Search results for: political violence

Authors: Sibo Lu, Zhongkai Qian, Haotian Zhang

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This article examines the phenomenon of micro-sovereignty in the context of property management and its implications for biopolitics and urban governance in mainland China. It explores the transformation of urban spaces into privatized communities managed by property companies, leading to the reterritorialization of urban areas and the segmentation of urban populations. Drawing on legal frameworks, we analyze how commercial real estate development and property management have reshaped the urban landscape, placing nearly all urban residents within service areas of property management firms, thus establishing micro-sovereign entities that exercise control over residential spaces. Through a critique of property management's sovereign effects on social organization and the exploration of autonomous, democratic alternatives in community governance, this article contributes to the broader discourse on sovereignty, governance, and resistance within the urban milieu of contemporary China. It underscores the urgent need for more democratic forms of community management that can transcend the capitalist logic of property management companies and foster genuine participatory governance at the grassroots level.

Keywords: biopolitic, critical theory, political sociology, political philosophy

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Authors: Azza Habibullah

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The principal objective of this paper is to show the use of participatory culture in the parliamentarian campaign. The use of this method has always been non-popular amongst the parliamentarian candidates due to the amount of times and energy that they need to spent with the constituents. However, due to many parliamentarian corruption cases in the last five years period, some political party have been losing peoples trust. That political party trust lost had also affecting the parliamentarian candidates electability, so they invent some creative campaign method that involving their constituent with more intimates and friendly environment. In this paper, an observation is done to a parliamentarian candidate from Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party) in Bandung and Cimahi City area, West Java. This Parliamentraian candidate is known for her personal-approach campaign method such as a puppet show, hanging out with group of ex-bike gang leaders, and going fishing with the constituent. This paper will compare her method with other parliamentarian candidates from the same party as her that mostly use mainstream campaign method such as open speech, print media, an other one way campaign method. While the other parliamentarian candidates failed to reach the parliamentarian threshold, the participatory method had proven as an effective method.

Keywords: participatory culture, Indonesian parliamentary election, Prosperous Justice Party, electability

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Authors: M. A. M. Hayati Adilin, D. Ajau, A. S. Siti Khuzaimah, K. Mastura, R. Nik Muhammad Syafiq, M. N. Noor Fatin Nadiah

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The school environment is one of many factors related to the increment of overweight and obesity among children. There is an evidence to suggest that the school environmental factor has an independent effect towards health-related behaviour of children and school culture. It may have a significant impact towards the emergence of childhood obesity through their influence on eating pattern and physical activity level. The objective of this study is to identify the school environmental factors (i.e. physical, economic, political and socio-cultural) towards healthy eating and physical activity of urban and rural primary school children in preventing childhood obesity. This can be identified by examining the compliance of rural and urban school environment with whole-school environmental mapping framework. The study design was a cross-sectional study. A total of 60 schools were randomly selected (30 urban and 30 rural) in Selangor, Western Peninsular Malaysia in 2013 and 60 teachers (responsible for student affairs and the school curriculum) have been interviewed face to face by using a whole school mapping questionnaire followed by observation of the school environment . This study has demonstrated that schools in both areas (rural and urban) comply mostly with the physical environmental mapping (83.3%), followed by socio-cultural environmental mapping, 65%. Meanwhile, the political environmental mappings in both urban and rural schools show a low compliance percentage, which is 56.7%. For economic environmental mapping, only 10% of both schools are complied. As a conclusion, this study has demonstrated that schools in both areas do not fully comply with the whole school environmental mapping framework, especially economic and political. However, holistic approach is needed and many improvements can be proposed to promote healthy eating and physical activities among school children. Government, families and schools as well as communities and the media should be included together with any strategies for preventing childhood obesity.

Keywords: childhood obesity, healthy eating, physical activity, school environment

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Authors: Edgar Sar

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For more than a decade, secularism’s compatibility with religion has been called into question. Particularly, secular states’ exclusionary practices were raised to prove that secularism is not necessary for democracy. Meanwhile, with the debut of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) in 2002, Turkish state’s approach to religion has gradually changed. It is argued in that presentation that this change has led Turkey to a process of de-secularization, which refers to a considerable regress in state’s inclusionary and pluralist credentials. In this regard, this study both reflects on the relationship between secularism and democracy within the context of Turkish experience and analyses the consequences of the process of de-secularization of state in Turkey. To analyze Turkish state’s changing approach to religion and measure the de-secularization of the state, the connection between state and religion will be examined in three levels: ends, institutions, and law and policies. The presentation will indicate that Turkish state’s connection with religion in all three levels significantly weakened its secular credentials, which at the same time risked state’s commitment to neutrality, freedom of conscience and equality. In this regard, the change in Turkish state’s approach to religion throughout the 2000s, which this study refers to as the process of the de-secularization of the state, also brought about a process of de-democratization for Turkey.

Keywords: AKP, political inclusion, secularism, Turkey

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Authors: Belachew Gebrewold

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The Horn of Africa is marred by complex and systematic internal and external political, economic and social-cultural causes of conflict that result in internal displacement and migration. This paper engages with them and shows how such a study can help us to understand migration, both in this region and more generally. The conflict has occurred within states, between states, among proxies, between armies. Human insecurities as a result of the state collapse of Somalia, the rise of Islamic fundamentalism in the whole region, recurrent drought affecting the livelihoods of subsistence farmers as well as nomads, exposure to hunger, environmental degradation, youth unemployment, rapid growth of slums around big cities, and political repression (especially in Eritrea) have been driving various segments of the regional population into regional and international migration. Eritrea has been going through a brutal dictatorship which pushes many Eritreans to flee their country and be exposed to human trafficking, torture, detention, and agony on their way to Europe mainly through Egypt, Libya and Israel. Similarly, Somalia has been devastated since 1991 by unending civil war, state collapse, and radical Islamists. There are some important aspects to highlight in the conflict-migration nexus in the Horn of Africa: first, the main push factor for the Somalis and Eritreans to leave their countries and risk their lives is the physical insecurity they have been facing in their countries. Secondly, as a result of the conflict the economic infrastructure is massively destroyed. Investment is rare; job opportunities are out of sight. Thirdly, in such a grim situation the politically and economically induced decision to migrate is a household decision, not only an individual decision. Based on this third point this research study took place in the Horn of Africa between 2014 and 2016 during different occasions. The main objective of the research was to understanding how the increasing migration is affecting the socio-economic and socio-political environment, and conversely how the socio-economic and socio-political environments are increasing migration decisions; and whether and how these decisions are individual or family decisions. The main finding is the higher the human insecurity, the higher the family decision; the lower the human insecurity, the higher the individual decision. These findings apply not only to the Eritrean, Somali migrants but also to Ethiopian migrants. But the general impacts of migration on sending countries’ human security is quite mixed and complex.

Keywords: Eritrea, Ethiopia, Horn of Africa, insecurity, migration, Somalia

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Authors: Magdalena Zabrocka

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The terror of women throughout the governance of the current populist ruling party in Poland, PiS, has been a subject of a heated debate alongside the issues of minorities’ rights, the rule of law, and democracy in the country. The challenges that women and other vulnerable groups are currently facing, however, come down to more than just a lack of comprehensive equality laws, severely limited reproductive rights, hateful slogans, and messages propagated by the central authority and its sympathisers, or a common disregard for women’s fundamental rights. Many sources and media reports are available only in Polish, while international rapporteurs fail to acknowledge the whole picture of the tragedy happening in the country and the variety of factors affecting it. Starting with the authorities’ and Polish catholic church’s propaganda concerning CEDAW and the Istanbul Convention Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence by spreading strategic disinformation that it codifies ‘gender ideology’ and ‘anti-Christian values’ in order to convince the electorate that the legal instruments should be ‘abandoned’. Alongside severely restricted abortion rights, bullying medical professionals helping women exercise their reproductive rights, violating women’s privacy by introducing a mandatory registry of pregnancies (so that one’s pregnancy or its ‘loss’ can be tracked and traced), restricting access to the ‘day after pill’ and real sex education at schools (most schools have a subject of ‘knowledge of living in a family’), introducing prison punishment for teachers accused of spreading ‘sex education’, and many other, the current tyrant government, has now decided to target the youngest with its misinformation and indoctrination, via strategically designed textbooks and curriculum. Biology books have seen a big restriction on the size of the chapters devoted to evolution, reproductive system, and sexual health. Approved religion books (which are taught 2-3 times a week as compared to 1 a week sciences) now cover false information about Darwin’s theory and arguments ‘against it’. Most recently, however, the public spoke up against the absurd messages contained in the politically rewritten history books, where the material about some figures not liked by the governing party has already been manipulated. In the recently approved changes to the history textbook, one can find a variety of strongly biased and politically-charged views representative of the conservatives in the states, most notably, equating the ‘gender ideology’ and feminism with Nazism. Thus, this work, by employing a human rights approach, would focus on the right to education and development as well as the considerate obstacles to access to scientific information by the youth.

Keywords: Poland, right to education, right to development, authoritarianism, access to information

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Authors: Ram Dayal

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Since inception of the modern Olympic Games in 1896 in Athens, Greece, it has undergone a paradigm shift over a period of more than a century. It originated with the purpose of inculcating physical and moral qualities, sense of aesthetics, ethical and spiritual value and educating young people, through the spread of the philosophy of amateurism, which is free from the vices of racial discrimination, any country’s domination, corruption, doping menace and political interference. Now, it has metamorphosed into the arena where only professionalism matters and has been reduced to the show of strength for countries analogous to the cold war. Rather than spirit of sports, the economics of sports is the more relevant underpinning. Changes in medal tally over a period of time and its correlation with the changing geo-political structure have been evaluated quantitatively using regression analyses, which have yielded statistically significant relationship among variables. The present study also tries to explore this shift in Olympic spirit through historical approach, using books, thesis, dissertations, articles, related documents. The present study will help evaluate the Olympic ideals with modern perspective and the need to replace or reinstall the same in order to nurture and rejuvenate the modern Olympic movement.

Keywords: challenges, games, olympic, sports

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Authors: Martin Jelínek, Petr Květon

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The presented study focuses on relations between violent videogames playing and various types of antisocial behavior, namely bullying (verbal, indirect, and physical), physical aggression and delinquency. Relevant relationships were also examined with respect to gender. Violent videogames exposure (VGV) was measured by respondents’ most favored games and self-evaluation of its level of violence and frequency of playing. Antisocial behaviors were assessed by self-report questionnaires. The research sample consisted of 333 (166 males, 167 females) primary and secondary school students at the age between 10 and 19 years (m=14.98, sd=1.77). It was found that violent videogames playing is associated with physical aggression (rho=0.288, 95% CI [0.169;0.400]) and bullying (rho=0.369, 95% CI [0.254;0.476]). By means of gender, these relations were slightly weaker in males (VGV - physical aggression: rho=0.104, 95% CI [-0.061;0.264], VGV – bullying: rho=.200, 95% CI [0.032;0.356]) than in females (VGV - physical aggression: rho=0.257, 95% CI [0.089;0.411], VGV – bullying: rho=0.279, 95% CI [0.110;0.432]).

Keywords: aggression, bullying, gender, violent video games

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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This article seeks to access the democratic implication of new media in Malaysia through three important key points of deliberative democracy; information access, rational critical deliberation and mechanism of vertical accountability. The article suggests that the Internet is expanding political opportunity in which contributed to a more diverse discourse. It is depending on how users used it; for democratic or non-democratic outcome. The Internet has been a key instrument in exposing human rights abuse, corruption, organizing protests and mobilizing voters during election campaigns. It therefore pushes for transparency and accountability and thus increasing the rise of deliberative democracy in Malaysia. While there are some elements of an emerging deliberative politics, it is also clear that the Malaysian online political discourse is acting as moderate forms of discourse as the sphere increasingly exist in a chaotic and diversified online discourse. Yet, the online sphere still allows citizens to discuss public affairs. When the public opinion is strong enough, it can influence public policies to ensure that they reflect the public interest. It is suggesting an increased space of negotiation and contestation among the previously muzzled offline situation. This is a big step in the progress democracy in Malaysia.

Keywords: Keywords: New Media, democratization, deliberative democracy, Malaysian politics

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Authors: Byron Malaela Sotiata Seiuli

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Sexual violation is any form of sexual violence, including rape, child molestation, incest, and similar forms of non-consensual sexual contact. Much of these acts of violation are perpetuated, but not entirely, by men against women and children. Moetolo is a Samoan term that is used to describe a person who sexually violates another while they or their family are asleep. This paper presents and discusses sexual abuse from a Samoan viewpoint. Insights are drawn from the authors’ counseling engagement with a Samoan sex offender as part of his probation review process. Relevant literature is also engaged to inform and provide interpretation to the therapeutic work carried out. This article seeks to contribute new understanding to patterned responses of some Samoan people to sexual abuse behaviors, and steps to remedy arising concerns with perpetrators seeking reintegration back into their communities.

Keywords: Fa'asamoa, Samoan identity, sexual abuse counseling, Uputaua therapeutic approach

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Authors: Mohamed Elmeshad

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During the mid-1990's Egypt had become obliged to implement the Economic Reform and Structural Adjustment Program that included broad economic liberalization, expansion of the private sector and a contraction the size of government spending. This coincided as well with attempts to appear more democratic and open to liberalizing public space and discourse. At the same time, economic pressures and the proliferation of social media access and activism had led to increased pressure to open a mediascape and remove it from the clutches of the government, which had monopolized print and broadcast mass media for over 4 decades by that point. However, the mechanisms that governed the privatization of mass media allowed for sustained government control, even through the prism of ostensibly privately owned newspapers and television stations. These mechanisms involve barriers to entry from a financial and security perspective, as well as operational capacities of distribution and access to means of production. The power dynamics between mass media establishments and the state were moulded during this period in a novel way. Power dynamics within media establishments had also formed under such circumstances. The changes in the country's political economy itself somehow mirrored these developments. This paper will examine these dynamics and shed light on the political economy of Egypt's newly privatized mass media in the early 2000's especially. Methodology: This study will rely on semi-structured interviews from individuals involved with these changes from the perspective of the media organizations. It also will map out the process of media privatization by looking at the administrative, operative and legislative institutions and contexts in order to attempt to draw conclusions on methods of control and the role of the state during the process of privatization. Finally, a brief discourse analysis will be necessary in order to aptly convey how these factors ultimately reflected on media output. Findings and conclusion: The development of Egyptian private, “independent” mirrored the trajectory of transitions in the country’s political economy. Liberalization of the economy meant that a growing class of business owners would explore opportunities that such new markets would offer. However the regime’s attempts to control access to certain forms of capital, especially in sectors such as the media affected the structure of print and broadcast media, as well as the institutions that would govern them. Like the process of liberalisation, much of the regime’s manoeuvring with regards to privatization of media had been haphazardly used to indirectly expand the regime and its ruling party’s ability to retain influence, while creating a believable façade of openness. In this paper, we will attempt to uncover these mechanisms and analyse our findings in ways that explain how the manifestations prevalent in the context of a privatizing media space in a transitional Egypt provide evidence of both the intentions of this transition, and the ways in which it was being held back.

Keywords: business, mass media, political economy, power, privatisation

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Authors: Bagam Venkateswarlu

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NMDC Limited, Indian multinational mining company operates under administrative control of Ministry of Steel, Government of India. This study is undertaken to evaluate how sustainable mining practiced by the company fulfils the provisions of Indian Constitution to secure to its citizen – justice, equality of status and opportunity, promoting social, economic, political, and religious wellbeing. The Constitution of India lays down a road map as to how the goal of being a “Welfare State” shall be achieved. The vision of sustainable mining being practiced is oriented along the constitutional responsibilities on Indian Citizens and the Corporate World. This qualitative study shall be backed by quantitative studies of National Mineral Development Corporation performances in various domains of sustainable mining and ESG, that is, environment, social and governance parameters. For example, Five Star Rating of mine is a comprehensive evaluation system introduced by Ministry of Mines, Govt. of India is one of the methodologies. Corporate Social Responsibilities is one of the thrust areas for securing social well-being. Green energy initiatives in and around the mines has given the title of “Eco-Friendly Miner” to NMDC Limited. While operating fully mechanized large scale iron ore mine (18.8 million tonne per annum capacity) in Bacheli, Chhattisgarh, M/s NMDC Limited caters to the needs of mineral security of State of Chhattisgarh and Indian Union. It preserves forest, wild-life, and environment heritage of richly endowed State of Chhattisgarh. In the remote and far-flung interiors of Chhattisgarh, NMDC empowers the local population by providing world class educational & medical facilities, transportation network, drinking water facilities, irrigational agricultural supports, employment opportunities, establishing religious harmony. All this ultimately results in empowered, educated, and improved awareness in population. Thus, the basic tenets of constitution of India- secularism, democracy, welfare for all, socialism, humanism, decentralization, liberalism, mixed economy, and non-violence is fulfilled. Constitution declares India as a welfare state – for the people, of the people and by the people. The sustainable mining practices by NMDC are in line with the objective. Thus, the purpose of study is fully met with. The potential benefit of the study includes replicating this model in existing or new establishments in various parts of country – especially in the under-privileged interiors and far-flung areas which are yet to see the lights of development.

Keywords: ESG values, Indian constitution, NMDC limited, sustainable mining, CSR, green energy

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Authors: Adeshina Francis Akindutre, Adebolarin Adekanle

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Sexual assault is often considered as the most extreme form of violence that degrades and humiliates women in society. It is a widespread public health and psychological problem in Nigeria. Criminologically, sexual assaults have been considered as one of the several violent crimes targeted specifically at women and perpetrated by men. This paper attempts to examine the types of sexual assaults in Nigeria, the strategies used by the offenders, the causes, the psychological effects on the victims and the possible solutions of sexual assaults. This work also, examines the law prohibiting sexual assault in Nigeria. The authors made use of three theories: the victim precipitation approach, the feminist approach, and the psychological approach which explain why sexual assault takes place in society. Finally, it takes the Stockholm Syndrome into consideration (the treatment of victims).

Keywords: feminist, victims, offenders, psychological, sexual assault, Stockholm Syndrome

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Authors: Fradreck Jockonia Mujuru

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The effects of landmine residues from the Zimbabwean liberation war are persisting. Landmines are violently maiming and killing people and animals, causing certain areas inaccessible for agriculture and habitation, instilling fear, and even inducing forced migration. A significant gap in landmines literature is that they are mainly treated as a humanitarian issue and less scholarly. This paper engaged in theorising landmines using postcolonial literature as an epistemology. The results exhibit three issues. One, postcolonial literature provides a timeframe, a process, a space, and an attitude towards modernity on the inquiry of landmines. Two, landmines are understood in the context of war and were further decolonised to pick unique principles studied. Lastly, some of the unique principles found in landmines after decolonising are their ability to provide surveillance, repression and violent fate to all who cross the set boundaries. Therefore, theorising landmines can also be pushed further to be understood through repression. This article concluded that landmines can be theorised outside mainstream International Relations theories using postcolonial literature.

Keywords: landmines, postcolonial, repression, security, violence

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Authors: Mamadou Diop, Florence Crick, Momadou Sow, Kate Elizabeth Gannon

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Understanding SME leaders’ responses to climate is essential to cope with ongoing changes in temperature and rainfall. This study analyzes the response of SME leaders to the adverse effects of climate change in semi-arid lands (SAL) in Senegal. Based on surveys administrated to 161 SME leaders, this research shows that 91% of economic units are affected by climatic conditions, although 70% do not have a plan to deal with climate risks. Economic actors have striven to take measures to adapt. However, their efforts are limited by various obstacles accentuated by a lack of support from public authorities. In doing so, substantial political, institutional and financial efforts at national and local levels are needed to promote an enabling environment for economic actors to adapt. This will focus on information and training about the threats and opportunities related to global warming, the creation of an adaptation support fund to support local initiatives and the improvement of the institutional, regulatory and political framework.

Keywords: small and medium-sized enterprises, climate change, adaptation, semi-arid lands

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Authors: Ketevan Epadze

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The paper aims to examine conflicting historical narratives proposed by the Georgian and Abkhazian scholars on the territorial affiliation of Abkhazia in the 1950s, explain how these narratives were connected to the Soviet nationalities policy after WW II and demonstrate the dynamic of the narratives’ battle in the last years of the Soviet system, which was followed by military conflict in the post-Soviet era. Abkhazia –a breakaway region of Georgia- self-declared its independence in 1992. Historical dispute on the territorial rights of Abkhazia emerged long before the military conflict began and was connected to the theory of Abkhazian ethnogenesis written by the Georgian literary scholar Pavle Ingorokva. He argued that medieval Abkhazians were Georgians, while modern Abkhazians are newcomers in Abkhazia. After the de-Stalinization, Abkhazian historians developed historical narrative opposed to Ingorokva’s theory. In the 1980s, Georgian dissidents who strove for Georgia’s independence used Ingorokva’s thesis to oppose Abkhazians desire for self-determination and sovereignty. Abkhazian political actors in their turn employed opposite historical arguments to legitimate their rights over autonomy. Ingorokva’s theory is one of the principal issues, discussed during the Georgian-Abkhazian dialogue; it often confuses Georgians and gives the reasons to Abkhazians for complaining about the Georgian discrimination in the Soviet past. The study is based on the different kind of sources: archival materials of the 1950s (Communist Party Archive of Georgia, Soviet Journal ‘Mnatobi’), the book by Pavle Ingorokva ‘Giorgi Merchule’ (1947-1954) and Zurab Anchabadze’s responsive work to Ingorokva’s book – ‘From the medieval history of Abkhazia’ (1956-1959), political speeches of the Georgian and Abkhazian political actors in the 1980s, secondary sources on the Soviet nationalities policy from the 1950s to the 1990s.

Keywords: Soviet, history, ethnicity, nationalism, politics, post-Soviet, conflict

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Authors: Sibo Lu, Zhongkai Qian

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This study endeavors to articulate a spectrum of capitalist transformation from a politico-economic perspective, categorizing the development of capitalism into pre-modern, modern, and post-modern stages while examining the transitions between these states. It critically engages with the concepts of pre-modernity, modernity, and post-modernity, typically aligned with cultural studies, to shed light on their objective changes in the politico-economic realm. Post-modernity, in this context, is associated with the transition to high-value-added services and economic growth in ‘developed’ countries amidst globalization, framing a ‘neoliberal’ economic transformation. The paper scrutinizes the neoliberal economic shifts in the latter half of the 20th century as part of the post-modern state, arguing against viewing post-modernity merely as a cultural or subjective interpretative stance. Instead, it is posited as a concrete politico-economic phase marked by the dominance of post-Fordist systems. Through integrating insights from the political economy with continental philosophy, this research provides a nuanced analysis of capitalism's evolution, challenging conventional class analyses under the capitalist system and fostering a broader understanding of socio-economic paradigms.

Keywords: post marxism, critical theory, political economy, capitalism transformation

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Authors: Khrukulu Khusoh

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The strategies and tactics used by governments throughout the world to counter terrorism and insurgency over the past few decades include the declaration of states of siege or martial law, enactment of anti-terrorist legislation and strengthening of judicial powers. Some of these measures taken have been more successful than the other, but some have proved counterproductive, alienating the public from the authorities and further polarizing an already fractured political environment. Such cases of alienation and polarization can be seen in the northeastern states of India. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act which was introduced to curb insurgency in the remote jungles of the far-flung areas has remained a telling tale of agony in the north east India. Grievous trauma to humans through encounter killings, custodial deaths, unwarranted torture, exploitation of women and children in several ways have been reported in Nagaland, Manipur and other northeastern states where the Indian army has been exercising powers under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. While terrorism and the insurgency are destructive of human rights, counter-terrorism does not necessarily restore and safeguard human rights. This special law has not proven effective particularly in dealing with terrorism and insurgency. The insurgency has persisted in the state of Nagaland even after sixty years notwithstanding the presence of a good number of special laws. There is a need to fight elements that threaten the security of a nation, but the methods chosen should be measured, otherwise the fight is lost. There has been no review on the effectiveness or failure of the act to realize its intended purpose. Nor was there any attempt on the part of the state to critically look at the violation of rights of innocent citizens by the state agencies. The Indian state keeps enacting laws, but none of these could be effectively applied as there was the absence of clarity of purpose. Therefore, every new law which has been enacted time and again to deal with security threats failed to bring any solution for the last six decades. The Indian state resorts to measures which are actually not giving anything in terms of strategic benefits but are short-term victories that might result in long-term tragedies. Therefore, right thinking citizens and human rights activists across the country feel that introduction of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act was as much violation of human rights and its continuation is undesirable. What worried everyone is the arbitrary use, or rather misuse of power by the Indian armed forces particularly against the weaker sections of the society, including women. After having being subjected to indiscriminate abuse of that law, people of the north-east India have been demanding its revocation for a long time. The present paper attempts to critically examine the violation of human rights under Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It also attempts to bring out the impact of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act on the Naga people.

Keywords: armed forces, insurgency, special laws, violence

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Authors: Christos N. Tsironis, Loanna Mitaftsi

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Currently, the various forms of tours and touristic visits to destinations associated with the “dark” facets of the past constitute one of the most dynamic fields of touristic initiatives and economic development. This analysis focuses on the potential development of urban dark routes. It aims a) to shed light to touristic, social, and ethical considerations and to describe some of the trends and links combining heritage and dark tourism in post-pandemic societies and b) to explore the possibilities of developing a new and polymorphic form of dark tourism in Thessaloniki, Greece, a distinctive heritage destination. The analysis concludes with a detailed dark route designed to serve a new, polymorphic and sustainable touristic product that describes a dark past with places, sights, and monuments and narrates stories and events stigmatized by death, disaster, and violence throughout the city’s history.

Keywords: dark tourism, dark urban route, local development, polymorphic tourism

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Authors: Jennifer Wright

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The recent rise of powerful terrorist groups such as ISIS and Al-Qaeda brings up concerns about nuclear terrorism as well as a focus on nuclear security, specifically the physical security of nuclear weapons and fissile material storage sites in countries where powerful nonstate actors are present. Particularly because these non-state actors, who lack their own sovereign territory, cannot be ‘deterred’ in the traditional sense. In light of the current threat environment, it’s necessary to now rethink these strategies in the 21st century – a multipolar world with the presence of powerful non-state actors. As a country in the spotlight for its low ranking on the Nuclear Threat Initiative’s (NTI) Nuclear Security Index, Pakistan is a relevant example to explore the question of whether the presence of non-state actors poses a real risk to nuclear security today. It’s necessary to take a look at their nuclear security policies to determine if they’re robust enough to deal with political instability and violence in the country. After carrying out interviews with experts in May 2017 in Islamabad on nuclear security and nuclear terrorism, this paper aims to highlight findings by providing a Pakistan-centric view on the subject and give experts there a chance to counter criticism. Western media would have us fearful of nuclear security mechanisms in Pakistan after reports that areas such as cybersecurity and accounting and control of materials are weak, as well as sensitive nuclear material being transported in unmarked, unguarded vehicles. Also reported are cases where terrorist groups carried out targeted attacks against Pakistani military bases or secure sites where nuclear material is stored. One specific question asked of each interviewee in Islamabad was Do you feel the threat of nuclear terrorism calls into question the reliance on deterrence? Their responses will be elaborated on in the longer paper, but overall they demonstrate views that deterrence still serves a purpose for state-to-state security strategy, but not for a state in countering nonstate threats. If nuclear security is lax enough for these non-state actors to get their hands on either an intact nuclear weapon or enough military-grade fissile material to build a nuclear weapon, then what would stop them from launching a nuclear attack? As deterrence is a state-centric strategy, it doesn’t work to deter non-state actors from carrying out an attack on another state, as they lack their own territory, and as such, are not fearful of a reprisal attack. Deterrence will need to be addressed, and its relevance analyzed to determine its utility in the current security environment. The aim of this research is to demonstrate the real risk of nuclear terrorism by pointing to weaknesses in global nuclear security, particularly in Pakistan. The research also aims to provoke thought on the weaknesses of deterrence as a whole. Original thinking is needed as we attempt to adequately respond to the 21st century’s current threat environment.

Keywords: deterrence, non-proliferation, nuclear security, nuclear terrorism

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Authors: Muthukuda Arachchige Dona Shiroma Jeeva Shirajanie Niriella

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The necessity of protection of the rights of victims of crime is a matter of concerns today. In the criminal justice system, child victims who are subjected to sexual abuse/violence are more vulnerable than the other crime victims. When they go to the police to lodge the complaint and until the end of the court proceedings, these victims are re-victimized in the criminal justice system. The rights of the suspects, accused and convicts are recognized and guaranteed by the constitution under fair trial norm, contemporary penal laws where crime is viewed as an offence against the State and existing criminal justice system in many jurisdictions including Sri Lanka. In this backdrop, a reasonable question arises as to whether the existing criminal justice system, especially which follow the adversarial mode of judicial trial protect the fair trial norm in the criminal justice process. Therefore, this paper intends to discuss the rights of the sexually abused child victims in the criminal justice system in order to restore imbalance between the rights of the wrongdoer and victim and suggest legal reforms to strengthen their rights in the criminal justice system which is essential to end secondary victimization. The paper considers Sri Lanka as a sample to discuss this issue. The paper looks at how the child victims are marginalized in the traditional adversarial model of the justice process, whether the contemporary penal laws adequately protect the right of these victims and whether the current laws set out the provisions to provide sufficient assistance and protection to them. The study further deals with the important principles adopted in international human rights law relating to the protection of the rights of the child victims in sexual offences cases. In this research paper, rights of the child victims in the investigation, trial and post-trial stages in the criminal justice process will be assessed. This research contains an extensive scrutiny of relevant international standards and local statutory provisions. Case law, books, journal articles, government publications such as commissions’ reports under this topic are rigorously reviewed as secondary resources. Further, randomly selected 25 child victims of sexual offences from the decided cases in last two years, police officers from 5 police divisions where the highest numbers of sexual offences were reported in last two years and the judicial officers both Magistrates and High Court Judges from the same judicial zones are interviewed. These data will be analyzed in order to find out the reasons for this specific sexual victimization, needs of these victims in various stages of the criminal justice system, relationship between victimization and offending and the difficulties and problems that these victims come across in criminal justice system. The author argues that the child victims are considerably neglected and their rights are not adequately protected in the adversarial model of the criminal justice process.

Keywords: child victims of sexual violence, criminal justice system, international standards, rights of child victims, Sri Lanka

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Authors: Chia-Chi Cheng

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After the implementation of “the internet plus,” several puzzles emerge as below: why does China impose more regulation and laws on economic development on the Internet? Why does China urge the importance of manufacturing industry? Why does China’s local government passively implement the policy imposed by the central government? What kind of factors can influence China’s local government’s economic preference? In the framework of neo-institutionalism, this research considers China’s local government as changing agents to analyze its preferences and behavior. In general, the interests urged by the local government will decide its preference and behaviors. They will change its counterpart to cooperate if the change will bring more benefits. Thus, they will change its preference and behavior while the external environment alters. While the local government has the same definition on political activity and economic interest, they will prefer to cooperate with the local enterprises in the way of laying symbiont, within the presumption that the institution remains. While the local government has the different positions on political activity and economic interest, they will re-define the existed regulation or create new regulation in the condition of institution vacuum. Sequentially, they will replace the targets, and the policy, which does not fit in the Central government’s policy, will emerge.

Keywords: China, institutional change, government enterprise relationship, e-commercial policy

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Authors: Tania Mitra

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Digital Activism or Cyber Activism uses digital media as a means to disseminate information and mobilize masses towards a specific goal. When digital activism was first born in the early 1990s, it was primarily used by groups of organized political activists. However, with the advent of social media, online activism has filtered down to the individual- one who does not necessarily belong to or identify with an agenda, group, or political party. A large part of digital activism today stems from the individual’s notion of what is right and wrong. This gives rise to a discourse around descriptive ethics and the implications of the independent digital activist. Although digital activism has paved the way for and bolstered support for causes like the MeToo Movement and Black Lives Matter, the lack of a unified, organized body has led to counterintuitive progressions and suspicions regarding the movements. The paper introduces the ideas of 'clout' culture, click baits, and clicktivism (the phenomenon where activism is reduced to a blind following of the online trends), to discuss the impacts of exclusive digital activism. By using Jeremy Bentham's utilitarian approach to ethics, that places emphasis on the best possible outcome for a society, the paper will show how individual online activism reaching for a larger, more common end can sometimes lead to an undermining of that end, not only in the online space but also how it manifests in the real world.

Keywords: digital activism, ethics, independent digital activist, utilitarianism

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Authors: Nourah Almulhim

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This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Bacha Zakaria

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This study aimed to investigate the reality of humane treatment and work environment problems for nurses in public hospitals and their repercussions on the patients arriving there. In this curve, our field study was based on a sample of nurses in Algiers hospitals estimated at 100 nurses. The questionnaire prepared by the two researchers was applied face to face with the nurses, and after obtaining and analyzing the data, we concluded the most important results: The presence of many problems in the work environment, such as work pressures, lack of appreciation, verbal and physical violence, risk of infection, poor salary and incentives, working during fatigue, administrative problems etc. And accordingly, The embodiment of humane dealing with patients requires providing a humane work environment for nurses and dealing with them humanely so that they embody positive behaviors while dealing with patients.

Keywords: nursing, future, family-focused care, health equity

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Authors: Anchana Sooksomchitra

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This study aims to explore and compare the current condition of community radio stations in Phutthamonthon district, Nakhon Pathom province, Thailand, as well as the challenges they are facing. Qualitative research tools including in-depth interviews, documentary analysis, focus group interviews, and observation are used to examine the content, programming, and management structure of three community radio stations currently in operation within the district. Research findings indicate that the management and operational approaches adopted by the two non-profit stations included in the study, Salaya Pattana and Voice of Dhamma, are more structured and effective than that of the for-profit Tune Radio. Salaya Pattana, backed by the Faculty of Engineering, Mahidol University, and the charity-funded Voice of Dhamma are comparatively free from political and commercial influence, and able to provide more relevant and consistent community-oriented content to meet the real demand of the audience. Tune Radio, on the other hand, has to rely solely on financial support from political factions and business groups, which heavily influence its content.

Keywords: radio broadcasting, programming, management, community radio, Thailand

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Authors: Simont Toussi

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Cameroon and the Central African Republic arebound by the provisions of many regional and international charters, which condemn the manipulation of information, obstacles to access reliable information, or the limitation of freedoms of expression and opinion. These two countries also have constitutional guarantees for free speech and access to true and liable information. However, they are yet to define specific policies and regulations for access to information, disinformation, or misinformation. Yet, certain countries’ laws and regulations related to information and communication technologies, to criminal procedures, to terrorism, or intelligence services contain provisions that rather hider human rights by condemning false information. Like many other African countries, Cameroon and the Central African Republic face a profound democratic regression, and governments use multiple methods to stifle online discourse and digital rights. Despite the increased uptake of digital tools for political participation, there is a lack of interactivity and adoption of these tools. This enables a scarcity of information and creates room for the spreading of disinformation in the public space, hamperingdemocracy and the respect for human rights. This research aims to analyse the adequacy of stakeholders’ responses to disinformation in Cameroon and the Central African Republic in periods of political contestation, such as elections and anti-government protests, to highlight the nature, perpetrators, strategies, and channels of disinformation, as well as its effects on democratic actors, including civil society, bloggers, government critics, activists, and other human rights defenders. The study follows a qualitative method with literature review, content analysis, andkey informant’sinterviews with stakeholders’ representatives, emphasized crowdsourcing as a data and information collecting method in the two countries.

Keywords: disinformation, democracy, political manipulation, social media, media, fake news, central Africa, cameroon, misinformation, free speech

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Authors: Yasemin Gülşen Yılmaz, Süleyman Hakan Yılmaz, Muhammet Erbay

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Social media is among the most important means of communication. Social media offers individuals and groups with an opportunity for participatory socialization over the internet, which is free of any time and place restrictions. Social media is a kind of interactive communication and bilateral social network. Various communication contents can be shared and put into mass circulation easily and quickly through social media. These sharings are not only limited to individuals but also happen to groups, institutions, and different constitutions. Their contents consist of any type of written message, audio and video files. We are living in the social media era now. It is not surprising that social media which has extensive communication facilities and massive prevalence is used in politics. Therefore, the use of social media (Facebook) by political parties during the Turkish general elections held on June 7, 2015, has been chosen as our research subject. Four parties namely, AKP, CHP, MHP and HDP who have the majority of votes in Turkey and participate in elections in Konya have been selected for our study. Their provincial centers’ and parliamentary candidates` use of social media (Facebook) on the last three days prior to the election have been examined and subjected to a qualitative analysis by means of content analysis.

Keywords: social media, June 7 general elections, politics, Facebook

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Authors: Jeremy Berry, Shannon Rodrigue, Caroline Norris

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This study explores the impact of tattoos and/or brands on the recovery of sex trafficking survivors. Many victims of sex trafficking are forced or coerced to take markings of ownership while in the sex trafficking trade in the form of painful tattoos or brands. As a result, victims who are rescued and in recovery often must live with permanent reminders of their traumatic experiences or are left to resort to expensive cosmetic or cover-up jobs, which for many are out of reach. As is often true of domestic violence victims who are left with scars from their abusers, the impact of these permanent markers can delay the healing process and contribute to post-traumatic stress. This study tells the story from the perspectives of the survivors of sex trafficking, how these specific permanent reminders impacted their healing. The study employs a thematic analysis of interviews with sex trafficking victims via focus group interviews.

Keywords: sex trafficking, tattoos, trauma, healing

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Authors: J. Dutton, L. Knight

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Achieving quality and respectful maternal health care is part of the global agenda to improve reproductive health and achieve universal reproductive rights. Barriers to quality of care in South African maternal health facilities exist at both systemic and individual levels. Addition to this, the normalization of gender violence within South Africa has a large impact on people seeking health care as well as those who provide care within health facilities. The hierarchical environment of South Africa’s public health system penalizes both patients and providers who battle to assume any assessable power. This paper explores how systemic and individual level barriers to quality of care affect the midwifery profession within South African maternal health services and create, at times, an environment of enmity rather than care. This paper analyzes and discusses the data collected from in-depth, semi-structured interviews with nurses and midwives at three maternal health facilities in South Africa. This study has taken a holistic approach to understand the realities of nurses and midwives in order to explore the ways in which experience informs their practice and treatment of pregnant women. Through collecting and analyzing narratives, linkages between nurses and midwives day-to-day and historical experiences and disrespectful care have been made. Findings from this study show that barriers to quality of care take form in complex and interrelated ways. The physical structure of the health facility, human resource shortages, and the current model of maternal health care, which often lacks a person-centered approach, is entangled within personal beliefs and attitudes of what it means to be a midwife to create an environment that is often not conducive to a positive birthing experience. This entanglement sits within a society of high rates of violence, inequality, and poverty. Having teased out the nuances of each of these barriers and the multiple ways they reinforce each other, the findings of this paper demonstrate that birth, and the work of a midwife, are situated in a mode of discipline and punishment within this context. For analytical purposes, this paper has broken down the individual barriers to quality care and discusses the current and historical significance before returning to the interrelated forms in which barriers to quality maternal health care manifest. In conclusion this paper questions the role of agency in the ability to subvert systemic barriers to quality care and ideas around shifting attitudes and beliefs of and about midwives. International and local policies and guidelines have a role to play in realizing such shifts, however, as this paper suggests, when policy does not speak to the local context there is the risk of it contributing to frustrations and impeding the path to quality and respectful maternal health care.

Keywords: disrespect and abuse in childbirth, midwifery, South African maternal health care, quality of care

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