Search results for: populist rhetoric

Authors: Abiodun Odusote

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This paper gives content to the Provisions of Chapter II of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, it offers new perspectives on the nature of fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy and the duties of citizens. It makes inquiries into the justiciability of these rights and examines the reasoning of the Nigerian courts in the interpretation and enforcement of the rights. The paper examines the emerging jurisprudence in India and South Africa and lessons are drawn from their respective models of enforcement of similar rights. The paper concludes by proposing more creative and novel alternatives to the enforcement and enjoyments of these rights, including: enforcement through Acts of Parliament, enforcement through other Constitutional provisions, indirect enforcement, enforcement through regional and international courts, enforcement by constructive engagement, and enforcement through electoral process. Overall, it is shown that there are available a variety of practical and effective ways of improving the realization and enjoyment of the provisions of Chapter II of the CFRN.

Keywords: constructive-engagement, indirect enforcement, judicial activism, justiciability, social rights

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde

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The Covid-19 pandemic has seen several rumors and conspiracy theories overtake the truth in many online platforms across several African countries. Just as the coronavirus has travelled widely, misinformation has equally spread. Thus, it is important to launch investigations into these conspiracy theories in order to detect them early and as a result, implore health practitioners and agencies to be more proactive in repelling misinformation while at the same time provide the general populace with purely undiluted information regarding the virus. Through social media posts on platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, and WhatsApp, as well as online platforms such as Google, this study intends to draw as many instances as possible of infodemic and misinformation by reviewing and analyzing these texts and the resulting implication if the misinformation continues to gain popularity. The study discovers the use of conspiracy theories, rumors, hyperbolism, and unverified claims as elements of infodemic used during the coronavirus pandemic. Importantly, the findings of the study will assist the public to be cautious and vigilant against false information that are being peddled as original.

Keywords: infodemic, miscommunication, accuracy, social media, rumors, conspiracy

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Authors: Driss Bouyahya

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During the late 1960s, Islam-oriented social movements have encroached to reach the Moroccan public spheres and mobilize huge waves of people from different walks of life under the banners of a rhetoric that resonates with the Muslim way of life away from Modernity and globalization tenets. In this respect, the present study investigates and explores some of the ways utilized by the Movement for Unity and Reform in Morocco as an Islam-oriented movement to recruit students massively at universities. The significance of this study lies in demystifying the recruitment strategies and mechanisms, considered essential for the Islam-oriented social movements to mobilize. This research paper uses a quantitative method to collect and analyze data through two different structured questionnaires. One of the major findings is that this Islam-oriented movement uses different techniques to recruit students, namely social networks, its websites and You-tube as three main modern and sophisticated means of communication. In a nutshell, this paper´s findings fill some of the gaps in the literature in regard to Islam-oriented movements ‘mobilization strategies.

Keywords: changing, ideology, Islam, party

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Authors: Anh Dao Vu, Bill Ryan

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The Vietnamese government struggles to grapple with the problem of rampant corruption, one of the most challenging difficulties the country faces. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2014, Vietnam ranks 119 out of 175 countries. The CPI gives Vietnam a score of 31 on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates ‘highly corrupt’ and 100 represents ‘very clean’. Corruption eats into the national GDP of Vietnam, causing a loss of 3% to 4% of GDP per annum. In general, the Vietnamese people’s trust in their government to wage an effective fight against corruption, especially in the public sector, has been greatly eroded in recent years. Some substantial public demonstrations persuaded the government to implement strong anti-corruption measures. However, so far those measures have not been particularly successful. One of the main reasons for this shortcoming is that neither the Communist Party of Vietnam nor the government has demonstrated sufficiently strong ‘political will’ in fighting corruption. There remains a large gap between rhetoric and reality. This paper will examine the reasons why insufficient ‘political will’ is displayed in the ostensible fight against public sector corruption, and how certain anti-corruption strategies will both strengthen levels of political commitment to the fight against corruption while enhancing the effectiveness of that essential national endeavor.

Keywords: corruption, political will, Vietnam, anti-corruption

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Authors: Júlia Massadas

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The objective of this paper is to analyze the role played by the institute of the public hearings in the Brazilian Supreme Court. The public hearings are regulated since 1999 by the Brazilian Laws nº 9.868, nº 9.882 and by the Intern Regiment of the Brazilian Supreme Court. According to this legislation, the public hearings are supposed to be called when a matter of circumstance of fact must be clarified, what can be done through the hearing of the testimonies of persons with expertise and authority in the theme related to the cause. This work aims to investigate what is the role played by the public hearings and by the experts in the Brazilian Supreme Court. The hypothesis of this research is that: (I) The public hearings in the Brazilian Supreme Court are used to uphold a rhetoric of a democratic legitimacy of the Court`s decisions; (II) The Legislative intentions have been distorted. To test this hypothesis, the adopted methodology involves an empirical study of the Brazilian jurisprudence. As a conclusion, it follows that the public hearings convened by the Brazilian Supreme Court do not correspond, in practice, to the role assigned to them by the Congress since they do not serve properly to epistemic interests. The public hearings not only do not legitimate democratically the decisions, but also, do not properly clarify technical issues.

Keywords: Brazilian Supreme Court, constitutional law, public hearings, epistemic competence, legal authority

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Authors: Brian Smith

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This paper seeks to contrast the contemporary anti-immigration rhetoric since the US pullout of Afghanistan with the debate about enemy aliens in the early modern period. In the seventeenth century, Sir Edward Coke declared that “infidels” should be seen as perpetui inimici (perpetual enemies) since their values were inimical to those of Christian states. As such, they could be perpetually excluded and denied legal standing. Even at that time, these anti-“infidel” arguments clashed with the natural law tradition of hospitality, which assumed that states had a moral responsibility to admit and care for strangers. In particular, this paper looks at the conflict between Hugo Grotius, Samuel Pufendorf, and John Locke. Grotius argues that states have a duty to admit foreigners. He goes out of his way to plan for the admittance of Jewish immigrants. In contrast, Pufendorf claimed that sovereigns had a duty exclude foreigners who would alter the constitutional character of the state. Much like Grotius, Locke argued that non-Christian peoples should be treated as friends and admitted without reservation.

Keywords: enemy aliens, perpetual enemies, hospitality, refugees

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Authors: Sophie Del Fa, Loup Ducol

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This presentation will focus on the discursive practices of Les Soulèvements de la Terre (hereafter SdlT), a French environmentalist group mobilized against agribusiness. More specifically, we will use, as a case study, the violently repressed demonstration that took place in Sainte-Soline on March 25, 2023 (see after for details). The SdlT embodies the renewal of anti-capitalist and environmentalist struggles that began with Occupy Wall Street in 2009 and in France with the Nuit debout in 2016 and the yellow vests movement from 2019 to 2020. These struggles have three things in common: they are self-organized without official leaders, they rely mainly on occupations to reappropriate public places (squares, roundabouts, natural territories) and they are anti-capitalist. The SdlT was created in 2021 by activists coming from the Zone-to-Defend of Notre-Dame-des-Landes, a victorious 10 yearlong occupation movement against an airport near Nantes, France (from 2009 to 2018). The SdlT is not labeled as a formal association, nor as a constituted group, but as an anti-capitalist network of local struggles at the crossroads of ecology and social issues. Indeed, although they target agro-industry, land grabbing, soil artificialization and ecology without transition, the SdlT considers ecological and social questions as interdependent. Moreover, they have an encompassing vision of ecology that they consider as a concern for the living as a whole by erasing the division between Nature and Culture. Their radicality is structured around three main elements: federative and decentralized dimensions, the rhetoric of living alliances and militant creatives strategies. The objective of this reflexion is to understand how these three dimensions are articulated through the SdlT’s discursive practices. To explore these elements, we take as a case study one specific event: the demonstration against the ‘basins’ held in Sainte-Soline on March 25, 2023, on the construction site of new water storage infrastructure for agricultural irrigation in western France. This event represents a turning point for the SdlT. Indeed, the protest was violently repressed: 5000 grenades were fired by the police, hundreds of people were injured, and one person was still in a coma at the time of writing these lines. Moreover, following Saint-Soline’s events, the Minister of Interior Affairs, Gérald Darmin, threatened to dissolve the SdlT, thus adding fuel to the fire in an already tense social climate (with the ongoing strikes against the pensions reform). We anchor our reflexion on three types of data: 1) our own experiences (inspired by ethnography) of the Sainte-Soline demonstration; 2) the collection of more than 500 000 Tweets with the #SainteSoline hashtag and 3) a press review of texts and articles published after Sainte-Soline’s demonstration. The exploration of these data from a turning point in the history of the SdlT will allow us to analyze how the three dimensions highlighted earlier (federative and decentralized dimensions, rhetoric of living alliances and creatives militant strategies) are materialized through the discursive practices surrounding the Sainte-Soline event. This will allow us to shed light on how a new contemporary movement implements contemporary environmental struggles.

Keywords: discursive practices, Sainte-Soline, Ecology, radical ecology

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Authors: Flavio Contrera, Paulo Cesar Gregorio

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Recent political developments and government control actions in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic draw attention to the contrast between the duties of government and the demands of democratic representation. Elected by mobilizing far-right issues, Trump and Bolsonaro moved away from the WHO guidelines but had to accommodate demands on the health and on the social protection system on the one hand and demands from the economic sector on the other. This study used the MARPOR Project method to assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the issue and ideological congruence between the electoral and governmental arena in both the Trump and Bolsonaro Administrations. Findings reveal issue congruence between arenas in "National Way of Life: Positive", "Law and Order," and "Technology and Infrastructure" for Donald Trump, and "Welfare State Expansion" for Bolsonaro. Ideological estimation results show that Trump and Bolsonaro positioned to the right in their presidential elections, initially moved to the center-right. However, welfare policies actions at high frequency during the COVID-19 pandemic moved the ideological estimations of both governments to the center-left, despite their denial rhetoric.

Keywords: congruence, COVID-19, Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro

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Authors: Ratri Werdiningtyas, Yongping Wei, Andrew Western

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This paper contributes to on-going attempts at bringing together land, water and environmental policy in catchment management. A tension remains in defining the boundaries of policy integration. Most of Integrated Water Resource Management is valued as rhetoric policy. It is far from being achieved on the ground because the socio-ecological system has not been understood and developed into complete and coherent problem representation. To clarify the feature of integration, this article draws on institutional fit for public policy integration and uses these insights in an empirical setting to identify the mechanism that can facilitate effective public integration for catchment management. This research is based on the journey of Victoria’s government from 1890-2016. A total of 274 Victorian Acts related to land, water, environment management published in those periods has been investigated. Four conditions of integration have been identified in their co-evolution: (1) the integration policy based on reserves, (2) the integration policy based on authority interest, (3) policy based on integrated information and, (4) policy based coordinated resource, authority and information. Results suggest that policy coordination among their policy instrument is superior rather than policy integration in the case of catchment management.

Keywords: catchment management, co-evolution, policy integration, phase

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Authors: Benet Reid, Nina Laurie, Matt Baillie-Smith

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Trans-national and tropical medicine, historically associated with colonial power and missionary activity, is now central to discourses of global health and development, thrust into mainstream media by events like the 2014 Ebola crisis and enshrined in the Sustainable Development Goals. Research in this area remains primarily the province of health professional disciplines, and tends to be framed within a simple North-to-South model of development. The continued role of voluntary work in this field is bound up with a rhetoric of partnering and partnership. We propose, instead, the idea of International Voluntary Health Networks (IVHNs) as a means to de-centre global-North institutions in these debates. Drawing on our empirical work with IVHNs in countries both North and South, we explore geographical and sociological theories for mapping the multiple spatial and conceptual dynamics of power manifested in these phenomena. We make a radical break from conventional views of health as a de-politicised symptom or corollary of social development. In studying health work as it crosses between cultures and contexts, we demonstrate the inextricably political nature of health and health work everywhere.

Keywords: development, global health, power, volunteering

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Authors: Amber Salamanca-Blazek

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This paper explores the connection between gender ideology and the legality of same-sex marriage cross-nationally. The author questions what role gender ideology plays in the cultural shift concerning same-sex marriage currently underway around the world and the variations in the legal treatment of same-sex marriage at the national level. Existing literature on gender, gender ideology, the role of gender ideology in traditional and same-sex marriage, and the extent to which this connection has previously been examined is explored. Also, the author explores the relationship between gender ideology and the legality of same-sex marriage in three countries with the differing legality of same-sex marriage - The United States, where same-sex marriage was legalized in 2015, Australia, where same-sex marriage was legalized in 2017, and Iran, where the death penalty for homosexuality still exists. A comparison of gender ideology frameworks and an analysis of the political rhetoric surrounding same-sex marriage in each country are performed. It is argued that the important role of gender ideology in the legality of same-sex marriage has been greatly ignored and is in need of increased attention to assist gay rights activists in their framework. The link of gender ideology and patriarchal authority between the gay rights movement and the women’s rights movement are subsequently discussed. The author argues that because of this linkage between movements, there is a necessity for joint frameworks. Suggestions for future research are also provided.

Keywords: gender ideology, same-sex marriage, same-sex marriage legality, women's rights movement

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Authors: Nazlı Üstünes Demirhan

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International norms are subject to pressures of change through contestation during the course of their lifetimes. The nature of the contestation is one of the factors that are likely to have a determinative role in the direction of this change towards a stronger or weaker norm. This paper aims to understand the relation between the legality of contestation and the direction of change in norm strength. Based on a multidimensional norm strength conceptualization, it is hypothesized that use of legal logic and rhetoric of argumentation would have a positive influence for norm strength, whereas non-legal nature of contestation would lack this and weaken the norm. In order to show this, the evolution of the human protection norm between 1999 and 2018 will be examined with reference to two major contestation periods; Kosovo intervention of 1999, which led to the development of R2P doctrine, and Libya intervention of 2011, which is followed by the demise of the norm. The comparative analysis will be conducted through process tracing method with a document analysis on the Security Council meeting minutes, resolutions, and press releases. This study aims to contribute to the norm contestation literature with the introduction of legal process analysis. It also relates to further questions in IR/IL nexus, relating to the value added of norm legality as well as the politics of legalization.

Keywords: humanitarian intervention, legality, norm contestation, norm dynamics, norm strength, responsibility to protect

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Authors: Thomas Yeboah

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In recent times, micro-finance programmes targeting women have become the central means of donor poverty alleviation strategies. In view of the renewed focus on post-Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) poverty reduction strategies, there is the likelihood that funding might increase in the next coming decades to support different initiatives by donor agencies. In this paper, we critically examine the role of microfinance in shaping gender relations and empowerment outcomes of women. It is widely argued that providing and reaching out to women with credit methodologies serves as a means of increasing women’s bargaining power and challenging existing gender subordination thereby releasing them from power structures which dominate their lives. This paper cautions this view and instead show that the mainstream argument surrounding microfinance and gender empowerment is much complex than what the popular rhetoric preaches. Drawing on empirical cases on microfinance literature, we argue that lack of systematic strategy to incorporate men and the wider socio-cultural dynamics within which women’s lives are embedded radically constraints the empowerment potential of microcredit programmes and in some context may lead to unintended consequences for women.

Keywords: microfinance, empowerment, women, men, gender relations

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Authors: Ganna Zakharova

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The persuasive influence of tourism promotional materials is very much experienced nowadays. In order to attract the attention of viewers, marketers choose various techniques in their digital texts. Video is an essential element for attraction and seduction; it is a trigger element for tourists. This solution for web marketing engages and convinces potential tourists to book a tourism product. Embedding video materials into a website provides useful information, create different feelings in viewers, and help them finalize their decisions. The present article discusses video solutions for health tourism websites used to allure potential tourists. The paper reviews the influential elements of persuasive tourism marketing videos. The article highlights how these components as persuasive strategies of tourism promotional materials can influence the decisions of tourism websites’ users. The result section provides the real examples of the deployment of the mentioned technique to convince the audience by the website of 'Karpaty' resort (Ukraine). This technique is worth attention as it plays an important role in the promotion of tourism services. The data collection of this study will provide updated information in relation to the rhetoric of tourism.

Keywords: tourism discourse, persuasive video, influential videos in marketing, persuasive discourse, tourism promotion

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Authors: Diane Prorak, Perri Moreno

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University students may have been born in the digital age, but they need to be taught the critical thinking skills to detect misinformation and social media manipulation online. In recent years, librarians have been active in designing instructional methods to help students learn information evaluation skills. At the University of Idaho Library (USA), librarians have developed new teaching methods for these skills. Last academic year, when classes were taught via Zoom, librarians taught these skills to an online session of each first-year rhetoric and composition course. In the Zoom sessions, students were placed in breakout groups where they practiced using an evaluation method known as lateral reading. Online collaborative software was used to give each group an evaluative task and break the task into steps. Groups reported back to the full class. Students learned to look at an information source, then search outside the source to find information about the organization, publisher or author, before evaluating the source itself. Class level pre-and post-test comparison results showed students learned better techniques for evaluation than they knew before instruction.

Keywords: critical thinking, information evaluation, information literacy instruction, lateral reading.

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Authors: Habibollah Mashhady, Moslem Fatollahi

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This study tries to contrast the use of metadiscoursal markers in English and Persian Newspaper Editorials as persuasive text types. These markers are linguistic elements in the text which do not add to the propositional content of it, rather they serve to realize the Halliday’s (1985) textual and interpersonal functions of language. At first, some of the most common markers from five subcategories of Text Connectives, Illocution Markers, Hedges, Emphatics, and Attitude Markers were identified in both English and Persian newspapers. Then, the frequency of occurrence of these markers in both English and Persian corpus consisting of 44 randomly selected editorials (18,000 words in each) from several English and Persian newspapers was recorded. After that, using a two-way chi square analysis, the overall x2 obs was found to be highly significant. So, the null hypothesis of no difference was confidently rejected. Finally, in order to determine the contribution of each subcategory to the overall x 2 value, one-way chi square analyses were applied to the individual subcategories. The results indicated that only two of the five subcategories of markers were statistically significant. This difference is then attributed to the differing spirits prevailing in the linguistic communities involved. Regarding the minor research question it was found that, in contrast to English writers, Persian writers are more writer-oriented in their writings.

Keywords: metadiscoursal markers, textual meta-function, interpersonal meta-function, persuasive texts, English and Persian newspaper editorials

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Authors: Dayei Oh, Feeza Vasudeva, Narges Azizi Fard

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Drawing on the Foucauldian conception of episteme, epistemic communities refer to a community in which members share common frames of epistemic reference, delineating the proper construction of social realities for their members. One of the most cited definitions of epistemic communities is a group of professionals possessing acknowledged expertise and proficiency in a specific field, influencing policymaking and governance. More recently, the advancement of the Internet has changed the way society produces, disseminates, and consumes knowledge. Against this backdrop, this literature review explores the ways in which online epistemic communities are studied in communication scholarship between 2002 and 2022. Examining 92 peer-reviewed journal articles from the Web of Science database, three research objectives have been addressed: (1) geographical contexts, platforms, and methods that are studied in communication research, (2) different types of epistemic communities, and (3) prevailing themes and concepts that are related to the research of the chosen epistemic communities. This research demonstrates increasing scholarly attention towards the lay public as prominent online epistemic communities along with more conventional epistemic communities such as academia and journalists, hinting at how the Internet provides epistemic capacities for negotiating the boundaries of epistemic authority and competencies between experts and lay people. Through qualitative reading of these papers, the findings show that communication research tends to approach epistemic communities of the political left and right asymmetrically: The right-wing epistemic communities are studied in connection with mis/disinformation, conspiracy theories, populist rejection of authoritative epistemologies, whereas the left-wing communities are studied as emancipatory epistemic struggles and activism against Western, colonial, white, and male-centric knowledge systems. This points to a grave need for communication and multidisciplinary scholarship to investigate such uncharted characters of right- and left-wing epistemic communities.

Keywords: communication research, internet, knowledge, online epistemic communities

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Authors: Mira Kaneva

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The ongoing migration crisis polemic opens up the debate to the ambivalent essence of borders due to both the legality and legitimacy of the displacement of vast masses of people across the European continent. In neoliberal terms, migration is seen as an economic opportunity, or, on the opposite, as a social disparity; in realist terms, it is regarded as a security threat that calls for mobilization; from a critical standpoint, it is a matter of discourse on democratic governance. This paper sets the objective of analyzing borders through the Foucauldian prism of biopolitics. It aims at defining the specifics of the management of the human body by producing both the irregular migrant as a subject (but prevalently as an object in the discourse) and the political subjectivity by exercising state power in repressive practices, including hate speech. The study relies on the conceptual framework of Bigo, Agamben, Huysmans, among others, and applies the methodology of qualitative comparative analysis between the cases of borders (fences, enclaves, camps and other forms of abnormal spatiality) in Italy, Spain, Greece, the Republic of Macedonia, Serbia and Bulgaria. The paper thus tries to throw light on these cross- and intra-regional contexts that share certain similarities and differences. It tries to argue that the governmentality of the masses of refugees and economic immigrants through the speech acts of their exclusion leads to a temporary populist backlash; a tentative finding is that the status-quo in terms of social and economic measures remains relatively balanced, whereas, values such as freedom, openness, and tolerance are consecutively marginalized.

Keywords: Balkans, biopolitical borders, cross- and intra-regional discourse analysis, irregular migration, Mediterranean Europe, securitization vs. humanitarianism

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Authors: Chee Fei Chang, May Yee Ng

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As a result of its geographical location, flood is a natural disaster that happens regularly in Malaysia. Every year, heavy rainfall is brought by the cyclical monsoon to the East coast of Peninsular Malaysia. In recent years, the occurrence of unexpected heavy downpour somehow connected to climate-change phenomena is also on the increasing trend. Ironically, despite that Malaysians have suffered significant monetary losses as a result of the recurring floods in past many decades, little has been done by the government from the perspective of taxation. Perhaps due to political reason or as a populist measure, the federal and local government are more inclined to offer small cash handout then rolling out long-term tax policy or measure in relieving the financial and tax burden of the victims and affected business entities. Except for the one-off tax break granted to affected businesses in 2007, the authors have not found any income tax exemption or deduction order gazetted with regard to flood disaster. Hence, it is imperative for this study to explore the need and challenges of implementing flood inflicted disaster tax relief or credit in Malaysia. This research consists of two major parts. First, the assessment of relevant tax policies/ measures with regard to non-government organisations and other affected parties. Content and thematic analyses will be applied on current tax legislations and orders issued for this part. Second, a comparative analysis will be conducted benchmarking various disaster tax reliefs and credits implemented in developed countries. Resulting from the increasing climate change-related disasters in Malaysia, the findings of this study will shed light on the importance of introducing disaster tax relief measures to assist individual victims as well as the affected businesses.

Keywords: climate-changed related disaster, disaster tax credits, tax relief for victims, tax measures for disaster recovery

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Authors: Maiss Razem

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The construction sector is considered a major consumer of materials that undergoes processes of extraction, processing, transportation, and maintaining when used in buildings. Several metrics have been devised to capture the environmental impact of the materials consumed during construction using lifecycle thinking. Rarely has the materiality of this sector been explored qualitatively and systemically. This paper aims to explore socio-cultural forces that drive the use of certain materials in the Jordanian construction industry, using practice theory as a heuristic method of analysis, more specifically Shove et al. three-element model. By conducting semi-structured interviews with architects, the results unravel contextually embedded routines when determining qualities of three materialities highlighted herein; stone, glass and spatial openness. The study highlights the inadequacy of only using efficiency as a quantitative metric of sustainable materials and argues for the need to link material consumption with socio-economic, cultural, and aesthetic driving forces. The operationalization of practice theory by tracing materials’ lifetimes as they integrate with competencies and meanings captures dynamic engagements through the analyzed routines of actors in the construction practice. This study can offer policymakers better-nuanced representation to green this sector beyond efficiency rhetoric and quantitative metrics.

Keywords: architects' practices, construction materials, Jordan, practice theory

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Authors: Kamil Jonski

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Last year vividly demonstrated, that populism and political instability can endanger democratic institutions in countries regarded as democratic transition champions (Poland) or cornerstones of liberal order (UK, US). So called ‘illiberal democracy’ is winning hearts and minds of voters, keen to believe that rule of strongman is a viable alternative to perceived decay of western values and institutions. These developments pose a serious threat to the democratic institutions (including rule of law), proven critical for both personal freedom and economic development. Although scholars proposed some structural explanations of the illiberal wave (notably focusing on inequality, stagnant incomes and drawbacks of globalization), they seem to have little predictive value. Indeed, events like Trump’s victory, Brexit or Polish shift towards populist nationalism always came as a surprise. Intriguingly, in the case of US election, simple rules like ‘Bread and Peace model’ gauged prospects of Trump’s victory better than pundits and pollsters. This paper attempts to compile set of indicators, in order to gauge various democracies’ vulnerability to populism, instability and pursuance of ‘illiberal’ projects. Among them, it identifies the gap between consensus assessment of institutional performance (as measured by WGI indicators) and citizens’ subjective assessment (survey based confidence in institutions). Plotting these variables against each other, reveals three clusters of countries – ‘predictable’ (good institutions and high confidence, poor institutions and low confidence), ‘blind’ (poor institutions, high confidence e.g. Uzbekistan or Azerbaijan) and ‘disillusioned’ (good institutions, low confidence e.g. Spain, Chile, Poland and US). It seems that this clustering – carried out separately for various institutions (like legislature, executive and courts) and blended with economic indicators like inequality and living standards (using PCA) – offers reasonably good watchlist of countries, that should ‘expect the unexpected’.

Keywords: illiberal democracy, populism, political instability, political risk measurement

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Authors: Y. A. Kumar

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Environmental awareness issues in Kazakhstan are one of the most undermined topics both among the public community and in terms of state rhetoric. In the context of official state documents, so far only two official environmental codes and national programs called Zhasyl Kazakhstan were introduced in the country in 2021. While on the one hand the Environmental Code was introduced with the purpose to modernize, frame and enlist main legislative aspects on various sectors of environmental law in Kazakhstan, on the other hand, the Zhasyl Kazakhstan Program has been implemented as a state program to address with numerous environmental projects various environmental issues ranging from air pollution to waste management as well as aspects related to ecological education and low environmental awareness matters. In this regard, the main goal of this paper is to analyze critically the main content of both of these documents with a particular focus on sections related to environmental awareness-raising aspects. For that, this paper applied a subjective-based content analysis in order to identify interesting insights on regulatory legal aspects, future research streams, and uncovering of improved legislative frameworks in the context of an environmental awareness issue. Apart from that, five open-ended questions were sent out to the Ministry of Ecology, Geology and Natural Resources to obtain primary data on the state’s view in regards to current previous, recent and future aspects of environmental awareness issues in the country.

Keywords: Kazakhstan, environmental awareness, environmental code, Zhasyl Kazakhstan, content analysis

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Authors: Claudia Donoso

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This study compares the restriction of mobility of migrants and asylum seekers during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States and Ecuador. Based on the discourse analysis of anti-migrant rhetoric in press articles, migrant stories in the press, reports, and border control practices, the study examines the Ecuadorian government’s response to the migration flow of Venezuelans and the United States enforcement practices against Latin American asylum seekers. By exploring Giorgio Agamben’s concept of bare life, the article argues that this failure to protect mobility rights is due to the United States and Ecuador’s views of forced migrants as bare life and carriers of the virus, justifying xenophobia, resistance to humanitarian international law, and exceptionalism. By drawing on a feminist intersectional approach, the study adds to recent research on the securitization of forced migration and challenge the race/ethnicity, immigration status, class, and nationality-based discrimination of the measures undertaken during the pandemic. The article illustrates how the treatment of forced migrants as bare life was aggravated by their intersectional inequalities. It concludes by providing recommendations that could be enforced by the US and Ecuadorian governments to protect the right to freedom of mobility.

Keywords: bare life, intersectionality, mobility rights, COVID-19, Ecuador, United States

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Authors: Marc Arthur Bien Aimé, Julio da Silveira Moreira

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This study examines the political speech in Haiti over the course of the decade 2011-2021, focusing on the speeches of the presidents Michel J. Martelly and Jovenel Moïse and their impacts on their awareness collective. In using a qualitative approach, we have analyzed the speech of the president pronounced in response to the political instability of countries, as well as interviews with a group of 20 Haitians living in Port- Au-Prince. Our results put in evidence their complex relationship between politics, awareness collective, and the influence of the powers imperialists. We show that the situation in Haiti's disastrous social and political situation is driven by personal political interests and the absence of a state political project. Moreover, the speeches of the president’s analysis are meaningless, transforming concepts such as social progress and justice in simple words. This political rhetoric contributes to the domination symbolic of the population of Haitian. This study is also linked to the theme “Constitutions, processes democratic and critical of the state in Latin America,” emphasizing the importance of analysis of political speech to understand the complexities of the democratic process and criticism of the State in their Latin American region. We suggest future research to deepen our understanding of these political dynamics and their impact on public policies and developments of the constitutions throughout Latin America.

Keywords: political discourse, conscience collective, inequality social, democratic processes, constitutions, Haiti

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: James Moir

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Recent evidence suggests that academic staff face difficulties in applying new technologies as a means of assessing higher order assessment outcomes such as critical thinking, problem solving and creativity. Although higher education institutional mission statements and course unit outlines purport the value of these higher order skills there is still some question about how well academics are equipped to design curricula and, in particular, assessment strategies accordingly. Despite a rhetoric avowing the benefits of these higher order skills, it has been suggested that academics set assessment tasks up in such a way as to inadvertently lead students on the path towards lower order outcomes. This is a controversial claim, and one that this papers seeks to explore and critique in terms of challenging the conceptual basis of assessing higher order skills through new technologies. It is argued that the use of digital media in higher education is leading to a focus on students’ ability to use and manipulate of these products as an index of their flexibility and adaptability to the demands of the knowledge economy. This focus mirrors market flexibility and encourages programmes and courses of study to be rhetorically packaged as such. Curricular content has become a means to procure more or less elaborate aggregates of attributes. Higher education is now charged with producing graduates who are entrepreneurial and creative in order to drive forward economic sustainability. It is argued that critical independent learning can take place through the democratisation afforded by cultural and knowledge digitization and that assessment needs to acknowledge the changing relations between audience and author, expert and amateur, creator and consumer.

Keywords: higher education, curriculum, new technologies, assessment, higher order skills

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Authors: Randy S. Magdaluyo, Lea M. Cabar, Jefferson Q. Correa

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One recurring issue in ESL writing is the confusing differences in the writing conventions of the first language and the target language. Culture may play an intriguing role in specifying writing features and structures that ESL writers have to follow. Although writing is typically organized in a three-part structure with introduction, body, and conclusion, it is important to analyze the complex nature of ESL writing. This study investigated the organizational features and structures of argumentative essays written in English by thirty college ESL students from three linguistic backgrounds (Cebuano, Chavacao, and Tausug) in a Philippine university. The nature of word order and sentence construction in the students’ essays and the specific components of the introduction, body, and conclusion were quantitatively and qualitatively analyzed based on ESL writing models. Focus group discussions were also conducted to help clarify the possible influence of students’ first language on the ways their essays were conceptualized and organized. Results indicate that while there was no significant difference in the overall introduction, body, and conclusion in all essays, the sentence length was interestingly different for each linguistic group of ESL students, and the word order was notably inconsistent with the S-V-O pattern of the target language. The first language was also revealed to have a facilitative role in the cognitive translation process of these ESL students. As such, implications for a multicultural writing pedagogy was discussed and recommended considering both the students’ native resources in their first language and the ESL writing models in their target language.

Keywords: community funds of knowledge, contrastive rhetoric, ESL writing, multicultural writing pedagogy

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Authors: Dilara Balcı Gulpinar

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History, which can be defined as the narrative of the past, is a process of reproduction that takes place in current time. Scientificness of historiography is controversial for reasons such as the fact that the historian makes choices and comments; even the reason for choosing the subject distracts him/her from objectivity. Historians may take advantage of the current values, cannot be able to afford to contradict society and/or face pressures of dominant groups. In addition, due to the lack of documentation, interpretation, and fiction are used to integrate historical events that seem disconnected. In this respect, there are views that relate history to narrative arts rather than positive sciences. Popular historical films, which are visual historical representations, appeal to wider audiences by taking advantage of visuality, dramatic fictional narrative, various effects, music, stars, and other populist elements. Historical film, which does not claim to be scientific and even has the freedom to distort historical reality, can be perceived as reality itself and becomes an indispensable resource for individual and social memory. The ideological discourse of popular films is not only impressive and manipulative but also changeable. Socio-cultural and political changes can transform the representation of history in films extremely sharply and rapidly. In accordance with the above-mentioned hypothesis, this study is aimed at examining Turkish historical films about the conquest of Istanbul, using methods of historical and social analysis. İstanbul’un Fethi (Conquest of Istanbul, Aydin Arakon, 1953), Kuşatma Altında Aşk (Love Under Siege, Ersin Pertan, 1997) and Fetih 1453 (Conquest 1453, Faruk Aksoy, 2012) are the only three films in Turkish cinema that revolve around the said conquest, therefore constituting the sample of this study. It has been determined that real and fictional events, as well as characters, both focused and ignored, differ from one another in each film. Such significant differences in the dramatic and cinematographic structure of these three films shot respectively in the 50s, 90s, and 2010s show that the representation of history in popular cinema has altered throughout the years, losing its aspect of objectivity.

Keywords: cinema, conquest of Istanbul, historical film, representation

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Authors: Haian Dukhan

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The death of Hafez al-Assad and the ascension of his son, Bashar, to rule brought an end to the state-society dynamics that his father worked on for decades. Hafez al-Assad built an authoritarian state that rests on patronage networks that connected his regime to the society. During Bashar’s reign, these patronage relationships have been affected by the policies of privatization and liberalization. Privatization and liberalisation of the economy have created new economic and social players that transformed the populist nature of the authoritarian regime into a regime that is connected mainly with bourgeoisie and the upper class neglecting the rural tribal constituency that was a vital part of Hafez al-Assad’s authoritarian state. Drawing on different data gathered through interviews as well as written literature, this paper will explore the policies that Bashar al-Assad carried out towards the Arab tribes in the period extended from 2000 until 2010. The paper starts by outlining how Bashar al-Assad narrowed the coalition of his rule to depend mainly on his family, the city merchants excluding the lower and middle strata in the periphery. It will then trace the disintegration of the social contract between the regime and the Arab tribe as a result of the latter’s failure to deliver adequate development services in their regions. Losing the support of the tribes undermined the stability of the regime resulting in different clashes between the tribes themselves, the tribes and the Kurds, the tribes and the druze (a sect of Islam situated in Southern Syria), which will be investigated in detail in this paper. In similar policies adopted by his father who used the tribes as leverage against the Islamists and the Kurds, Bashar al-Assad’s regime encouragement of Syrian tribal youth to join the Iraqi insurgency against the Americans will be explored in detail. The regime’s tolerance of Iran missionary activities in the tribal regions and its accommodation of Islamists group’s activities in those regions have erased the regime’s secular foundation. This paper will argue that Bashar al-Assad’s policies towards the Arab tribes have chipped away the regime’s ideological pillars and threatened the longer-term cohesion of its social base which paved the way for the uprising to start in the tribal regions.

Keywords: Syria, tribes, uprising, regime

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Authors: Prapaipan Phingchim

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The number of women approaching menopausal age in Thailand is increasing, making menopause an important health topic. In order to understand Thai women's different ways of interpreting menopausal experiences and the way they construct meaning relating to menopause, it is necessary to include the context in which meaning is constructed as well as the background of cultural attitudes to menopause existing in the Thai society. The aim of this study was to describe different discourses on menopause in Thailand that present themselves to menopausal women through the use of language and to analyze linguistic strategies used to represent such identity. This study adopts discourse theory and a close pragmatic analysis to examine the discursive construction of menopause for Thai women. Two hundreds and fifteen pieces of text under the heading or subject of `menopause' or `becoming a middle-aged woman', published from 2010 to 2019, were included. All material was addressed to Thai women, and consisted of booklets and informational material, articles from newspapers and magazines and popular science books. Five different discourses on menopause were identified: the biomedical discourse; the health-promotion discourse; the consumer discourse; the alternative discourse; and the feminist/ critical discourse. The biomedical discourse on menopause was found to be dominant, but was expanded or challenged by other discourses by offering different scopes of action and/or resting on different fundamental values. The discourses constructed and positioned individual women differently; thus, the women's position varied noticeably from one discourse to another. There are seven major linguistic strategies used to construct those identities. That is, lexical selection, presupposition manipulation, presupposition denial, the use of implication, the use of passive construction, using the cause and effect sentence structure, and rhetoric questions.

Keywords: discourse analysis, discursive construction, menopause, Thai women

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