a military crackdown on protesters and civilians, conducted arbitrary arrests on Anglophones, raped and maimed civilians, and declared a state of emergency in the Anglophone provinces. This infuriated the Anglophone public, causing them to create a secessionist movement, requesting the Independence of Anglophone Cameroon and demanding a separate country called Ambazonia. The Ambazonian armed rebel forces have ever since launched guerrilla attacks on government troops. This fighting has deteriorated into a war between the Ambazonians and the Cameroon government. The arbitrary arrests and unlawful imprisonments have continued, causing the closure of Anglophone schools since November 2016. In October 2018, Cameroon held presidential elections. Before the electoral commission announced the results, the opposition leader, a Francophone, declared himself winner, following a leak of the polling information. This led to his imprisonment. This research has the objective of finding out whether the government’s reactions to protesters and opposition is lawful, under national and international laws. This research will also verify if the prison conditions of political prisoners meet human rights standards. Furthermore, this research seeks detailed information obtained from current political prisoners and detainees on their experiences. This research also aims to highlight the effort being made internationally, towards bringing awareness and finding a resolution to the war in Cameroon. Finally, this research seeks to elucidate on the efforts which human rights organisations have made, towards overseeing the respect of human rights in Cameroon. This research adopts qualitative methods, whereby data were collected using semi-structured interviews of political detainees, and questionnaires. Also, data was collected from secondary sources such as; scholarly articles, newspaper articles, web sources, and human rights reports. From the data collected, the findings were analysed using the content analysis research technique. From the deductions, recommendations have been made, which human rights organisations, activists, and international bodies can implement, to cause the Cameroonian government to stop unlawful arrests and reinstate the respect of human rights and the rule of law in Cameroon.

Keywords: arbitrary arrests, Cameroon, human rights, political

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Authors: Adriano Mortada

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Human history is rife with conflict, and the question of refugee status determination and their rehabilitation has been up for debate since. Refugee Status Determination is the administrative or legal process by which UNHCR or governments determine whether a person seeking international protection or asylum can be identified as a refugee under international, regional, or national law. Refugee Status Determination is considered to be a vital process in aiding refugees’ realization of their rights under international law. One of the major reasons why the refugee status determination is considered an “issue”, and is one that is much debated upon annually, is the fact that the national bureaucratic systems are rigid and unbending. This is particularly concerning in the 21st century despite human advancement in policy and diplomacy, working in tandem with the United Nations and their charters and resolutions on human rights and dignity. The paper seeks to criticize the European member states' response to the refugee crisis and their inflexible and prejudiced bureaucratic systems when it comes to refugee status determination. The paper looks at multiple case studies as primary evidence and the alternate case studies where the system helped refugees, like those in Jordan, Pakistan, Turkey, and Lebanon. The main concern of the paper is to highlight the bias in the selected European systems, which do not stem from the Human Rights Charter but rather on the basis of geographical backgrounds, cultural and religious affiliations of those seeking refugee status or asylum in their respective countries. The paper hopes to not only create awareness about this issue but also provide a research background to advocacy programs to bring a change in the systems.

Keywords: refugee status determination, human rights, bureaucracy, United Nations, European Union

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Authors: Danielle G. Saique

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Introduction: Promoting Gender Equality, Equity and Empowerment of Women (GEE&EW) can be attained by practicing thereby exercising Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR). Gender Inequality is manifested thru Violence Against Women (VAW). Objectives: This study presents causes, prevalence, effects of Gender Inequality for not practicing and violating SRHR. This proposes Action Plan by promoting, integrating SRHR in the “holistic approach” of Social Work education, practice and service-delivery in any work-set-ups. Limitations: VAW cases showed victim and violator are known, related and living together. Cases transpired at home, reported, investigated in the police and filed in the legal court of law for the year 2013. Methods: Data from blotters, reports, filed cases, case studies gathered by the Social Worker (SWr). Qualitative analysis identified cause, prevalence of VAW related in violating SRHR. SWr serves innovative interventions in any work settings by applying SRHR background, skills in educating, counseling client-victims. Results: 65 VAW cases on non-negotiation or refusal of practicing SRHR. Non-acceptance of Family Planning yielded unwanted, unplanned pregnancies, abandoned children, battered women. Neglected pre-post natal maternal care caused complications or death. Rape, incest led trauma or death. Unsafe, unprotected sex transmitted STDs. Conclusions: Non-availing SRHR from health facilities, from Medical Health SWr concluded to non-practicing or violating rights to life, health care, protection, rights to information, education, rights to plan family, rights from torture, ill-treatment. VAW brings undesirable effects to the well-being, wellness and humaneness of the victim. Recommendations: The innovative intervention services on SRHR of a SWr and the findings, results in violating SRHR are recommendations in Action Planning by adding “The SRHR Concepts” in Social Work thereby preventing VAW; empowering women’s rights to development, gender equality, equity liberty, security, freedom; resilience and involvement in promoting, practicing, exercising SRHR at home. Recommended therefore to duplicate this innovative practice and experience on SRHR as implemented by the SWr in any work setting.

Keywords: women development, promoting gender equality, equity, empowerment of women

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Authors: Hasanzadeh Mehran

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The Cyrus Cylinder, which is a baked clay tablet, was written in 539 BC by order of the Achaemenid king Cyrus. This clay tablet contains orders and is considered a historical document of the humanitarian behaviour of the victorious army during the conquest of Babylon. Some believe that these laws are the first declaration of human rights in the ancient world. After the conquest of Babylon, Cyrus created laws that had never been seen anywhere in history. For this reason, in this article it has been tried to mention the human aspects and the reasons and grounds for the formation of such laws at that time. The origin of the creation of these progressive and humanitarian laws in the Cyrus cylinder should be sought in the cultural roots of civilization and his social and individual teachings.

Keywords: Iran, cyrus, cyrus cylinder, human rights

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Authors: Sunil Tirkey

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The colonial court records between 1800 to 1939 in India show the existence of excessive dower, which were usually paid at the dissolution of marriage to discourage divorce. Supporting this view of excessive dower as a useful device, Mitra Sharafi (legal historian of modern South Asia) argues that inflated dower and divorce law protected Muslim women against instant divorce, making it too expensive for husbands to use it. Further, according to her, British judges enhanced women’s rights to dower and divorce by pronouncing rulings in favour of a high amount of dower to protect the women against the one-sided authority of men to divorce. Contrary to the view of Sharafi, this paper will argue that inflated dower did not protect the rights of women against instant divorce and undesirable marriage, and British judges did not really work to better the lives of Muslim women. To prove so, we shall firstly argue from the court cases that it was challenging for women to prove divorce on the husbands’ denial of divorce in order to avoid the payment of dower. Secondly, it was almost impossible for women to get rid of their undesirable marriage, as divorce was impartially dependent on their husbands. Thirdly, Muslim women were often deprived of their unpaid prompt dower due to the rigorous application of colonial law of limitation by British judges. Furthermore, the abolition of the office of Muslim legal experts from the colonial courts in 1864 deprived Muslim women not only to avail the interpretation of Islamic law but to benefit from the diversity and flexibility of Islamic law in obtaining their right to dower and divorce.

Keywords: courts, divorce, inflated dower, Islamic law, women’s rights

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Authors: Mohammad Mozammel Haque

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That feminism is nothing but the name of a belief that women should have the same rights as men needs no telling. The history of modern western feminism is divided into three waves and each is described as dealing with different aspects of the same feminist issues. The first wave refers to the movement of the 19th through early 20th centuries, which dealt mainly with suffrage, working conditions and educational rights for women. The second wave (1960s-1980s) dealt with the inequality of laws and the role of women in society. The third wave (late 1980s-early 2000s) is seen as both a continuation of the second wave and a response to the perceived failures. Mary Wollstonecraft struggled for the emancipation and freedom of the women of Europe, Begum Rokeya brought about revolution for the women of the East and West Bengal, Jeremy Bentham wrote for the independence of women in England. But if feminism refers to the movement of giving women what they deserve, then it won’t be an overstatement to state that Mohammad is the precursor of what we call feminism. This paper investigates the background of official starting of feminism, and also the backdrop of the women of Muhammad’s time. The article, besides showing that this great prophet and philosopher firstly brought about a movement for the education and rights of women and took them out of grave where they were buried alive, also delineates Mohammedan endeavours he attempted to give the women what they ought to have.

Keywords: education, equality, feminism, precursor

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Authors: Paloma Mendes Saldanha

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Access to information is a prerequisite for democracy while also guiding the material construction of fundamental rights. The exercise of citizenship requires knowing, understanding, questioning, advocating for, and securing rights and responsibilities. In other words, it goes beyond mere active electoral participation and materializes through awareness and the struggle for rights and responsibilities in the various spaces occupied by the population in their daily lives. In times of hyper-cultural connectivity, active citizenship is shaped through ethical trust processes, most often established between humans and algorithms. Automated decisions, so prevalent in various everyday situations, such as purchase preference predictions, virtual voice assistants, reduction of accidents in autonomous vehicles, content removal, resume selection, etc., have already found their place as a normalized discourse that sometimes does not reveal or make clear what violations of fundamental rights may occur when algorithmic explainability is lacking. In other words, technological and market development promotes a normalization for the use of automated decisions while silencing possible restrictions and/or breaches of rights through a culturally modeled, unethical, and unexplained trust process, which hinders the possibility of the right to a healthy, transparent, and complete exercise of citizenship. In this context, the article aims to identify the violations caused by the absence of algorithmic explainability in the exercise of citizenship through the construction of an unethical and silent trust process between humans and algorithms in automated decisions. As a result, it is expected to find violations of constitutionally protected rights such as privacy, data protection, and transparency, as well as the stipulation of algorithmic explainability as a fundamental right in the exercise of Brazilian citizenship in the era of virtualization, facing a threefold foundation called trust: culture, rules, and systems. To do so, the author will use a bibliographic review in the legal and information technology fields, as well as the analysis of legal and official documents, including national documents such as the Brazilian Federal Constitution, as well as international guidelines and resolutions that address the topic in a specific and necessary manner for appropriate regulation based on a sustainable trust process for a hyperconnected world.

Keywords: artificial intelligence, ethics, citizenship, trust

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Authors: Donato Vese

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According to the common interpretation, in a legal system, public powers are established by law. Exceptions are admitted in an emergency or particular relationship with public power. However, we currently agree that law allows public administration a margin of decision, even in the case of non-discretionary acts. Hence, the administrative decision not exclusively established by law becomes the rule in the ordinary state of things, non-only in state of exception. This paper aims to analyze and discuss different ideas on discretionary power on the Rule of Law and Rechtsstaat. Observing the legal literature in Europe and Nord and South America, discretionary power can be described as follow: it could be considered a margin that law accords to the executive power for political decisions or a choice between different interpretations of vague legal previsions. In essence, this explanation admits for the executive a decision not established by law or anyhow not exclusively established by law. This means that the discretionary power of public administration integrates the law. However, integrating law does not mean to decide according to the law, but it means to integrate law with a decision involving public power. Consequently, discretionary power is essentially free will. In this perspective, also the Rule of Law and the Rechtsstaat are notions explained differently. Recently, we can observe how the European notion of Rechtsstaat is founded on the formal validity of the law; therefore, for this notion, public authority’s decisions not regulated by law represent a problem. Thus, different systems of law integration have been proposed in legal literature, such as values, democracy, reasonableness, and so on. This paper aims to verify how, looking at those integration clauses from a logical viewpoint, integration based on the recourse to the legal system itself does not resolve the problem. The aforementioned integration clauses are legal rules that require hard work to explain the correct meaning of the law; in particular, they introduce dangerous criteria in favor of the political majority. A different notion of public power can be proposed. This notion includes two main features: (a) sovereignty belongs to persons and not the state, and (b) fundamental rights are not grounded but recognized by Constitutions. Hence, public power is a system based on fundamental rights. According to this approach, it can also be defined as the notion of public interest as concrete maximization of fundamental rights enjoyments. Like this, integration of the law, vague or subject to several interpretations, must be done by referring to the system of fundamental individual rights. We can think, for instance, to fundamental rights that are right in an objective view but not legal because not established by law.

Keywords: administrative discretion, free will, fundamental rights, public power, sovereignty

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Authors: J. Jayaletchmi

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In seeking to manage a multiracial and multi-religious society, Singapore provides a unique solution – a dual court system whereby a common law system co-exists with a Syariah law system that administers Syariah law for the Muslim population. In this respect, Singapore seems to provide a feasible example of legal pluralism to countries grappling with a burgeoning Muslim population. However, problems have arisen regarding this peaceful coexistence of secular and religious laws that seek to balance the rights of women and religious freedom. Singapore’s interpretation of Syariah law in the context of marriage and divorce has resulted in certain inequalities for Muslim women, which are exemplified in light of the Women’s Charter, a landmark piece of legislation which provides the legal basis for equity between husband and wife, but excludes Muslims from its ambit. The success of Singapore’s dual court system has largely been at the expense of Muslim women’s rights, and, as a result, the Muslim community as a whole has begun trailing behind the progressive society it forms a part of. This paper explores the prevailing unfairness of rules governing Muslim marriage and divorce in Singapore, and puts forth bold reforms.

Keywords: legal pluralism, Singapore, Syariah law, women’s rights

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Authors: María Elena Menéndez Ibáñez

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After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, new measures were adopted by powerful countries and regions like the United States and the European Union in order to safeguard their security. In 2002, the US created the Department of Homeland Security with one sole objective; to protect American soil and people. The US adopted new policies that made every immigrant a potential terrorist and a threat to their national security. Stronger border control became one of the key elements of the fight against organized crime and terrorism. The main objective of this paper is to compare some of the most important and radical measures adopted by the US, even those that resulted in systematic violations of human rights, with some of the European measures adopted after the 2015 Paris attacks of 2015, such as unlawful detainment of prisoners and other measures against foreigners. Through the Schengen agreement, the European Union has tried to eliminate tariffs and border controls, in order to guarantee successful economic growth. Terrorists have taken advantage of this and have made the region vulnerable to attacks. Authorities need to strengthen their surveillance methods in order to safeguard the region and its stability. Through qualitative methods applied to social sciences, this research will also try to explain why some of the mechanisms proven to be useful in the US would not be so in Europe, especially because they would result in human rights violations. Finally, solutions will be offered that would not put the whole Schengen Agreement at risk. Europe cannot reinstate border control, without making individuals vulnerable to human rights violations.

Keywords: border control, immigration, international cooperation, national security

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Authors: María José Benítez Jiménez

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Article 3 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (E.C.H.R.) proclaims that no one may be subjected to torture, punishment or degrading treatment. The legislative correlate in Spain is embodied in Article 15 of the Spanish Constitution, and there must be an overlapping interpretation of both precepts on the ideal plane. While it is true that there are not many cases in which the European Court of Human Rights (E.C.t.H.R. (The Strasbourg Court)) has sanctioned Spain for its failure to investigate complaints of torture, it must be emphasized that the tendency to violate Article 3 of the Convention appears to be on the rise, being necessary to know possible factors that may be affecting it. This paper addresses the analysis of sentences that directly or indirectly reveal the violation of Article 3 of the European Convention. To carry out the analysis, sentences of the Strasbourg Court have been consulted from 2012 to 2016, being able to address any previous sentences to this period if it provided justified information necessary for the study. After the review it becomes clear that there are two key groups of subjects that request a response to the Strasbourg Court on the understanding that they have been tortured or degradingly treated. These are: immigrants and terrorists. Both phenomena, immigration and terrorism, respond to patterns that have mutated in recent years, and it is important for this study to know if national regulations begin to be dysfunctional.

Keywords: E.C.H.R., E.C.t.H.R. sentences, Spanish Constitution, torture

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Authors: Tomas Macsotay

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If monument removal and monument effacement may call to mind a Nietzschean proposal for vitalist disregard of conventional morality, it remains the case that it is often only by a willingness to go “beyond good and evil” in inherited monument politics that truthful, be it unexpected aspects of our co-existence with monuments can finally start to rise into fuller consciousness. A series of urgent questions press themselves in the panorama created by the affirmative idea that we can, as a community, make crucial decisions with regard to monumental preservation or discontinuation. Memorials are not the core concern for decolonial and racial dignity movements like Black Lives Matter (BLM), which have repeatedly shown they regard these actions as a welcome, albeit complementary, part of a reckoning with a past of racial violence and injustice, slavery, and colonial subaltern existence. As such, the iconoclastic issue of “rights and prohibitions of images” only tangentially touches on a cultural movement that seems rather question dominant ideas of history, pertinence, and the long life of the class, gender, and racial conflict through ossified memorial cultures. In the recent monument insurrection, we face a rare case of a new negotiation of rights of existence for this particular tract of material culture. This engenders a debate on how and why we accord rights to objects in public dominion ― indeed, how such rights impinge upon the rights of subjects who inhabit the public sphere. Incidentally, the possibility of taking away from monuments such imagined or adjoined rights has made it possible to tease open a sphere of emotionality that could not be expressed in patrimonial thinking: the reality of atmospheres as settings, often dependent on pseudo-objects and half-conscious situations, that situate individuals involuntarily in a pathic aesthetics. In this way, the unique moment we now witness ― full of the possibility of going “beyond good and evil” of monument preservation ― starts to look more like a moment of involuntary awaking: an awakening to the encrypted gaze of the monument and the enigma that the same monument or memorial site can carry day-to-day habits of life for some bystanders, while racialized and disenfranchised communities experience discomfort and erosion of subjective life in the same sites.

Keywords: monument, memorial, atmosphere, racial justice, decolonialism

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Authors: Wenfen Bi, Zeng Lin

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As a developing country, China is badly in need of capital and talents to develop the socialist country with Chinese characteristics. However, a large proportion of high income people with know-how technique, wealth and management experience have immigrated or plan to immigrate to other countries. Of course, this phenomenon has attracted the attention from both the government and researchers. One explanation might be that these high-income people lack confidence in China’s social development. Based on the data on W city’s comprehensive social situation surveyed by center for the social survey research of Wuhan university (CSSR) in 2014, this paper employed the structural equation model (SEM) to evaluate whether personal income affects social confidence, via the mediating effect of the sense of social equity (sense of right equity and sense of distributive equity). Bootstrap mediation analysis revealed that after controlling Demographic variables, personal income had a significant negative influence on sense of right equity and in turn, sense of rights equity can significantly positively predict social confidence. While personal income had no significant effect on sense of distributive equity, and sense of distributive equity did not significantly affect macro social confidence. Also, the direct effects of personal income on social confidence became not significant. These findings revealed the inner mechanism of the relationship between the personal income and social confidence in contemporary China, which was caused by mediating effect of sense of rights equity. That is, the higher the personal income, the lower the sense of rights equity, the lower the social confidence. Thus, the boost of the social confidence, especially for the rich, does not only depend on the equitable distribution of material wealth, but also on the right equity and making people feel rights equally in common life.

Keywords: personal income, sense of right equity, sense of social equity, social confidence

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Authors: Mohsen Davarzani, Ehsan Lame, Mohammad Taghi Hassan Zadeh

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Language is considered as a powerful and outstanding feature of ethnicity. However, humiliating and prohibiting using human language is one the most heinous and brutal acts in the form of racism. In other words, racism can be a product of physiological humiliations and discrimination, such as skin color, and can also be resulted from ethnic humiliation and discrimination such as language, customs and so on. Ethnic and racial discrimination is one of the main problems of the world that minorities and occasionally the majority have suffered from. Nowadays, few states can be found in which all individuals and its citizens are of the same race and ethnicity, culture and language. In these countries, referred to as the multinational states, (eg, Iran, Switzerland, India, etc.), there are the communities and groups which have their own linguistic, cultural and historical characteristics. Characteristics of human rights issues, diversity of issues and plurality of meanings indicate that they appear in various aspects. The states are obliged to respect, as per national and international obligations, the rights of all citizens from different angles, especially different groups that require special attention in order of the particular aspects such as ethnicity, religious and political minorities, children, women, workers, unions and in case the states are in breach of any of these items, they are faced with challenges in local, regional or international fields.

Keywords: law, language, minorities, ethnicity

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Authors: Asma Bentaifa

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This paper investigates the effect of ownership concentration and especially the presence of controlling shareholders on the firm’s payout decisions. Using a sample of 870 French companies during 2007 to 2012, we find that the share of dividends in total payout is negatively correlated with the size of cash flow held by controlling shareholder, and positively related to the divergence between voting rights and cash flow rights of largest shareholders. We also document that controlled firms tend to prefer dividends over repurchases to mitigate conflicts between controlling shareholders and minority shareholders related to the presence of control enhancing devices.

Keywords: ownership, payout policy, dividend, minority expropriation

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Authors: Shreeya Umashankar

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The Supreme Court of India has emerged as the most powerful organ of State and amongst the foremost constitutional courts in the world through the instrument of Public Interest Litigation (PIL), the exercise of writ jurisdiction and the expansive interpretation of fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution of India. Judicial activism impinging on every facet of governance has become the norm in recent times. This paper traces the evolution of judicial activism since Independence through pronouncements of the Supreme Court. It brings out distinct phases in this evolution– the initial phase of judicial restraint, the first phase of an activist judiciary where the Supreme Court primarily was concerned with protection of fundamental rights and humane treatment of citizens; the second phase where the Supreme Court took keen interest in preservation and protection of the environment; the third phase where the Supreme Court extended its reach into the socio-economic arena and the fourth phase when issues of transparency and probity in governance led to interventions by the Supreme Court. The paper illustrates through judgements of the Supreme Court that the instrument of the PIL and the exercise of writ jurisdiction by the Supreme Court go beyond the traditional postulates of judicial processes and political theory on separation of powers between the organs of State.

Keywords: fundamental rights, judicial activism, public interest litigation, Supreme Court of India

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Authors: Nyasha Agnes Gurira, Patrick Ngulube

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Heritage as an asset can be used to achieve cultural and socio-economic development through its careful use as a tourist attraction. Cultural heritage sites, especially those listed as World Heritage sites generate a lot of revenue through their use as tourist attractions. According to article 5(a) of the World Heritage Convention, World Heritage Sites (WHS) must serve a function in the life of the communities. This is further stressed by the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) charter on cultural heritage tourism which recognizes the positive effects of tourism on cultural heritage and underlines that domestic and international tourism is among the foremost vehicles for cultural exchange, conservation should thus provide for responsible and well-managed opportunities for local communities. The inclusion of communities in the world heritage agenda identifies them as the owners of the heritage and partners in the management planning process. This reiterates the need to empower communities and enable them to participate in the decisions which relate to the use of their heritage divorcing from the ideals of viewing communities as beneficiaries from the heritage resource. It recognizes community ownership rights to cultural heritage an element enshrined in Zimbabwe’ national constitution. Through the use of contingency valuation approaches, by assessing the Willingness to pay for visitors at the site the research determined the tourism use value of Great Zimbabwe (WHS). It assessed the extent to which the communities at Great Zimbabwe (WHS) have been developed through the tourism use of the WHS. Findings show that the current management mechanism in place regards communities as stakeholders in the management of the WHS, their ownership and property rights are not fully recognized. They receive indirect benefits from the tourism use of the WHS. This paper calls for a shift in management approach where community ownership rights are fully recognized and more inclusive approaches are adopted to ensure that the goal of sustainable development is achieved. Pro-poor benefits of tourism are key to enhancing the livelihoods of communities and can only be achieved if their rights are recognized and respected.

Keywords: communities, cultural heritage tourism, development, property ownership rights, pro-poor benefits, sustainability, world heritage site

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Authors: Erinda Bllaca Ndroqi

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The dilemma with which the monitoring professionals are facing in today’s reality is whether to accept that prisons all over the world constitute a place where not all rights are respected (ethical approach), or widen the scope of monitoring by prioritizing the special needs of people deprived of their liberties (human right approach), despite the context and the level of improved prison condition, staff profiling, more services oriented towards rehabilitation instead of punishment. Such dilemma becomes a concern if taking into consideration the fact that prisoners, due to their powerlessness and 'their lives at the hand of the state', are constantly under the threat of abuse of power and neglect, which in the Albanian case, has never been classified as torture. Scientific research in twenty-four (24) Albanian prisons shows that for some rights, prisoners belonging to 'vulnerable groups' such as mental illness, HIV positive status, sexual orientation, and terminal illness remain quite challenged and do not ensure that their basic rights are being met by the current criminal justice system (despite recommendations set forwards to prison authorities by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)). The research orients more discussion about policy and strategic recommendations that would need a thorough assessment of the impact of rehabilitation in special categories of prisoners, including recidivists.

Keywords: prisons, rehabilitation, torture, vulnerability

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Authors: King Kumire

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The Outer Space Treaty and the Moon Treaty have been the backbone of space law. However, scientists, engineers, and policymakers have been silent about how human settlement on celestial bodies would change the legal dimensions of space law. Indeed, these legal space regimes should have a prescription on how galactic courts should deal with the aspect of space property ownership. On this planet earth, one can vindicate his own assets. In extraterrestrial environments, this is not the case because space law is fatigued by terrestrial body sovereignty, which must be upheld. However, the recent commercialization of microgravity environments requires property ownership laws to be enacted. Space activities have mutated to the extent that it is almost possible to build communities in space. The discussions on the moon village concept will be mentioned as well to give clarity on the subject to the audience. It should be stated that launchers can now explore the cosmos with space tourists. The world is also busy doing feasibility studies on how to implement space mining projects. These activities indisputably show that the research is important because it will not only expose how the cosmic world is constrained by existing legal frameworks, but it will provide a remedy for how the inevitable dilemma of property rights can be resolved through the formulation of multilateral and all-inclusive policies. The discussion will model various aspects of terrestrial property rights and the associated remedies against what can be applicable and customized for use in extraterrestrial environments. Transfer of ownership in space is also another area of interest as the researcher shall try to distinguish between envisaged personal and real rights in the new frontier vis-a-vis mainland transfer transactions. The writer imagines the extent to which the concepts of servitudes, accession, prescription and commixes, and other property templates can act as a starting point when cosmic probers move forward with the revision of orbital law. The article seeks to reconcile these ownership constraints by working towards the development of a living space common law which is elastic and embroidered by sustainable recommendations. A balance between transplanting terrestrial laws to the galactic arena and the need to enact new ones which will complement the existing space treaties will be meticulously pivoted.

Keywords: rights, commercialisation, ownership, sovereignty

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Authors: Nicole Cervenka

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On the question of norms in international politics, scholars are divided over whether norms are a tool for power politics or a genuine reflection of an emergent international society. The line is drawn between rationalism and idealism, but this dialectical relationship needs to be broken down if we hope to come to a comprehensive understanding of how norms play out in international society. The concept of an elusive international society is a simplification of a more pluralistic, cosmopolitan, and diverse collection of international societies. The English School effectively overcomes realist-idealist dichotomies and provides a pluralistic, comprehensive explanation and description of international societies through its application to two distinct areas: human rights as well as security and war. We argue that international norms have always been present in human rights, war, and international security, forming international societies that can be complimentary or oppositional, beneficial or problematic. Power politics are present, but they can only be regarded as partially explanatory of the role of norms in international politics, which must also include history, international law, the media, NGOs, and others to fully represent the normative influences in international societies. A side-by-side comparison of international norms of war/security and human rights show how much international societies converge. World War II was a turning point in terms of international law, these forces of international society have deeper historical roots. Norms of human rights and war/security are often norms of restraint, guiding appropriate treatment of individuals. This can at times give primacy to the individual over the sovereign state. However, state power politics and hegemony are still intact. It cannot be said that there is an emergent international society—international societies are part of broader historical backdrops. Furthermore, states and, more generally, power politics, are important components in international societies, but international norms are far from mere tools of power politics. They define a more diverse, complicated, and ever-present conception of international societies.

Keywords: English school, international societies, norms, pluralism

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Authors: M. Shukry

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According to the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, every human being is entitled to rights in life that should be respected by others and protected by the state and community. Such rights are inherent regardless of colour, ethnicity, gender, religion or otherwise, and it is expected that all humans alike have the right to live without discrimination of any sort. However, that has not been the case with Aborigines in Australia. Over a long period of time, the governments of the State and the Territories and the Australian Commonwealth denied the Aboriginal and Indigenous inhabitants of the Torres Strait Islands such rights. Past Australian governments set policies and laws that enabled them to forcefully remove Indigenous children from their parents, which resulted in creating lost generations living the trauma of the loss of cultural identity, alienation and even their own selfhood. Intending to reduce that population of natives and their Aboriginal culture while, on the other hand, assimilate them into mainstream society, they gave themselves the right to remove them from their families with no hope of return. That practice has led to tragic consequences due to the trauma that has affected those children, an experience that is depicted by Jane Harrison in her play Stolen. The drama is the outcome of a six-year project on lost children and which was first performed in 1997 in Melbourne. Five actors only appear on the stage, playing the role of all the different characters, whether the main protagonists or the remaining cast, present or non-present ones as voices. The play outlines the life of five children who have been taken from their parents at an early age, entailing a disastrous negative impact that differs from one to the other. Unknown to each other, what connects between them is being put in a children’s home. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the play’s text in light of the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights, using it as a lens that reflects the atrocities practiced against the Aborigines. It highlights how such practices formed an outrageous violation of those natives’ rights as human beings. Harrison’s dramatic technique in conveying the children’s experiences is through a non-linear structure, fluctuating between past and present that are linked together within each of the five characters, reflecting their suffering and pain to create an emotional link between them and the audience. Her dramatic handling of the issue by fusing tragedy with humour as well as symbolism is a successful technique in revealing the traumatic memory of those children and their present life. The play has made a difference in commencing to address the problem of the right of all children to be with their families, which renders the real meaning of having a home and an identity as people.

Keywords: aboriginal, audience, Australia, children, culture, drama, home, human rights, identity, Indigenous, Jane Harrison, memory, scenic effects, setting, stage, stage directions, Stolen, trauma

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Authors: Lenshie, Nsemba Edward

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This paper examines political sexuality as an identity construct, which imparts on democratic practices globally. The manifestation of political sexuality reflect on the dynamics of social, economic, cultural and political relations among different gender affecting a number of issues, such as the questions of citizenship, poverty alleviation, property rights, ownership and inheritance, rights to sexual consent, polygamous marriage, governance and representation among other issues. This paper is concerned with the aspect of political participation among different genders in Nigeria. This paper posit that political sexuality is an outcome of ‘sexuality differences’, which seeks to glorify and gratify the superiority of a particular sexuality over another. Political sexuality, therefore, motivate and exacerbate socio-cultural, economic, and political struggles among different sexualities. The paper asserts further that majority of women have been discriminated, sexually harassed, and are often denied certain rights and privileges in Nigeria. A few number of women who have found themselves at the corridors of government have used the Beijing protocol on Women to demand for ‘affirmative action’ to expand their political space. It contends that the ‘affirmative action’ in Nigeria is far from achieving it throughout the country. The paper conclude that women require more than just a ‘self-rediscovery’ to assertively demand for a more and proper inclusion in Nigeria’s democratic process.

Keywords: gender democracy, identity, politics, political sexuality

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Authors: Md. Kabir Azaharul Islam

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Background: The purpose of this interventions was to describe the source and extent to increase health seeking rights and uptake of quality integrated maternal health, family planning and HIV information, clinical-non clinical services, and commodities amongst young people age 10-24 among brothel based Female Sex Worker’s in Bangladesh. Such Knowledge will equip with information to develop more appropriate and effective interventions that address the problem of HIV/AIDS and SRHR within the brothel based female sex worker’s community. Methods: Before start the intervention we observed situation in brothel and identify lack of knowledge about health issues, modern health facility, sexual harassment and violence & health rights. To enable access to the intervention obtained permission from a series of stakeholders within the brothel system. This intervention to the most vulnerable young key people during January 2014 to December, 2015, it designed an intervention that focuses on using peer education and sensitization meeting with self help group leader’s, pimbs, swardarni, house owner, local leaders, law enforcement agencies and target young key people (YKPs) through peer educator’s distributed BCC materials and conducted one to one and group session issues of HIV/AIDS, life skill education, maternal health, sexual reproductive health & rights, gender based violence, STD/STI and drug users in the community. Set up community based satellite clinic to provided clinical-non clinical services and commodities for SRH, FP and HIV including general health among brothel based FSWs. Peer educator frequently move and informed target beneficiaries’ age 10-24 YKPs about satellite clinic as well as time & date in the community. Results: This intervention highly promotes of brothel based FSW utilization of local facility based health providers private and public health facilities.2400 FSWs age 10-24 received information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as existing health facilities, most of FSWs to received service from traditional healer before intervention. More than 1080 FSWs received clinical-non clinical services and commodities from satellite clinic including 12 ANC, 12 PNC and 25 MR. Most of young FSW age 10-24 are treated bonded girls under swardarni, house owner and pimbs, they have no rights to free movement as per need. As a result, they have no rights for free movement. However the brothel self help group (SHG) has become sensitized flowing this intervention. Conclusions: The majority of female sex workers well being regarding information on SRHR, FP and HIV as well as local health facilities now they feel free to go outside facilities for better health service. not only increased FSWs’ vulnerability to HIV infection and sexual reproductive health rights but also had huge implications for their human rights. This means that even when some clients impinged FSW’s rights (for example avoiding payment for services under the pretext of dissatisfaction), they might not be able to seek redress for fear of being ejected from the brothel. They raise voice national & local level different forum.

Keywords: ANC, HIV, PNC, SRHR

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Authors: Rai Friedman

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The recent migrant crisis has revealed an unmet demand for increased international protection and promotion of migrant rights. Europe has found itself at the centre of the migration crisis, being the recipient to the largest number of asylum-seekers since the conclusion of the second World War. Rather than impart a unified humanitarian lens of offering legal protections, the Schengen territory is devising new, preventative measures to confront the influx of asylum-seekers. This paper will focus on the refugee crisis in Europe as it relates to the Central Mediterranean route. To do so, it will outline the increased need for international protection for migrant rights through analyzing historic human rights treaties and conventions; the formation of the current composition of the Schengen area; the evolutionary changes in policies and legal landscapes throughout Europe and the Central Mediterranean route; the vernacular transformation surrounding refugees, migrants, and asylum-seekers; and expose the gaps in international protection. It will also discuss Europe’s critical position, both geographically and conceptually, critiquing the notion of European victimization. Lastly, it will discuss the increased harm of preventative border measures and argue for tangible sustainability solutions through economic programming models in highly vulnerable countries. To do so, this paper will observe a case study in Algeria that has conceded to an economic programming model for forced migrants. In 2017 amid worker shortages, Algeria announced it would grant African migrants’ legal status to become agriculturalists and construction workers. Algeria is one of the few countries along the Central Mediterranean route that has adopted a law to govern foreign nationals’ conditions of entry, stay and circulation. Thereafter, it will provide recommendations for solutions for forced migration along the Central Mediterranean route and advocate for strengthened protections under international law.

Keywords: refugees, migrants, human rights, middle east, Africa, mediterranean, international humanitarian law, policy

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Authors: Alejandra Cardenas, Ona Flores, Fabiola Gretzinger

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Since the 1990s, legal strategies for the promotion and protection of maternal health rights have achieved significant gains. Successful litigation in courts around the world have shown that these rights can be judicially enforceable. Governments and international organizations have acknowledged the importance of a human rights-based approach to maternal mortality and morbidity, and obstetric violence has been recognized as a human rights issue. Despite the progress made, maternal mortality has worsened in some regions of the world, while progress has stagnated elsewhere, and mistreatment in maternal care is reported almost universally. In this context, issues of maternal autonomy and decision-making during pregnancy, labor, and delivery as a critical barrier to access quality maternal health have been largely overlooked. Indeed, despite the principles of autonomy and informed consent in medical interventions being well-established in international and regional norms, how they are applied particularly during childbirth and pregnancy remains underdeveloped. National and global legal standards and decisions related to maternal health were reviewed and analyzed to determine how maternal autonomy and decision-making during pregnancy, labor, and delivery have been protected (or not) by international and national courts. The results of this legal research and analysis lead to the conclusion that a few standards have been set by courts regarding pregnant people’s rights to make choices during pregnancy and birth; however, most undermine the agency of pregnant people. These decisions recognize obstetric violence and gender-based discrimination, but fail to protect pregnant people’s autonomy, privacy, and their right to informed consent. As current human rights standards stand today, maternal health is the only field in medicine and law in which informed consent can be overridden, and patients can be forced to submit to treatments against their will. Unconsented treatment and loss of agency during pregnancy and childbirth can have long-term physical and mental impacts, reduce satisfaction and trust in health systems, and may deter future health-seeking behaviors. This research proposes a path forward that focuses on the pregnant person as an independent agent, relying on the doctrine of self-determination during pregnancy and childbirth, which includes access to the necessary conditions to enable autonomy and choice throughout pregnancy and childbirth as a critical step towards our approaches to reduce maternal mortality, morbidity, and mistreatment, and realize the promise of access to quality maternal health as a human right.

Keywords: autonomy in childbirth and pregnancy, choice, informed consent, jurisprudential analysis

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Authors: Mirjana Dokmanovic

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In recent years, the disadvantaged and marginalised position of rural women in the Republic of Serbia has been recognised in a number of national strategies and policy papers. A number of measures have been adopted by the government aimed at economic empowerment of rural women and eliminating barriers to accessing decision making and economic and social opportunities. However, their implementation pace is still slow. The aim of the paper is to indicate the necessity of a comprehensive policy approach to eliminating discrimination against rural women that would include policy and financial commitments for enhancing agricultural and rural development as a whole, instead of taking fragmented measures targeting consequences instead of causes. The paper introduces main findings of the study of challenges, constraints, and opportunities of rural women in Serbia to enjoy their economic and social rights. The research methodology included the desk research and the qualitative analysis of the available data, statistics, policy papers, studies, and reports produced by the government, ministries and other governmental bodies, independent human rights bodies, and civil society organizations (CSOs). The findings of the study reveal that rural women are at great risk of poverty, particularly in remote areas, and when getting old or widowed. Young rural women working in agriculture are also in unfavorable position, as they do not have opportunities to enjoy their rights during pregnancy and maternity leave, childcare leave and leave due to the special care of a child. The study indicates that the main causes of their unfavorable position are related to the prevalent patriarchal surrounding and economic and social underdevelopment of rural areas in Serbia. Gender inequalities have been particularly present in accessing land and property rights, inheritance, education, social protection, healthcare, and decision making. Women living in the rural areas are exposed at high risk of discrimination in all spheres of public and private life that undermine their enjoyment of basic economic, social and cultural rights. The vulnerability of rural women to discrimination increases in cases of the intersectionality of other grounds of discrimination, such as disability, ethnicity, age, health condition and sexual discrimination. If they are victims of domestic violence, their experience lack of access to shelters and protection services. Despite the State’s recognition of the marginalized position of rural women, there is still a lack of a comprehensive policy approach to improving the economic and social position of rural women.

Keywords: agricultural and rural development, care economy, discrimination against women, economic and social rights, feminization of poverty, Republic of Serbia, rural women

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Authors: Bellinda R. Chinowawa

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As part of a wider strategy to stifle civil society, Governments routinely resort to judicial harassment through the use of civil and criminal to impugn the integrity of human rights defenders and that of perceived political opponents. This phenomenon is rife in militarised or autocratic regimes where there is no tolerance for dissenting voices. Zimbabwe, ostensibly a presidential republic founded on the values of transparency, equality, freedom, is characterised by brutal suppression of perceived political opponents and those who assert their basic human rights. This is done through a wide range of tactics including unlawful arrests and detention, torture and other cruel, inhuman degrading treatment and enforced disappearances. Professionals including, journalists and doctors are similarly not spared from state attack. For human rights defenders, the most widely used tool of repression is that of judicial harassment where the judicial system is used to persecute them. This can include the levying of criminal charges, civil lawsuits and unnecessary administrative proceedings. Charges preferred against range from petty offences such as criminal nuisance to more serious charges of terrorism and subverting a constitutional government. Additionally, government sponsored individuals and organisations file strategic lawsuits with pecuniary implications order to intimidate and silence critics and engender self-censorship. Some HRDs are convicted and sentenced to prison terms, despite not being criminals in a true sense. While others are acquitted judicial harassment diverts energy and resources away from their human rights work. Through a consideration of statistical data reported by human rights organisations and face to face interviews with a cross section of human rights defenders, the article will map the incidence of judicial harassment in Zimbabwe. The article will consider the multi-level sociological and contextual factors which influence the Government of Zimbabwe to have easy recourse to criminal law and the debilitating effect of these actions on HRDs. These factors include the breakdown of the rule of law resulting in state capture of the judiciary, the proven efficacy of judicial harassment from colonial times to date, and the lack of an adequate redress mechanism at international level. By mapping the use of the judiciary as a tool of repression, from the inception of modern day Zimbabwe to date, it is hoped that HRDs will realise that they are part of a greater community of activists throughout the ages and should emboldened in the realisation that it is an age old tactic used by fallen regimes which should not deter them from calling for accountability.

Keywords: autocratic regime, colonial legacy, judicial harassment, human rights defenders

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