Search results for: nationalism

Authors: Alaa Alshaikh

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While digital technologies were initially seen as harbingers of globalisation and cosmopolitanism, scholars increasingly acknowledge their role in the rise of nationalism. This paper studies the national identity in light of the digital media in Saudi Arabia. It offers an extensive meta-analysis of the evolution of the national identity on social media. It examines the national identity and its components and deals with the difference between it and digital nationalism, which is formed and affected by the country's fulfillment of the citizen's needs. Hereto a systematic examination of all 40 articles published between October 2016 and December 2022 was conducted. Findings indicate that three characteristics of contemporary nationalism are partly linked to recent shifts in digital communication: diversification, fragmentation, and commodification. The paper concludes by considering the implications of our arguments for future research in the field.

Keywords: meta analysis, Saudi Arabia, nationalism, social media

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Authors: Sterling C. DeVerter

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In recent decades, there has been continually growing concern amongst scholars and political leaders towards the global resurgence of nationalism, particularly in Europe, the United States, and China. However, very few studies have attempted to empirically examine the relationship between religion and nationalism at the level of the individual, and none are known to have done so quantitatively. Building on Tajfel's and Turner's (1978) Social Identity Theory (SIT), and Anderson (1991) and Marx (2003), this study will employ SIT and regression analysis to compare the sources and patterns of nationalistic sentiment among European respondents in eight countries to the average levels of self-reported religiosity, religious participation, age, education, and income levels. Survey reports from the International Social Survey Programme were the primary quantitative data sources. It was hypothesized that the increase in nationalism across Europe follows this same evolution as first identified by Anderson, and is positively correlated to the reduction in reported religiosity. However, this study failed to reject the null, there was no substantial ( < .035) correlation between nationalistic sentiment and any of the measures of religiosity, nor were there any substantial correlations between nationalistic sentiment and either of the three control variables ( < .008). Across all countries examined, it was discovered that inclusionary nationalism has slightly declined (-5.08%), while exclusionary nationalism had increased substantially (+17.25%). The combined trend reflected an overall rise in nationalism across the time period and a forecast that suggests the current levels are also elevated. The primary implications include the demand to readdress the notion of religion and nationalism, and the correlation between the two, as well as the current nationalism trends in terms of support or non-support for future political and social movements.

Keywords: European Union, secularization, nationalism, social identity theory

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Authors: Kirk Johnson, Gabriel Rubin

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The January 6th Insurrection on the United States Capitol Building has been one of the most disturbing expressions of violence in American history. While there are numerous reasons that led to such aggression, there are destructive politico-religious ideologies and understandings, known as Christian Nationalism, White Christian Nationalism, and Christian Dominionism that influenced the actions of the January 6th insurrectionists. Such ideas are deeply rooted in the unification of church and state, a theocracy, embedded within the understanding that Biblical scripture is the blueprint on which the functioning of the American government should follow. In addition, the concept of racial hierarchy is embedded in politico-religious principles of White Christian Nationalism. This paper will examine how Christian Dominionism is one factor that influenced the January 6th Insurrection.

Keywords: January 6th insurrection, dominionism, Christian nationalism, polygenism

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Authors: Katie Hudson

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A growing body of scholarship is dedicated to the concept of imperial nationalism, denoting a nostalgia for empire amongst former imperial powers and a yearning to recapture the grandeur of the imperial ‘golden age.’ Much research within this field has focused on Brexit, arguing that Britain’s imperialist identity has spawned Euroscepticism. However, the interaction between imperial nationalism and foreign policy remains underdeveloped and thus far has failed to consider cases outside of the UK. Using maximum variation sampling across post-2000 Britain, Spain and the Netherlands, this comparative analysis aims to explore the discursive invocation of empire in foreign policy framing, under which circumstances and in what ways imperial nationalism emerges. Preliminary findings demonstrate that empire is most often cited when there is a perceived threat to the sovereignty of the nation and that all cases frame foreign policy options according to their acute concerns with regaining the prestige associated with empire. This is present to a lesser extent in Spain, whose earlier period of decolonisation affected the extent to which imperialism has permeated their national psyche. This, therefore, provides an alternative lens through which we can view both Euroscepticism and international relations, conditioned by an imperial legacy.

Keywords: empire, nationalism, foreign policy, IR

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Authors: Eun-Young Yoon

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The purpose of this research is to examine how unification with North Korea is being taught in South Korea classrooms. To analysis of the curriculum and textbooks about unification in South Korean classroom, this study uses nationalism and multiculturalism as major theoretical frameworks. Major findings show that curriculum and textbooks should describe unification with North Korea more detailed and complicated. And the balancing between ‘global citizenship’ and ‘national identity’ is needed.

Keywords: global citizenship, multiculturalism, nationalism, unification education

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Authors: Oliver Benoit

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On 13 March 1979, a left-wing political party formed in the 1970s overthrew Eric Gairy's government and established the People's Revolutionary Government which governed Grenada from (1979-1983). On the morning of 13 March 1979, the People's Revolutionary Government leader, Maurice Bishop, appealed to the people of Grenada to assist the forces of the revolution in consolidating its newly acquired political power. A cross-section of the Grenadian population responded positively to Maurice Bishop's appeal. Within the four and a half years of the revolution, noticeable social, political, and economic changes affected all areas of social life before internal divisions caused the revolution's collapse. Forty-two years following the revolution's collapse, intellectuals and commentators continue to argue about the impact of the Grenada Revolution on societal and national development. However, the revolution's impact on the spread of nationalism in Grenada is yet to be analyzed. Nationalism, as a modern phenomenon, has impacted many societies since its emergence in England in the seventeenth century, and Grenada is no exception. The paper argues that the Grenada Revolution was motivated by nationalist sentiments and the revolution itself fostered the development of nationalism in Grenada. The argument relies on 40 interviews; people who currently reside in Grenada (2020) and live in Grenada during the revolution as young adults and adults (ages 15 and beyond) and have memories of their experiences of the revolution. The sample of 40 respondence represents about 20,000 people in Grenada who are within the study population between 55 and 75 years today (2020).

Keywords: grenada, motivation, nationalism, revolution

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Authors: Michael Ruiz

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Many scholars view the French Revolution as the origins of ‘modern nationalism,’ citing the unprecedented rhetorical power of ‘the nation’ and the emergence of a centralized, modern nation-state during this time. They have also stressed the role of public education in promoting a national language and creating a sense of shared national identity among the masses. Yet as many cultural historians have shown, revolutionary leaders undertook an unprecedented campaign to overhaul French culture in the 1790s in order to cultivate these national ideals and inspire Republican virtues, in what has been called ‘political pedagogy.’ In contrast to scholars of nationalism, who emphasize formal education, revolutionaries attempted to translate abstract ideas of equality and liberty into palpable representations that would inundate everyday life, thereby serving as pedagogical tools. Material culture and everyday life became state apparatuses not just for winning over citizens’ hearts and minds, but for influencing the very formation of the citizen and their innermost ‘self.’ This paper argues that nationalism began in 1789, when ‘the self’ became a political concern and its formation a state project for cultivating political legitimacy. By broadening the meaning of ‘political pedagogy,’ this study brings together scholarship on nationalism with cultural history, thereby highlighting nations and nationalism as banal, palpable, quotidian phenomena and historicizing the complex emergence of ‘modern nationalism.’ Moreover, because the contemporary view of material culture and pedagogy was highly gendered, this study shows the role of culture in the development of a homosocial, male-dominated public sphere in the 19th century. The legacy of the French Revolution’s concern with culture thus persists as much in our vocabulary for political expression as it does in the material world, remaining deeply embedded in everyday day life as a crucial, nearly-invisible, component of nationalism.

Keywords: French Revolution, nationalism, political culture, material culture

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Authors: Muñoz-Sanchez, Victor Manuel, Perez-Flores, Antonio Manuel

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The main objective of this paper is to establish the relationship between models of state organization and the various types of collective identity expressed by the Spanish. The question of nationalism and identity ascription in Spain has always been a topic of special importance due to the presence in that country of territories where the population emits very different opinions of nationalist sentiment than the rest of Spain. The current situation of sovereignty challenge of Catalonia to the central government exemplifies the importance of the subject matter. In order to analyze this process of interrelation, we use a secondary data mining by applying the multiple correspondence analysis technique (MCA). As a main result a typology of four types of expression of collective identity based on models of State organization are shown, which are connected with the party position on this issue.

Keywords: models of organization of the state, nationalism, collective identity, Spain, political parties

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Authors: Rachel Williams, Shiqi Yang

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Our research explores the influence nationalism has had on media coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic as it relates to China in the United States through an inclusive qualitative analysis of two US news networks, Fox News and CNN. In total, the transcripts of sixteen videos uploaded on YouTube, each with more than 100,000 views, were gathered for data processing. Co-occurrence networks generated by KH Coder illuminate the themes and narratives underpinning the reports from Fox News and CNN. The results of in-depth content analysis with keywords suggest that the pandemic has been framed in an ethnopopulist nationalist manner, although to varying degrees between networks. Specifically, the authors found that Fox News is more likely to report hypotheses or statements as a fact; on the contrary, CNN is more likely to quote data and statements from official institutions. Future research into how nationalist narratives have developed in China and in other US news coverage with a more systematic and quantitative method can be conducted to expand on these findings.

Keywords: nationalism, media studies, us and china, COVID-19, social media, communication studies

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Authors: Birhanu Bitew Geremew

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In its attempt to colonize Ethiopia, Italy challenged the nationalism of Ethiopiawinet, claiming that Ethiopia is a mere collection of discrete ethnic groups brought together by Amhara colonialism. Extracting data from a variety of sources including secondary materials, opinions expressed in the broadcast, print and social media platforms, party documents, official letters and key informant interviews, this paper provides a critical reflection on how the colonial presence of Italy made a political mess in Ethiopia by asserting ethnic nationalism. The paper argues that the narratives invented by the Italians greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic nationalism following the advent of Marxism-Leninism in Ethiopia. Borrowing narratives from the Italians, Ethiopian ethnic elites of the 1960s, who were the advocates of Marxism, simplistically categorized the Amhara as oppressor while ‘others’ as oppressed in Leninist fashion. This categorization negatively shaped the attitude of ‘others’ towards the Amhara and instigated massively executed genocide against these people.

Keywords: Amhara colonialism, Ethiopia, Genocide, historical narratives, Marxism

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This essay aims to examine how the discursive formation of the 'transing-nationalism' (which is extended and slightly modified from 'homonationalism') had been constructed in the Taiwanese news media before the legalization of 'sex reassignment surgery (SRS)' in 1988. Samples for rhetorical analysis were selected from two mainstream newspapers, including China Times, and United Daily. The time frame for sample selection is from August 1953 (when the first transgender case was reported) to 1988, while the SRS was legalized in Taiwan. To enhance understanding of media representation as contextualized-based, the author refers to the representative of spatial rhetoric Mikhail Bakhtin for his late study on 'emergence' and 'visualization of time' in Bildungsroman; thereby categorizing the media discourse of transgender into two critical period: (1) transgender as 'misrecognized' and 'included' into the rhetoric of modern medical space; (2) transgender as 'institutionalized' into discourse of protection and salvation by the reified sympathy of nation-state. These two periods and relevant spatial rhetoric were of no immediate concern on the vital interest of transgender individuals; therefore constructed the imagery of transgender for the service of nationalism rather than gender consciousness or human right rhetoric. Based on the research findings, this essay concludes that 'queer multiplicity' should be regarded as not only the guideline for the amendment of the gendered policies and laws but the rhetorical resources for the mobilization of transgender movement in Taiwan from now on.

Keywords: Bakhtin, legalization, rhetoric, sex reassignment surgery, transgender, transing-nationalism

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Authors: Yaser Mohammed Altameemi

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This research looks at the representation of the social media for the Saudi Government decrees regarding the developmental projects of the Saudi 2030 vision. The paper analyses a television interview with the Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman who talks about the progress of the Saudi vision of 2030, and how the government had acted as response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The interview was on 28/4/2021. The paper analyses the tweets on Twitter that cover the interview for the purpose of investigating the development of concepts and meanings regarding the Saudi peoples’ orientations towards the Saudi projects. The data include all related tweets from the day of the interview and the following seven days after the interview. The finding of the collocation analysis suggests that nationalism notion is explicitly expressed by users in Twitter. The main finding of this paper suggests the importance of further analyses for the concordance lines. However, the collocation network suggests that there is a clear highlight for nationalism.

Keywords: social media, twitter, political interview, prince Mohammed Bin Salman, Saudi vision 2030

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Authors: Hsien-Wei Kuo

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The thoughts of the military citizens, pragmatism, naturalism and nationalism related to physical education were developed during the warring period of the Republic of China. Moreover, the development of martial art formed by nationalism and political party was to utilize to save the nation, the people and the world. The martial art was also promoted in the system of school physical education gradually at the same time. The aim of this study is to explore the role, duty and position of the martial art education with the political color and advocacy in the system of school physical education. This study focuses on the practice, course hours, selective materials and competitive rules of physical education in the school system in modern China. Therefore, the methods of the historical research and content analysis were used to collect the historical materials and documents for going into them. The results will give a detailed account of the developed model of institutionalization, unification and regularization of martial art, and its growing, golden and stagnant periods in the school physical education system under the impact of western sport and physical education. It may sum up the meaning relationships among the politics, education practice and sport for all.

Keywords: martial art education, national martial arts institution, sick man of East Asia, the may 4th movement

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Authors: David Martínez Rico, Juan Pablo Farid Cuéllar Martínez

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After more than half a century that the first treaty of European cooperation was created, the final result of a difficult and long historical process, which is the current European Union, is facing economical and social challenges. The barriers of policies differences and national sovereignties seem to be being defeated in the last and present decades. However, the last crisis of 2008 brought back problems as xenophobia and nationalism. In this ambit of identity, European Union has made many efforts to reinforce a European identity and leave behind the radical nationalisms which generated World Wars. Nevertheless, these social problems are increasing and becoming more present in the life of many Europeans. Even, in the last Euro Parliamentarian Elections of the present year, 2014, the extreme right parties, in favor of xenophobic and anti European ideals, got more seats and are increasing their presence in Euro Parliament. This essay approaches to this controversial topic of European identity. Taking as start point the nationalist divisions that are causing internal divergences in Europe, the authors of this research study the role and contributions of the Memorials of the fallen soldiers and heroes of World Wars, present in many cities as Amsterdam, Brussels and Paris, to the impossibility to reach an European identity, it means that Europeans feel first part of Europe in place to feel first part of a nation. The objective of this essay is to reaffirm the thesis that establishes that the European Union won´t reach the longed supranational identity with just with the current strategies, because yet there are many cultural elements in its member states societies which exalt the heroes and soldiers of the past wars, increasing nationalism feelings. Besides, in it are promoted some interesting ideas that could change the course in this quest of a European social identity.

Keywords: identity, memorials, European identity, nationalism, proposals

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Authors: Shaimaa Alobaidi

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The presentation examines how urbanization opens possibilities for American Indian characters like Zits in Alexie’s Flightto explore new definitionsoftheirtribal self-identification. Zits travels in time and views the world from different bodies, ages, and races; his journeys end with different perspectives on the idea of nationhood as an American Indian. He is an example of Vine Deloria’s statementthat “urban Indians have become the cutting edge of the new Indian nationalism” (248). Flight is chosen because the momentZits leaves the real world for time-traveling adventures is very critical; it is a moment of rage that ends in the mass murder of many Anglo-Americans. The paper focus on the turning point when he returns into his body with new opportunities towards his existence among the majority of anglo-Americans who cannot help but see him American Indian minority in need of help and assistance. Characters, such as Zits, attempt to outlive alienation, and Alexie gives new definitionsof their ethnic nationhood. Futuristicdoes not mean the very far unpredictable future; it is rather a nearpotential future for teenagers of American Indians, like Zits, Arnold, andCoyoteSprings- the band in ReservationBlues; all revolutionary personalitiesin Alexie’s works. They will be analyzed as Gerald Vizenor’s “postindianwarriors” who have the ability to identify Indigenous nationalism in a post-colonial context.

Keywords: alienation, self-identification, nationhood, urbanization, postindian

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Authors: Jeyaseelan Gnanaseelan

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In the post-war reconciliation context, the Sri Lankans need to develop constructive discourse on political harmony, cohesion, and co-habitation to make a positive impact on legislative changes towards post-conflict reconciliation, sustainable peace, and justice. Ideological discourse constitutes power in constructing ideational, textual and interpersonal constructs for legitimizing power in society. This paper qualitatively analyses the exemplified discourse extracts of some prominent contemporary Sinhalese, which represent majoritarianism and ethno-nationalism regarding the origins of the Sinhala and Tamil communities and the consequent status availed to their existence in Sri Lanka. The study focuses, with the historiographical evidence, on whether such discourse has been a part of the problem or a part of the solution to the protracted, historically constructed Sri Lankan conflict. It finds out the continuation of such persistent and reiterated linguistically embedded ethno-centric ideological and attitudinal positions even now, which need to be addressed. This paper recommends awareness creation among the public about the true, scientifically derived historical information on the origins, evolution and inter-community co-existence and conflict of the two communities so that a durable solution can be reached in the long run.

Keywords: conflict, discourse, ethno-nationalism, ideology, legitimization, Sinhalese, Tamil

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Authors: Nnaemeka Enemchukwu

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In modern-day Nigeria, the spirit of Biafra, the defunct secessionist state of former Eastern Nigeria, endures. While some attempt to downplay the historical factors that led to its creation, this paper aims to demonstrate that the 1966 pogroms in Nigeria, which claimed the lives of over 30,000 Igbo people, shattered their faith in the nation's ability to provide security and acceptance. This loss of faith led to a mass exodus from various regions of the country back to their homeland in Eastern Nigeria. Utilizing primary sources such as interviews and archival reports, and secondary sources like books, journals, and websites, this paper will argue that the trauma and terror of the 1966 massacres were the primary drivers of secessionist sentiment and self-determination among the Igbo people, ultimately leading to the declaration of Biafra. By drawing parallels with other historical incidents across the globe, this paper will establish the theoretical connection between shocking events, identity questioning among traumatized groups, and the subsequent rise of nationalistic sentiments seeking to ensure group preservation. To achieve its objective, this paper will employ descriptive, narrative, and chronological methods of analysis to present and discuss its findings.

Keywords: Igbo, pogrom, shock, trauma, nationalism, Biafra

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Authors: Samil Ozcan

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Airlines companies target different customer segments in consideration of pricing, service quality, flight network, etc. and their brand positioning accords with the marketization strategies developed in the same direction. The object of this study, Turkish Airlines, has many peculiarities regarding its brand positioning as compared to its rivals in the sector. In the first place, it appeals to a global customer group because of its Star Alliance membership and its broad flight network with 315 destination points. The second group in its customer segmentation includes domestic customers. For this group, the company follows a marketing strategy that plays to local culture and accentuates the image of Turkishness as an emotional allurement. The advertisements and publicity projects designed in this regard put little emphasis on the service quality the company offers to its clients; it addresses the emotions of the consumers rather than individual benefits and relies on the historical memory of the nation and shared cultural values. This study examines the publicity work which aims at the second segment customer group focusing on Turkish Airlines’ 85th Anniversary Commercial through a symbolic meaning analysis approach. The commercial presents six stories with undertones of nationalism in its theme. Nationalism is not just the product of collective interests based on reason but a result of patriotism in the sense of loyalty to state and nation and love of ethnic belonging. While nationalism refers to concrete notions such as blood tie, common ancestor, shared history, it is not the actuality of these notions that it draws its real strength but the emotions invested in them. The myths of origin, the idea of common homeland, boundary definitions, and symbolic acculturation have instrumental importance in the development of these commonalities. The commercial offers concrete examples for an analysis of Connor’s definition of nationalism based on emotions. Turning points in the history of the Turkish Republic and the historical mission Turkish Airlines undertook in these moments are narrated in six stories in the commercial with a highly emotional theme. These emotions, in general, depend on collective memory generated by national consciousness. Collective memory is not simply remembering the past. It is constructed through the reconstruction and reinterpretation of the past in the present moment. This study inquires the motivations behind the nationalist emotions generated within the collective memory by engaging with the commercial released for the 85th anniversary of Turkish Airlines as the object of analysis. Symbols and myths can be read as key concepts that reveal the relation between 'identity and memory'. Because myths and symbols do not merely reflect on collective memory, they reconstruct it as well. In this sense, the theme of the commercial defines the image of Turkishness with virtues such as self-sacrifice, helpfulness, humanity, and courage through a process of meaning creation based on symbolic mythologizations like flag and homeland. These virtues go beyond describing the image of Turkishness and become an instrument that defines and gives meaning to Turkish identity.

Keywords: collective memory, emotions, identity, nationalism

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Authors: Faguna Barmahalia

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Politics of ethnic identity in the north-east India is well-known phenomenon. The ethnic assertion in this region is mostly linguistic and cultural in nature. Most of the ethnic groups in the north-east region have been demanding either autonomous or separate state to maintain their socio-cultural identity. After the Indian Independence, the ethnic groups of people think that they have not developed till. Despite having many natural resources, North East India remained backward in terms of economic, education as well as politics. In this scenario, many educated and middle-class elite people have involved in working for the all-round development of their community. The Bodos are one of the major tribes in North Eeast India. In Assam, the Bodos are assumed by themselves to be exploited and suppressed by the Assamese Hindu society. Consequently, the socio-cultural identity movement has emerged among the Bodos.The main aims of my study are: i. to focus on how the Bodos of Assam are using the folk media in their political movement and iii. To analyse the role of folklore towards serving the ethnic unity and nationalism among the Bodos. Methodology: The study is based on the primary and secondary sources. Interview and observation method was conducted for collecting the primary data. For secondary source, some printed books, magazines and others materials published by the distinguished publishers and websites have been used.

Keywords: media, culture, nationalism, politics

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Authors: Arjun Chatterjee

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The India-China border clash in Galwan valley in June 2020, the first deadly skirmish between the two Asian giants in the Himalayan border area in over four decades, highlighted the need to examine the notion of ‘authenticity’ in journalistic practices. Information emanating from such remotely located, sparsely populated, and not well-demarcated international land borders have limited sources, restricted to official sources, which have their own narrative. Geopolitical goals and ambitions embolden narratives of nationalism in the media, and these often challenge the notion and understanding of authenticity in journalism. The Indian press, contrary to the Chinese press, which is state-owned, is diverse and also confrontational, where narratives of nationalism are differentially interpreted, embedded, and realised. This paper examines how authenticity has become a variable, rather than a constant, in conflict reporting of the Sino-Indian border clash and how authenticity is interpreted similarly or differently in conflict journalism. The paper reports qualitative textual analysis of two leading English language newspapers – The Times of India and The Hindu, and two mainstream regional language newspapers, Amar Ujala (Hindi) and Ananda Bazar Patrika (Bengali), to evaluate the ways in which representations of information function in conflict reporting and to recontextualize (and thus change or modify the meaning of) that which they represent, and with what political and cultural implications.

Keywords: India-China, framing, conflict, media narratives, border dispute

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Authors: Rowland Brucken

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This paper argues that nation-building theories that prioritize democratic governance best explain the successful post-independence development of Botswana. Three main competing schools of thought exist regarding the sequencing of policies that should occur to re-build weakened or failed states. The first posits that economic development should receive foremost attention, while democratization and a binding sense of nationalism can wait. A second group of experts identified constructing a sense of nationalism among a populace is necessary first, so that the state receives popular legitimacy and obedience that are prerequisites for development. Botswana, though, transitioned into a multi-party democracy and prosperous open economy due to the utilization of traditional democratic structures, enlightened and accountable leadership, and an educated technocratic civil service. With these political foundations already in place when the discovery of diamonds occurred, the resulting revenues were spent wisely on projects that grew the economy, improved basic living standards, and attracted foreign investment. Thus democratization preceded, and therefore provided an accountable basis for, economic development that might otherwise have been squandered by greedy and isolated elites to the detriment of the greater population. Botswana was one of the poorest nations in the world at the time of its independence in 1966, with little infrastructure, a dependence on apartheid South Africa for trade, and a largely subsistence economy. Over the next thirty years, though, its economy grew the fastest of any nation in the world. The transparent and judicious use of diamond returns is only a partial explanation, as the government also pursued economic diversification, mass education, and rural development in response to public needs. As nation-building has become a project undertaken by nations and multilateral agencies such as the United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Botswana may provide best practices that others should follow in attempting to reconstruct economically and politically unstable states.

Keywords: Botswana, democratization, economic development, nation-building

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: James Beringer

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Switzerland’s ability to forge a strong national identity across linguistic barriers has long been of interest to nationalism scholars. This begs the question of how this has been achieved, given that traditional explanations of luck or exceptionalism appear highly reductionist. This paper evaluates the theory that successful Swiss management of linguistic diversity stems from the strong integration of multilingualism into Swiss national identity. Using archival analysis of Swiss government records, historical accounts of prominent Swiss citizens, as well as secondary literature concerning the fundamental aspects of Swiss national identity, this paper charts the historical evolution of Swiss national identity. It explains how multilingualism was deliberately and successfully integrated into Swiss national identity as a response to political fragmentation along linguistic lines during the First World War. Its primary conclusions are the following. Firstly, the earliest foundations of Swiss national identity were purposefully removed from any association with a single national language. This produced symbols, myths, and values -such as a strong commitment to communalism, the imagery of the Swiss natural landscape, and the use of Latin expressions, which can be adopted across Swiss linguistic groups. Secondly, the First World War triggered a turning point in the evolution of Swiss national identity. The fundamental building blocks proved insufficient in preventing political fractures amongst linguistic lines, as each Swiss linguistic group gravitated towards its linguistic neighbours within Europe. To avoid a repeat of such fragmentation, a deliberate effort was made to fully integrate multilingualism as a fundamental aspect of Swiss national identity. Existing natural symbols, such as the St Gotthard Mountains, were recontextualized in order to become associated with multilingualism. The education system was similarly reformed to reflect the unique multilingual nature of the Swiss nation. The successful result of this process can be readily observed in polls and surveys, with large segments of the Swiss population highlighting multilingualism as a uniquely Swiss characteristic, indicating the symbiotic connection between multilingualism and the Swiss nation.

Keywords: language's role in identity formation, multilingualism in nationalism, national identity formation, Swiss national identity history

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Authors: Juland D. Salayo

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With numerous innovations introduced in the Philippine educational system, the country’s struggle of materializing its national goal of transforming lives ends with great loss. Many agree that the failure to emerge the integral values of the program, framework and the implementers impedes realization. Employing a descriptive-correlational method, it aimed to determine the value clusters of the Grade 9 teachers as assessed by themselves and by the students, the significant difference of the assessed values and the significant difference on the values based on their profile. Respondents were composed of sixty-nine (69) teachers and three hundred forty (340) students using simple random sampling. Through a survey-questionnaire, the study revealed that the teachers have high regards on their self-reliance, honesty and trustworthiness, obedience, politeness and respect and self-discipline and spirituality. In contrast, they have ranked the following values fairly: justice and fairness, courage, responsibility and punctuality and nationalism and patriotism. Having assessed by the students, they have highly regarded their teachers’ self-reliance, responsibility and punctuality, obedience, politeness and respect and fair play and sportsmanship. On the other hand, the student-respondents made a low assessment on the level of the teachers’ justice and fairness, nationalism and patriotism, honesty and trustworthiness and excellence. Using t-test, it showed that there is a significant difference between the assessments of the respondents. Finally, among the demographic profiles, only civil status and age rejected the hypothesis. The following were recommended: provide educators value-enhancement trainings and conferences, organize value-oriented organizations and activities, and make intensive value-campaigns heightening the low-assessed values. Thus, a Revised Values Education Program (RVEP) was made to further meet the objectives of the program, address the needs of its clienteles, and responding to the demands of both education and society towards excellence in service, social and economic revolution, and constructive national goals which are based from integral values.

Keywords: values, value clusters, values education program, values education, teachers' assessed values

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Authors: Faten Khazaei

Abstract:

More than being turning points in history, crises are moments of acceleration of processes that are already in place. The current pandemic, as one such crisis, has triggered and exacerbated conversations about who belongs and who does not, within different European nation states, whose lives should be protected, to the detriment of whom and to what cost. In the face of the outbreak of the coronavirus, the unity of the European Union, at least at the beginning of the crisis, started to crumble. Nation-states reappeared as the main actors, and nationalistic responses spread in Europe. By closing their borders and introducing a travel ban for the Schengen Area, European countries have retreated into national fortresses. Additionally, government after government restored to war metaphors, in some cases even granting the military a visible role in the management and communication of the crisis. Mobility restrictions became a powerful tool for discrimination when their primary target was nationals of particular countries, regardless of their presence in the contaminated areas. These initial policies, measures and the recent vaccine-related management of the pandemic show the role nationalism plays in the context of public health responses to emergencies. While many scholars since last year started to document the impact of these measures on citizens', migrants', human rights and so on, almost no attention has been paid to examine and compare configurations of different European national identities that were generated in the course of the management of the pandemic, and to a sociohistorical perspective to investigate the possible links between those nationalistic and war-related discourse, on the one hand, and the exclusionary policies and practices that surged in Europe and beyond, on the other. EUROSICK's objective is to combine the sociology of migration and nationalism with research on historical disasters to fill this gap. Filling these gaps is urgent as it allows us to understand the reifications of nationalisms and the ‘us’ versus ‘them’ distinctions they produce, the ways in which they lead to regressive patterns of policy-making, and to stigmatization of entire communities and exclusionary policies even against European citizens. EUROSICK’s objective will thus positively impact the capacity of Europe to tackle the future crises, such as that of climate, in a more collective and efficient way and to avoid falling back to these understudied but historically repetitive reactions in the face of emergencies. EUROSICK examines the media coverage of the COVID-19 pandemic and the related policy documents in three European countries (Belgium, Italy, and Switzerland) at different points in time: before the outbreak in Europe, at the time of the outbreak, and the spring of 2021 following the discovery and implementation of vaccination programmes in Europe. The paper will analyse how the current pandemic crisis is reconfiguring pre-existing tensions and social divisions related to national identity within European debates. It will look at the ways in which this global threat got domesticated by comparing three different European nation states and investigates further what can be learnt from the effects of the pandemic in three different nationalist discourses and traditions. The analysis will be carried out thanks to my expertise in the analysis of discourse-practice nexus. This analytical strategy helps to better understand the development of policies to combat the pandemic, by focusing on the discursive conceptualizations of the crisis and the framing of the problems to be later addressed in practice.

Keywords: public health emergencies, nationalism, COVID politics, International solidarity

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

Abstract:

Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Priyanka Dutta Chowdhury

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A globalized connected world, calling loud for a composite culture, was still not able to erase the pain of a desired nationalism based on cultural identity. In the South Asian region, the random drawing of the boundaries without taking the ethnic aspect into consideration have always challenged the very basis of the existence of certain groups. The urge to reunify with the fellow brothers on both sides of the border have always called for a chaos and schism in the countries of this region. Sometimes this became a tool to bargain with the state and find a favorable position in the power structure on the basis of cultural identity. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the Pakhtuns who are divided across the border of the two countries, from the inception of creation of Pakistan have posed various challenges and hampered the growth of a consolidated nation. The Pakhtuns or Pashtuns of both Pakistan and Afghanistan have a strong cultural affinity which blurs their physical distancing and calls for a nationalism based on this ethnic affiliation. Both the sides wanted to create Pakhtunistan unifying all the Pakhtuns of the region. For long, this group have denied to accept the Durand line separating the two. This was an area of concern especially for the Pakhtuns of Pakistan torn between the decision either to join Afghanistan, create a nation of their own or be a part of Pakistan. This ethnic issue became a bone of contention between the two countries. Later, though well absorbed and recognized in the respective countries, they have fought for their identity and claimed for a dominant position in the politics of the nations. Because of the porous borders often influx of refugees was seen especially during Afghan Wars and later many extremists’ groups were born from them especially the Taliban. In the recent string of events, when the Taliban, who are mostly Pakhtuns ethnically, came in power in Afghanistan, a wave of sympathy arose in Pakistan. This gave a strengthening position to the religious Pakhtuns across the border. It is to be noted here that a fragmented Pakhtun identity between the religious and seculars were clearly visible, voicing for their place in the political hierarchy of the country with a vision distinct from each other especially in Pakistan. In this context the paper tries to evaluate the reasons for this cultural turmoil between the countries and this ethnic group. It also aims to analyze the concept of how the identity politics still holds its relevance in the contemporary world. Additionally, the recent trend of fragmented identity points towards instrumentalization of this ethnic groups, who are engaged in the bargaining process with the state for a robust position in the power structure. In the end, the paper aims to deduct from the theoretical conditions of identity politics, whether this is a primordial or a situational tool to have a visibility in the power structure of the contemporary world.

Keywords: cultural identity, identity politics, instrumentalization of identity pakhtuns, power structure

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Authors: Sheng-Wei Hsu

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Taiwanese composer Kuo Chih-Yuan (1921-2013) studied composition at Tokyo University of the Arts and was influenced by the musical nationalism prevailing in Japan at the time. Determined to create world-class contemporary works to represent Taiwan, he created music with elements of traditional Taiwanese music in ways that had not been done before. The aims of this study were to examine the traditional elements used in Kuo Chih-Yuan’s Variations and Fugue on an Ancient Taiwanese Music (1972), and how an understanding of these elements might guide pianists to interpret a more proper performance of his work was also presented in this study.

Keywords: Taiwanese traditional music, piano performance research, Kuo Chih-Yuan, fugue, variations

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Authors: Poramatdha Chutimant

Abstract:

The objective of the research was to propose a model of teacher leadership in history instruction for utilization. Everett M. Rogers’ Diffusion of Innovations Theory is applied as theoretical framework. Qualitative method is to be used in the study, and the interview protocol used as an instrument to collect primary data from best practices who awarded by Office of National Education Commission (ONEC). Open-end questions will be used in interview protocol in order to gather the various data. Then, information according to international context of history instruction is the secondary data used to support in the summarizing process (Content Analysis). Dendrogram is a key to interpret and synthesize the primary data. Thus, secondary data comes as the supportive issue in explanation and elaboration. In-depth interview is to be used to collected information from seven experts in educational field. The focal point is to validate a draft model in term of future utilization finally.

Keywords: history study, nationalism, patriotism, responsible citizenship, teacher leadership

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