Search results for: conservative political ideology

Authors: Kousar Shaheen

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The electoral process of Pakistan always remains underestimated due to malpractices claimed by the political leaders. The democratic system relies on public decision, selectorial process, transparent arrangements made by public administration, and governance system. Political polarization plays a vital role in any democratic system, which depends upon the way of applying leadership capabilities. In modern societies, public engagement is playing a key role in changing political polarization and implementation of the newest technologies, e-leadership and e-governance to bring e-democracy. The Overseas Pakistanis are unable to cast their votes in the selectorial process of Pakistan. To align this issue with civil society, efforts were made to implement modernized services and facilities by intervening in the Supreme Court. However, the results were found insignificant because of ineffective citizen engagement, IT-based, governance and public administration. which proved that the shifting to advanced society is crucial in Pakistan due to the elected Officials of current democratic system. It is an empirical study to involve Pakistani nationals (overseas) in the democratic process by utilizing the digital facility of vote casting. The role of Government. The role of e-leadership in changing the political polarization for the implementation of e-election will be measured by collecting data from different sources.

Keywords: e-democracy, e-leadership, political polarization, public engagement

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Authors: Maryam Firouzmandi, Moosa Miri

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Smile is considered to be one of the most effective methods of influencing people. Increasing numbers of patients are requesting cosmetic dental procedures to achieve the perfect smile. Based on the patient’s age, oral and facial characteristics, and the dentist’s expertise, different concepts of treatment would be available. Orthodontics is the most conservative and the ideal treatment alternative for crowded anterior teeth; however, it may be rejected by patients due to occupational limitations of time, physical discomfort including pain and functional limitations, psychological discomfort, and appearance during treatment. In addition, orthodontic treatment will not resolve deficits of contour and color of the anterior teeth. In consequence, patients may demand restorative techniques to resolve their anterior mal-alignment instead, often called "instant orthodontics". Following its introduction, however, adhesive dentistry has suffered at times from overuse. Creating short-term attractive smiles at the expense of long-term dental health and optimal tooth biomechanics by using cosmetic techniques should not be considered an ethical approach. The objective of this narrative review was to investigate the literature for guidelines with regard to decision making and treatment planning for anterior tooth mal-alignment. In this regard, indications of orthodontic, restorative, combination of both treatments, and adjunctive periodontal surgery were discussed in clinical cases to achieve a proportional smile. Restorative modalities would include disking, cosmetic contouring, veneers, and crowns and were compared with limited or comprehensive orthodontic options. A rapid review was also presented on pros and cons of snap on smile to mask malalignments. Diagnostic tools such as mock up, wax up, and digital smile design were also considered to achieve more conservative and functional treatments with respect to biologic factors.

Keywords: crowding, misalignment, veneer, crown, orthodontics

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Authors: Mitchell Gallagher

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This investigation explores the relationship between Chinese government ministers' tweets and publicized anti-US propaganda political cartoons by Chinese state media. Defining "anti-US" tweets as expressions with negative impressions about the United States, its policies, or cultural values, the study considers their context-dependent nature. Analyzing social media's growing role, this research probes the Chinese government's attitudes toward the United States. While China traditionally adhered to a non-interference stance, instances of verbal and visual retorts occurred, driven by efforts to enhance soft power and counter unfavorable portrayals. To navigate global challenges, China embraced proactive image construction, utilizing political cartoons as a messaging tool. As Sino-American political relations continue deteriorating, it has become increasingly commonplace for Chinese officials to circulate anti-US messages and negative impressions of the United States via tweets. The present study is committed to inspecting the nature and frequency of political cartoons casting the United States in an unfavorable light, with the aim of gaining a comprehensive understanding the degree to which the Chinese government and state-affiliated media are aligned in their corresponding messaging.

Keywords: China, political cartoons, propaganda, twitter, social media

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Authors: Deyu Yuan

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Discourse analysis as an interdisciplinary approach has more than 60-years-history since it was first named by Zellig Harris in 'Discourse Analysis' on Language in 1952. Ferdinand de Saussure differentiated the 'parole' from the 'langue' that established the principle of focusing on language but not speech. So the rising of discourse analysis can be seen as a discursive turn for the entire language research that closely related to the theory of Speech act. Critical discourse analysis becomes the mainstream of contemporary language research through drawing upon M. A. K. Halliday's socio-semiotic theory and Foucault, Barthes, Bourdieu's views on the sign, discourse, and ideology. So in contrast to general semiotics, social semiotics mainly focuses on parole and the application of semiotic theories to some applicable fields. The article attempts to discuss this applicable sociosemiotics and show the features of it that differ from the Saussurian and Peircian semiotics in four aspects: 1) the sign system is about meaning-generation resource in the social context; 2) the sign system conforms to social and cultural changes with the form of metaphor and connotation; 3) sociosemiotics concerns about five applicable principles including the personal authority principle, non-personal authority principle, consistency principle, model demonstration principle, the expertise principle to deepen specific communication; 4) the study of symbolic functions is targeted to the characteristics of ideational, interpersonal and interactional function in social communication process. Then the paper describes six features which characterize this sociosemiotics as applicable semiotics: social, systematic, usable interdisciplinary, dynamic, and multi-modal characteristics. Thirdly, the paper explores the multi-modal choices of sociosemiotics in the respects of genre, discourse, and style. Finally, the paper discusses the relationship between theory and practice in social semiotics and proposes a relatively comprehensive theoretical framework for social semiotics as applicable semiotics.

Keywords: discourse analysis, sociosemiotics, pragmatics, ideology

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Authors: Valerii Dudin

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With the continuous increase in quantity and importance of the information surrounding our daily lives, it has become crucial to understand what makes information stand out and affect our point of view, regardless of the accuracy of the facts involved. Alaa Al-Aswany’s numerous works have been an inspiration for millions of his readers in Egypt and all across the Arab World. While highly factual, the author’s political essays are both lexically and stylistically rich; they also implement descriptive allusions and proverbs to support the presented opinions. We have undertaken an effort to explore the impact on the individual perception through these political works of the author. In this study, we have overviewed previously made research on similar subjects and through contextual, intertextual, linguistic and corpus analyses we have come to realize the presence of suggestive themes in these works, capable of shaping the reader’s perception regarding a certain topic, specifically targeting the reader’s emotional bias. The findings presented in the study will reveal an overview of such examples of suggestive elements used in the author’s works, as well as various new insights on what can be considered suggestive in the context of modern Arabic printed press.

Keywords: Alaa al-Aswany, cognitive linguistics, political essays, suggestion

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

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Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

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Authors: Diana Isabel Torres Silva

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Doris Salcedo is the most prominent sculptor from Colombia ever and currently, one of the most prestigious Latin-American artists in the world. Her artwork, intended as political art, has war as a background, in particular the Colombian civil conflict, and it addresses the way that its violence affects victims’ lives irreparably. While Salcedo is internationally recognized as a talented and a politically committed artist, some Colombian critics consider her artwork as the propagandist and influenced by the interest of multinational companies and the organizations that fund it. This paper, as part of a more extended research project, attempts to demonstrate that Doris Salcedo’s artwork makes visible the victims suffering and mourning and compels the viewers’ sympathy, although its approach is superficial. It does not achieve a complete or complex understanding of the social and historical causes underneath the war and maybe because of that has become a successful commodity for the international arts market. The paper considers, firstly, the influence that Colombian Nuevo Teatro, from the sixties, had on Salcedo’s early political perspective and, secondly, analyzes in detail the first series of her artwork (1992-1998) and how those works address grieving. The focus point of this analysis will be the domestic furniture sculptures, which are the main symbolic element of Salcedo’s oeuvre.

Keywords: Arts and politics, Doris Salcedo, Colombian art, Political Art

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Authors: Janiel David Melamed Visbal

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The Islamic State has become one of the most remarkable threats for international security through their religious extremism and their establishment of a new caliphate by force. The main objective of this organization is to obtain territorial expansions beyond the Middle East and eventually to consolidate an Islamic global order based on their extremist ideology. This paper will conduct an analysis regarding how, over the past year, many jihadist organizations worldwide have pledged their alliagance to the Islamic State, transforming it into the most important jihadist franchise globally.

Keywords: Islamic state, franchise, jihad, Islamic fundamentalism, caliphate

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Authors: Lynndee Kemmet

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The U.S. military plays an increasing role in supporting political stability efforts, and this includes efforts to prevent the food insecurity that can trigger political and social instability. This paper presents a model that assists military commanders in identifying variables that impact food production and distribution in their areas of operation (AO), in identifying connections between variables and in assessing the impacts of those variables on food production and distribution. Through use of the model, military units can better target their data collection efforts and can categorize and analyze data within the data categorization framework most widely-used by military forces—PMESII-PT (Political, Military, Economic, Infrastructure, Information, Physical Environment and Time). The model provides flexibility of analysis in that commanders can target analysis to be highly focused on a specific PMESII-PT domain or variable or conduct analysis across multiple PMESII-PT domains. The model is also designed to assist commanders in mapping food systems in their AOs and then identifying components of those systems that must be strengthened or protected.

Keywords: food security, food system model, political stability, US Military

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Authors: Abdulwhab Alotaibi, Abdullah Alzahrani, Ziyad Bokhari, Abdulelah Alghamdi

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First described in 1975 by Dr. Miller, Medical dressings are uncommon but possible cause of hand digital ischemia due the tourniquet-like effect. The incident of this complication has been reported across wide range of age-groups, yet it seems like that the pediatric population are specifically vulnerable. Multiple dressing types were reported to have caused ischemic injury, such as elastic wrap, tubular gauze, and self-adherent dressings. We present a case of medical dressing induced digital ischemia in patient with Congenital insensitivity to pain and anhidrosis (CIPA), which further challenge the discovery of the condition. An 8-year-old girl known case of CIPA. Brought by her mother to the ER after nail bed injury, which she managed by application of elastic wrap that was left for 24 hours. When the mother found out she immediately removed the elastic band, and noticed the fingertip was black and cold with tense bullae. The color then changed later when she arrived to the ER to dark purple with bluish discoloration on the tip. On examination there was well demarcated tense bullae on the distal right fifth finger. Neurovascular intact, pulse oximetry on distal digit 100%, capillary refill time was delayed. She was seen under Plastic surgery and conservative management recommended, and patient was discharged with safety netting. Two days later the patient came as follow-up visit at which her condition demonstrated significant improvement, the bullae has since ruptured leaving behind sloughed skin, capillary refill and pulse oximetry were both within normal limits, sensory function couldn’t be assessed but her motor function and ROM were normal, topical bacitracin and bandage dressings were applied for the eroded skin. Patient was scheduled for a follow-up in 2 weeks. Preventatively it’s advisable to avoid the commonly implicated dressings such as elastic, tubular gauze or self-adherent wraps in hand or digital injuries when possible, but in cases where the use of these dressings is of necessity the appropriate precautions must be taken, Dr. Makarewich proposed the following 5 measures to help minimize the incidence of the injury: 1-Unwrapping 12 inches of the dressing before rolling the injured finger. 2-Wrapping from distal to proximal with minimal tension to avoid vascular embarrassment. 3-The use of 5-25 inch to overlap the entire wrap. 4-Maintaining light pressure over the wrap to allow adherence of the dressing. 5-Minimization of the number of layers used to wrap the affected digit. Also assessing the capillary refill after the application can help in determining the patency of the supplying blood vessels. It’s also important to selectively determine if the patient is a candidate for conservative management, as tailored approach can help in maximizing the positive outcomes for our patients.

Keywords: congenital insensitivity to pain, digital ischemia, medical dressing, conservative management

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Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Cory A. Logston

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It is imperative researchers continue to explore every transformative strategy to increase empathy and awareness of racial bias. Racism is a social and political concept that uses stereotypical ideology to highlight racial inequities. Everyone has biases they may not be aware of toward disparate out-groups. There is some form of racism in every profession; doctors, lawyers, and teachers are not immune. There have been numerous successful and unsuccessful strategies to motivate and transform an individual’s unconscious biased attitudes. One method designed to induce a transformative experience and identify implicit bias is virtual reality (VR). VR is a technology designed to transport the user to a three-dimensional environment. In a virtual reality simulation, the viewer is immersed in a realistic interactive video taking on the perspective of a Black man. The viewer as the character experiences discrimination in various life circumstances growing up as a child into adulthood. For instance, the prejudice felt in school, as an adolescent encountering the police and false accusations in the workplace. Current research suggests that an immersive VR simulation can enhance self-awareness and become a transformative learning experience. This study uses virtual reality immersion and transformative learning theory to create empathy and identify any unintentional racial bias. Participants, White teachers, will experience a VR immersion to create awareness and identify implicit biases regarding Black students. The desired outcome provides a springboard to reconceptualize their own implicit bias. Virtual reality is gaining traction in the research world and promises to be an effective tool in the transformative learning process.

Keywords: empathy, implicit bias, transformative learning, virtual reality

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Authors: Nadine Osbild

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Recent urban development projects often try to cater to both high-tech innovation/start-up culture and local culture/sustainable living. In the process, the so-called “creative class” (Florida 2002) has become a focal point for innovative answers to increasing urban pressures. Our paper explores local subculture and art scenes as a place where current innovation policies and alternative approaches to urban future-making collide. We explore the (re-)making of prevalent understanding of creativity in the context of Munich – an economically successful and over-saturated city with a relatively conservative approach to innovation and disruption and no apparent need for the “creative class” remedy. In particular, we investigate the opportunities and manifestations of subculture in three urban development projects that are envisioned as collaborations between innovators and (sub)culturally oriented creativity. Following a co-production STS approach, we observe that these development projects serve as sites where understandings of innovation and creativity are configured and stabilized in keeping with broader socio-political and economic rationalities. What is more, the projects materialize a de-facto split between the two understandings of a “creative scene,” whereby alternative and potentially disruptive forms of creativity become sidelined or even prevented in Munich’s imagination of urban development in the name of innovation and economic growth. Thus taming the unruliness of creativity, Munich also manages to tame the disruptive threats of innovation, ensuring that the innovation-centered modes of future-making still leave socio-economic hierarchies intact while displacing (counter-)visions rooted in the subculture.

Keywords: creative districts, science and technology studies, public engagement, innovation studies

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Michael Ruiz

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Many scholars view the French Revolution as the origins of ‘modern nationalism,’ citing the unprecedented rhetorical power of ‘the nation’ and the emergence of a centralized, modern nation-state during this time. They have also stressed the role of public education in promoting a national language and creating a sense of shared national identity among the masses. Yet as many cultural historians have shown, revolutionary leaders undertook an unprecedented campaign to overhaul French culture in the 1790s in order to cultivate these national ideals and inspire Republican virtues, in what has been called ‘political pedagogy.’ In contrast to scholars of nationalism, who emphasize formal education, revolutionaries attempted to translate abstract ideas of equality and liberty into palpable representations that would inundate everyday life, thereby serving as pedagogical tools. Material culture and everyday life became state apparatuses not just for winning over citizens’ hearts and minds, but for influencing the very formation of the citizen and their innermost ‘self.’ This paper argues that nationalism began in 1789, when ‘the self’ became a political concern and its formation a state project for cultivating political legitimacy. By broadening the meaning of ‘political pedagogy,’ this study brings together scholarship on nationalism with cultural history, thereby highlighting nations and nationalism as banal, palpable, quotidian phenomena and historicizing the complex emergence of ‘modern nationalism.’ Moreover, because the contemporary view of material culture and pedagogy was highly gendered, this study shows the role of culture in the development of a homosocial, male-dominated public sphere in the 19th century. The legacy of the French Revolution’s concern with culture thus persists as much in our vocabulary for political expression as it does in the material world, remaining deeply embedded in everyday day life as a crucial, nearly-invisible, component of nationalism.

Keywords: French Revolution, nationalism, political culture, material culture

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Authors: Edward Y. W. Chu

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This paper exemplifies how the political and educational considerations have shaped the heavy-handed MOI policy in Hong Kong after its handover to China in 1997. Its result, a significant degeneration of English standard among the non-elite students, will be reported based on a detailed analysis of the public exam statistics available and other empirical studies. The remedial action taken by the Education Bureau out of the economic and educational considerations will be reported with reference to the official documents. The political, economic and educational considerations exemplified in different stages of Mother-tongue MOI policy in Hong Kong are found to be influential in the MOI policy in other Asian countries as well. For example, out of rapid internationalization and marketization, there has been increasing adoption of English as the MOI in post-secondary institutions in China, Japan & South Korea. On the other hand, while colonial languages were firmly made as the MOI in former colonies such as Vietnam and India, they were greatly retrieved upon independence for political and educational reasons. Malaysia also followed the same pattern upon independence but re-introduced partial English MOI policy in late 90s hoping to capitalize favourable globalization benefits. The short-lived policy was abandoned in 2009 because of the perceived political threat of national identity as well as the lack of educational effectiveness. Based on the great majority of Asian countries studied, this paper argues that MOI policy in Asia is much more than an educational issue, and that there is a clear pattern of how decisions of MOI matters are made. Studying the history and development of MOI in Hong Kong and other Asian countries provides a unique angle to view of how Asian countries prepare for the political, economic and educational challenges nowadays.

Keywords: economics, Hong Kong, medium of instruction, politics

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Authors: Abdul Walid Ali

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The trend of publishing political musicals in Istana Budaya has been popular since 2007 when Malaysia celebrated its 50th anniversary of independence. Istana Budaya has at least one musical of any politician since then. Normally, the politicians are former Prime Ministers and renowned ministers prior to Malaysia's independence in 1957. The first performance in Istana Budaya which represented a politician as a theme was Muzikal Cheng Lock (2007) followed by Muzikal Tun Abdul Razak (2009), Muzikal Tun Mahathir (2010), and Muzikal Tun Mahathir 2 (2011). In 2012, Lawak Ke Der has changed the trend with comic performance and put an end to politician musical. Tun Siti Hasmah the Musical (2012) is not listed in the research because she did not hold any position as a minister. This qualitative research focuses on musicals of political figures as a theme. Some factors of making this type of performance are analyzed based on Istana Budaya’s decisions during that time in Malaysia between 2007 and 2011. This research aims to document these musical themed performances in Istana Budaya for further research in the future. Political performances are listed and analyzed from 2007 to 2012 based on reports and previous research. The declination of audiences in 2012 and a new theme in theatre performances in Istana Budaya are important factors for the downfall of the political theatres' theme.

Keywords: musical, politician, Istana Budaya, theatre

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Nobuyuki Takemoto, Ai Koyanagi, Masanori Yasuda, Hiroshi Yamamoto

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Background: Fluorescence imaging (FI) is one of the methods to identify sentinel lymph nodes (SLNs). However, the procedure is technically complicated and requires procedural skills, as SLN biopsy must be conducted in dim light conditions. As an improved version of this method, we introduced a combined method (Combined mixed dye and fluorescence; CMF) consisting of indigo carmine blue dye and FI. The direct visualization of SLNs under shadowless surgical light conditions is facilitated by the addition of the blue dye. We compared the SLN detection rates of CMF with that of the indocyanine green (ICG) dye method (ICG-D). Methods: A total of 202 patients with stage ≤ IIA breast cancer who underwent breast conservative therapy with separate incision from January 2004 to February 2017 were reviewed. Details of the two methods are as follows: (1) ICG-D: 2ml of ICG (10mg) was used and the green-stained SLNs were resected via a 3-4cm axillary incision; (2) CMF: A combination of 1ml of ICG (5mg) and 1-3ml of indigo carmine (4-12mg) was used. Using Photodynamic Eye (PDE), a 1.5-2 cm incision was made near the point of disappearance of the fluorescence and SLNs with intermediate color of blue and green were resected. Results: There were 92 ICG-D and 110 CMF cases. CMF resulted in a significantly higher detection rate than ICG-D (96.4% vs. 83.7%; p=0.003). This difference was particularly notable in those aged ≥ 60 years (98.3% vs. 74.3%) and individuals with BMI ≥ 25kg/m2 (90.3% vs. 58.3%). Conclusion: CMF is an effective method to identify SLNs which is safe, efficient, and cost-effective. Furthermore, radiation exposure can be avoided, and it can be performed in institutes without nuclear medicine facilities. CMF achieves a high SLN identification rate, and most of this procedure is feasible under shadowless surgical light conditions. CMF can reliably perform SLN biopsy even in those aged ≥ 60 years and individuals with BMI ≥ 25 kg/m2.

Keywords: sentinel lymph node biopsy, identification rate, indocyanine green (ICG), indigocarmine, fluorescence

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Ibrahim Darwish, Noora Abu Ain

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Referring to female relatives by male Jordanian speakers in public is governed by various linguistic and social constraints. Although Jordanian society is less conservative than it was a few decades ago, women are still considered the weaker link in society and men still believe that they need to protect them. Conservative Jordanians often avoid referring to their female relatives overtly, i.e., using their real names. Instead, they use covert names, such as pseudonyms, nicknames, pet names, etc. The reason behind such language use has to do with how Arab men, in general, see women as part of their honor. This study intends to investigate to what extent Jordanian males hide their female relatives’ names in public domains. The data was collected from spontaneous informal voice-recorded interviews carried out in the village of Saham in the far north of Jordan. Saham’s dialect is part of a larger Horani dialect used by speakers along a wide area that stretches from Salt in the south to the Syrian borders in the north of Jordan. The voice-recorded interviews were originally carried out as an audio record of some customs and traditions in the village of Saham in 2013. During most of these interviews, the researchers observed how the male participants indirectly referred to their female relatives. Instead of using real names, the male speakers used broad terms to refer to their female relatives, such al-Beit ‘the home,’ al-ciyaal ‘the kids’, um-x ‘the mother of x,’ etc. All tokens related to the issue in question were collected, analyzed and quantified about three age cohorts: young, middle-aged and old speakers. The results show that young speakers are more direct in referring to their female relatives than the other two age groups. This can point to a possible change in progress in the speech community of Saham. It is argued that due to contact with other urban speech communities, the young speakers in Saham do not feel the need to hide the real names of their female relatives as they consider them as equals. Indeed, the young generation is more open to the idea of women's rights and call for expanding Jordanian women’s roles in Jordanian society.

Keywords: gender differences, Horan, proper names, social constraints

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: Haitham A. Haloush

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Debtors' imprisonment in Jordan is a problematic issue since it impinges upon required financial guarantees that are presumably offered by debtors on the one hand, and infringes flagrantly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the other hand. Jordan lacks regulatory provisions in this respect and debtors' imprisonment is indirectly exercised in Jordan without giving a special legal attention to this concern. From this perspective, this research reviews the available regulations, standard laws and codes of conduct that might guide the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in the Jordanian context. Furthermore, this article will examine the suitability of the Jordanian legal system in providing sufficient protection for debtors. The author argues that there are serious obstacles in this aspect.

Keywords: the Jordanian civil code, the Jordanian execution law, imprisonment for debt, good faith, the Jordanian constitution, the international covenant on civil and political rights

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Authors: Lee Da Hyun

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relation between the internal dynamics of standing committees and legislative productivity of the Korean National Assembly using statistical methods. Studies on legislation in South Korea have been largely revolved around political parties due to the uniqueness of its political context including strong party cohesion and party’s nomination right. However, as standing committees have been at the center of legislatures since the 6th National Assembly, there is a growing need for studying the operation and effectiveness of standing committees in legislation process. Thus, through panel data analysis for the sixteen standing committees across the four terms of the Korean National Assembly-from the 16th to the 19th-this article attempts to reveal that legislators’ bill passing rate is not a sole function of factors pertaining to political party as the existing studies have believed. By measuring the ideological distribution within a committee and the bill passing rate, this article provides differentiated interpretation from established theories of standing committees and presents compelling evidence describing complex interactions and independent operation of the standing committees with the subsequent legislative results.

Keywords: collective decision-making, lawmaking, legislation, political polarization, standing committees

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Authors: Jasmin S. Nurkovic, Ljubisa Dj. Jovasevic, Zana C. Dolicanin, Zoran S. Bajin

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Ruptured muscles and tendons very often must be repatriated by open operation in young persons. In young, muscles are ruptured more often than tendons, at the sane time in older persons are more exposed to rupture than muscles. Ruptured of the calcaneus are the most present of all ruptures. Sometime the rupture is complete, but very often the incomplete rupture can be noticed. During six years, from 2006 to 2012, we treated nineteen male patients and three female patients with the rupture of tendon Achilles. The youngest patient was aged thirty two, and the oldest was also managed sixty four. The youngest female patient was forty one and the oldest was forty six. One of our patients who was under corticosteroid treatment did not take any part in sport activities but she was, as she told us, going for a long walk, the same was with other two patients one man and one woman. We had nineteen male patients age 32 to 64 and three female patients age 41, 44 and 46. Conservative treatment by cast was applied in five patients and very good results were in three of them. In two patients surgical treatment failed in patient’s age 53 and 64. Only one of all patients treated by surgery had healing problems because of necrotic changes of the skin where incision was made. One of our female patients age 45 was under steroid treatment for almost 20 years because of asthmatic problems. We suggested her wearing boots with 8cm long heels by day and by night eight weeks. The final results were satisfactory and all the time she was able to work and to walk. It was the only case we had with bilateral tendon rupture. After eight weeks the cast is removed and psychiatric treatment started, patient is using crutches with partial weight bearing over a period of two weeks. Quite the same treatment conservative treatment, only the cast is not removed after two but after four weeks. Everyday activities after the surgical treatment started ten weeks and sport activities can start after fourteen to sixteen weeks. An increased activity of our patient without previous preparing for forces activity can result, as we already see, with tendon rupture. Treatment is very long and very often surgical. We find that surgical treatment resulted as safer and better solution for patients. We also had a patient with spontaneous rupture of tendon during longer walking but this patient was under prolonged corticosteroid treatment.

Keywords: tendon, Achilles, rupture, sport

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Authors: Pavel Borodkin, Nikolay Khrennikov, Azamat Gazetdinov

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The problem of ensuring of VVER type reactor equipment integrity is now most actual in connection with justification of safety of the NPP Units and extension of their service life to 60 years and more. First of all, it concerns old units with VVER-440 and VVER-1000. The justification of the VVER equipment integrity depends on the reliability of estimation of the degree of the equipment damage. One of the mandatory requirements, providing the reliability of such estimation, and also evaluation of VVER equipment lifetime, is the monitoring of equipment radiation loading parameters. In this connection, there is a problem of justification of such normative parameters, used for an estimation of the pressure vessel metal embrittlement, as the fluence and fluence rate (FR) of fast neutrons above 0.5 MeV. From the point of view of regulatory practice, a comparison of displacement per atom (DPA) and fast neutron fluence (FNF) above 0.5 MeV has a practical concern. In accordance with the Russian regulatory rules, neutron fluence F(E > 0.5 MeV) is a radiation exposure parameter used in steel embrittlement prediction under neutron irradiation. However, the DPA parameter is a more physically legitimate quantity of neutron damage of Fe based materials. If DPA distribution in reactor structures is more conservative as neutron fluence, this case should attract the attention of the regulatory authority. The purpose of this work was to show what radiation load parameters (fluence, DPA) on all VVER equipment should be under control, and give the reasonable estimations of such parameters in the volume of all equipment. The second task is to give the conservative estimation of each parameter including its uncertainty. Results of recently received investigations allow to test the conservatism of calculational predictions, and, as it has been shown in the paper, combination of ex-vessel measured data with calculated ones allows to assess unpredicted uncertainties which are results of specific unique features of individual equipment for VVER reactor. Some results of calculational-experimental investigations are presented in this paper.

Keywords: equipment integrity, fluence, displacement per atom, nuclear power plant, neutron activation measurements, neutron transport calculations

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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