Search results for: liberal political ideology

Authors: Maryam Pirdehghan

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During the Ba'ath Party's rule in Iraq, propaganda was utilized to justify and to promote Saddam Hussein's image in the collective memory as the greatest Arab leader. Consequently, urban walls were routinely covered with images of Saddam. Relying on these images, the regime aimed to provide a basis for evoking meanings in the public opinion, which would supposedly strengthen Saddam’s power and reconstruct facts to legitimize his political ideology. Nonetheless, Saddam was not always portrayed with common and explicit elements but in certain periods of his rule, the paintings depicted him in an unusual context, where various historical and contemporary elements were combined in a narrative background. Therefore, an understanding of the implied socio-political references of these elements is required to fully elucidate the impact of these images on forming the memory and collective unconscious of the Iraqi people. To obtain such understanding, one needs to address the following questions: a) How Saddam Hussein is portrayed in mural during his rule? b) What of elements and mythical-historical narratives are found in the paintings? c) Which Saddam's political views were subject to the collective memory through mural? Employing visual semiotics, this study reveals that during Saddam Hussein's regime, the paintings were initially simple portraits but gradually transformed into narrative images, characterized by a complex network of historical, mythical and religious elements. These elements demonstrate the transformation of a secular-nationalist politician into a Muslim ruler who tried to instill three major policies in domestic and international relations i.e. the arabization of Iraq, as well as the propagation of pan-arabism ideology (first period), the implementation of anti-Israel policy (second period) and the implementation of anti-American-British policy (last period).

Keywords: Ba'ath Party, Saddam Hussein, mural, Iraq, propaganda, collective memory

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Authors: Jun Xu, Haiyan Xiao

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The Analects (Lunyu) is one of the most recognized Confucian classics and one of the earliest Chinese classics that have been translated into English and known to the West. Research on the translation of The Analects has witnessed a transfer from the comparison of the text and language to a wider description of social and cultural contexts. Mainly on the basis of Legge and Waley’s translations of The Analects, this paper integrates Lefevere’s theory of rewriting and Verschueren’s theory of adaptation and explores the influence of ideology and poetics on the translation. It analyses how translators make adaptive decisions in the manipulation of ideology and poetics. It is proved that the English translation of The Analects is the translators’ initiative rewriting of the original work, which is a selective and adaptive process in the multi-layered contexts of the target language. The research on the translation of classics should include both the manipulative factors and translator’s initiative as well.

Keywords: The Analects, ideology, poetics, rewriting, adaptation

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Authors: Galit Truman Zinman

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The 'Islamic State' (IS) is one of the most successful jihadist groups in the modern history. The 'Islamic State' strives to realize the idea of erasing the borders between Muslim countries and establishing a wide Islamic caliphate. The 'Islamic State' is based on religious unity and opposition to existing political order. In this paper, the main argument is that the 'Islamic State' is characterized by two significant tendencies of state-building: preservation and change. The methodology of this study is based on the process tracing method and the analysis of primary sources: decisions, announcements and speeches of religious leaders of the Islamic State, slogans, rituals and symbols, audio and video clips produced by the Al-Hayat Media Center, films distributed on YouTube, as well as the content analysis of Dabiq`s articles (IS official Journal) and nasheeds (jihadi songs). The major findings of this study indicate that in practice the 'Islamic State' uses the same socio-political functions typical to the modern state (preservation), but introduces a different religious-ideological content (change). On the one hand, there is a preservation of the principles of existing modern state. Even with the rejection of secularization, globalization, and nationalism, there is an establishment of typical modern nation-state patterns. It is still a state entity, which has an ideological infrastructure, territory, population, governance and a monopoly on the use of violence, security services, justice system, tax collection, etc. All these functions characterize the modern state, and despite the desire of the 'Islamic State' to create a new kind of state, it reminds patterns of the typical modern nation-state. As for the religious-ideological content of the new state, here we can see a tendency of great change. The 'Islamic State' aims to create an Islamic caliphate which would allow the establishment of religious law and order, under a big commitment to return civilization to a seventh-century environment. The 'Islamic State' favors the fight against Western culture and its liberal ideology. It supports the struggle for global jihad against the unbelievers. Today, despite the territorial 'contraction' and the undermining of the organization's governance in Iraq and Syria, the 'Islamic State' continues to maintain its brand among jihadist activists around the world.

Keywords: Islamic State, Islamic caliphate, modern nation-state, religious law and order

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Authors: Modestus Queen

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As we know, diplomatic languages carry the political ideology and cultural stance of the country. Knowing that China's diplomatic discourse is complicated and is heavily flavored with Chinese characteristics, one of the core goals of President Xi's administration is to properly tell the story of China. This cannot be done without proper translation or interpretation of major Chinese diplomatic concepts. Therefore, this research seeks to interpret the relevance of "Yi" as used in "Zhèngquè Yì Lì Guān". The author argues that it is not enough to translate a document but that it must be properly interpreted to portray it as political, economic, cultural and diplomatic relevant to the target audience, in this case, African people. The first finding in the current study indicates that literal translation is a bad strategy, especially in Chinese diplomatic discourses. The second finding indicates that "Yi" can be used as a framework to analyze Sino-Africa relations from economic, social and political perspectives, and the third finding indicates that "Yi" is the guiding principle of China's foreign policy towards Africa.

Keywords: Yi, justice, China-Africa, interpretation, diplomatic discourse, discourse reconstruction

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Authors: Masoud Hassanzade Novin, Bahloul Salmani

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Translation cannot be considered as a simple linguistic act. Through the rise of descriptive approach in the late 1970s and 1980s, translation process managed to meet the requirements of social aspects as well as linguistic approaches. To have the translation considered as the cross-cultural communication through which various cultures communicate in ideological and cultural constraints, the contrastive analysis was conducted in this paper to reveal the distortions imposed in the translated texts. The corpus of the study involved the novel 1984 written by George Orwell and its Persian translated texts which were analyzed through the qualitative type of the research based on critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Toury's norms as well as Lefever's concepts of ideology. Results of the study revealed the point that ideology and the cultural constraints were considered as an important stimulus which can control the process of the translation.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, ideology, norms, translated texts

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Authors: Anton Andreev

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: Reagan Rodriguez

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The following research is a case study of two white patients with white extremist values and their Latina Clinician. Researchers suggest that white supremacy as an ideology has been documented in the United States since the early 1800s. Ethnicity and race were growing key factors linked to central motives behind hate crimes in U.S., which may suggest that we are living in another wave of white supremacist and domestic terrorism that seek to eradicate a threatening and dangerous “other”. This research seeks to address and contribute a qualitative perspective to white supremacist ideology within a bio-psycho-social framework. The current research seeks to contribute to address the gap in literature on ethnic minority clinicians and white patients with racist ideology. The research also seeks to examine the themes not commonly found in racially matched and gendered matched therapeutic dyads where patients hold white extremist values. This case study examines white supremacist ideology from a psychodynamic perspective, examining themes such as “feeling forgotten”, reduced empathy related to “broken promises”, sexualization of the passing minority counselor, and utilizing minimal autonomy in verbal and non-verbal signals. A thematic analysis of case notes and quotes are used to further contextualize emerging therapeutic themes and the psychodynamic analysis of the manifestation of white supremacist actions ranging from active to passive forms of violence.

Keywords: case study, extremism, race and gender, white supremacist ideology

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Authors: Siavash Soltani Hemmat

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Although 21st-century humanity is at the height of technology and has stepped toward the endless boundaries of knowledge, there are still people in many parts of the world who are deprived of even the most fundamental freedoms. Whereas without freedom, no possible meaning can be imagined for human life, none of the human talents will have the chance to flourish, and that man will be reduced to the level of an animal, removing the obstacles to human freedom, especially from the viewpoint of thoughts, is of utmost importance, in which the liberal ideas of the modern centuries have played an incomparable role. The aim of the present study is to introduce and explain the liberal ideas in the modern centuries and their role in the expansion of human freedoms in order to weaken and discredit the ideological and intellectual barriers to restricting the freedom of individuals and to pave the way for the liberation of humanity. A descriptive method has been employed in order to achieve the objectives of the research. Besides, for data collection, a library method has been conducted. In this study, three ideological teachings of the social contract , resistance against unjust governance and natural law were recognized as the foundations of the realization of fundamental freedoms of the people in the modern centuries and their content was explained and examined.

Keywords: freedom, natural law, social contract, resistance

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: Jie Zheng, Ruifeng Luo

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The United States is the world’s most developed economy with the strongest military power. China is the fastest growing country with growing comprehensive strength and its economic strength is second only to the US. However, the conflict between them is getting serious in recent years. President’s address is the representative of a nation’s ideology. The paper has built up a small sized corpus of President Xi Jinping and Trump’s speech in Davos to investigate their respective use and types of metaphors and calculate the respective percentage of each type of metaphor. The result shows President Xi Jinping employs more metaphors than Trump. The metaphors of Xi includes “building” metaphor, “plant” metaphor, “journey” metaphor, “ship” metaphor, “traffic” metaphor, “nation is a person” metaphor, “show” metaphor, etc while Trump’s comprises “war” metaphor, “building” metaphor, “journey” metaphor, “traffic” metaphor, “tax” metaphor, “book” metaphor, etc. After investigating metaphor use differences, the paper makes an analysis of the underlying ideology between the two nations. China is willing to strengthen ties with all the countries all over the world and has built a platform of development for them and itself to go to the destination of social well being while the US pays much concern to itself, emphasizing its first leading position and is also willing to help its alliances to development. The paper’s comparison of the ideology difference between the two countries will help them get a better understanding and reduce the conflict to some extent.

Keywords: metaphor; corpus; ideology; conflict

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Authors: Fahimeh Ghorbani, Alam Saleh

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Ideology, politics and art have always been omnipresent patterns of Islam since its early age. The Islamic empire, expanded from China to Andalusia, has instrumentalized art and architecture to enhance political legitimacy of different dynasties or states throughout its history. Quranic verses utilized to convey ideological messages in the major mosques and mausoleums. Iranians had already been employing art and architecture to propagate their political legitimacy prior to Islam. The land of Iran and its art with strong civilizational pre-Islamic history has been profoundly politicized since the rise of Islam in the region. Early Islamic period in Iran has witnessed introduction of a new architectural language, new formulas for spatial configuration in built spaces, as well as new system of architectural decoration. Studying Iran’s Early Islamic architecture helps in better understanding the process of socio-political identity making of Iranian-Islamic culture, and thus art and architecture. This period also set the stage for formation of glorious architectural movements through Persianate world in later periods. During the Early Islamic period in Iran, the innovative combination of Islamic ideology and Iranian Architecture created formidable ideological tools in politicizing art in the region and beyond. As such, this paper aims to investigate the political history and architectural legacy from late Sassanid to Early Islamic period, delves into the ways in which Early Islamic architecture played role in transforming Persian concepts of kingship, administration, and social organization. In so doing, the study focuses on the Perso-Islamic architectural synthesis under the Samanids and Seljuk dynasty as case studies. The paper also explores how the newly introduced Islamic architecture has been employed to address the question of political legitimacy and to propagate states’ political agenda in early Islamic Iran (650-1250). As for the existing literature, despite its uniqueness and significance, Early Islamic architecture of Iran has received little scholarly attention. However, there exists a sizeable body of scholarship on socio-historic condition of the land of Iran during Early Islamic period which provide a solid base for the project. Methodologically speaking, the authors look into the subject through various lenses. They will conduct historic and archival research in libraries, private collections, and archives in Iran and the related neighbouring countries in Persian, Arabic and English. The methods of visual and formal analysis are applied to examine architectural features of the period. There are also a high number of intriguing, yet poorly examined, published and unpublished documents, old plans, drawings and photos of monuments preserved in Cultural Heritage of Iran Organization which will be consulted.

Keywords: Iran, Islamic architecture, early Islamic Iran, early Islamic architecture, politicized art, political legitimacy, propaganda, aesthetics

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Authors: Raya Sulaiman

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Critical discourse analysis investigates how discourse is used to abuse power relationships. Political debates constitute discourses which mirror aspects of ideologies. The Arab world has been one of the most unsettled zones in the world and has dominated global politics due to the Arab revolutions which started in 2010. This study aimed at uncovering the ideological intentions in the formulation and circulation of hegemonic political ideology in the TV political debates of the 2011 to 2012 Yemen revolution, how ideology was used as a tool of hegemony. The study specifically examined the ideologies associated with the use of protesters as a social actor. Data of the study consisted of four debates (17350 words) from four live debate programs: The Opposite Direction, In Depth, Behind the News and the Revolution Talk that were staged at Al Jazeera TV channel between 2011 and 2012. Data was readily transcribed by Al Jazeera online. Al Jazeera was selected for the study because it is the most popular TV network in the Arab world and has a strong presence, especially during the Arab revolutions. Al Jazeera has also been accused of inciting protests across the Arab region. Two debate sites were identified in the data: government and anti-government. The government side represented the president Ali Abdullah Saleh and his regime while the anti-government side represented the gathering squares who demanded the president to ‘step down’. The study analysed verbal discourse aspects of the debates using critical discourse analysis: aspects from the Social Actor Network model of van Leeuwen. This framework provides a step-by-step analysis model, and analyses discourse from specific grammatical processes into broader semantic issues. It also provides representative findings since it considers discourse as representative and reconstructed in social practice. Study findings indicated that Al Jazeera and the anti-government had similarities in terms of the ideological intentions related to the protesters. Al Jazeera victimized and incited the protesters which were similar to the anti-government. Al Jazeera used assimilation, nominalization, and active role allocation as the linguistic aspects in order to reach its ideological intentions related to the protesters. Government speakers did not share the same ideological intentions with Al Jazeera. Study findings indicated that Al Jazeera had excluded the government from its debates causing a violation to its slogan, the opinion, and the other opinion. This study implies the powerful role of discourse in shaping ideological media intentions and influencing the media audience.

Keywords: Al Jazeera network, critical discourse analysis, ideology, Yemeni revolution

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Authors: Rim Baroudi

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The notion of the context-induced metaphors refers to the role of different contextual aspects (socio-cultural, linguistic, bodily-physical, and ideological) in affecting metaphor production. This has not been investigated in visual discourse. This paper intends to extend the focus of this research interest to study context-induced metaphors in newspapers’ cartoons. It seeks to account for different contextual variables influencing the production of metaphors in cartoons placing special focus on the ideological variable. The aim is to demonstrate how different contextual aspects are conditioned by the ideological variable. The study applied critical metaphor approach to analyse contextual variables shaping the conceptualization of ‘the Islamic State’ in the cartoons of 3 newspapers (Al-Ryadh newspaper, Tehran Times, and The New York Times). Findings have revealed the decisive role of the ideological context in conditioning and priming the rest of contextual variables in the conceptualisation of ‘the Islamic State’ in political cartoons of the three newspapers. These findings bear special importance to the study of bodily-physical and socio-cultural variables inducing and shaping political cognition in political cartoons in a way consistent with the ideological framework within which newspapers operate.

Keywords: context-induced metaphors, ideological context, the Islamic State, political cartoons

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Authors: Saadia Izzeldin Malik

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Lack of ethics is the crisis of the 21-century. Today’s global world is filled with economic, political, environmental, media/communication, and social crises that all generated by the eroding fabric of ethics and moral values that guide human’s decisions in all aspects of live. Our global world is guided by liberal western democratic principles and liberal capitalist economic principles that define and reinforce each other. In economic terms, capitalism has turned world economic systems into one market place of ideas and products controlled by big multinational corporations that not only determine the conditions and terms of commodity production and commodity exchange between countries, but also transform the political economy of media systems around the globe. The citizen (read the consumer) today is the target of persuasion by all types of media at a time when her/his interests should be, ethically and in principle, the basic significant factor in the selection of media content. It is very important in this juncture of clashing media values –professional and commercial- and wide spread ethical lapses of media organizations and media professionals to think of a perspective to theorize these conflicting values within a broader framework of media ethics. Thus, the aim of this paper is to, epistemologically, bring to the center a perspective on media ethics as a basis for reconciliation of clashing values of the media. The paper focuses on conflicting ethical values in current media debate; namely ownership of media vs. press freedom, individual right for privacy vs. public right to know, and global western consumerism values vs. media values. The paper concludes that a framework to reconcile conflicting values of media ethics should focus on the “individual” journalist and his/her moral development as well as focus on maintaining ethical principles of the media as an institution with a primary social responsibility for the “public” it serves.

Keywords: ethics, media, journalism, social responsibility, conflicting values, global

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Authors: Akanksha Indora

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Environmental problems are considered a vital social issue in terms of the world’s problems with pollution, environmental degradation, and resource depletion. And populism is about appropriating the social issues according to the social condition for mobilizing a mass and constructing a ‘general will’. Populism encourages a move towards a common cause, it channelizes the emotions of the ‘common people’ towards a nation and nature. The Gandhian ideology has been received as a dominant ideology and the ‘only’ solution to environmental problems. This paper strives to understand the symmetry of environmentalism and Gandhianismi.e., how the debate on the environment in India has been primarily studied through the Gandhian ideology. The Indian Social Sciences visualize the broader issues of the environment from these perspectives, thus, making it a hegemonic approach. Being anti pluralist rhetoric is major rhetoric in the becoming of a populist. This paper shall focus on the idea that how this hegemonic construction of Gandhian ideology in the debates on environmentalism has contributed to the making of anti-pluralistic rhetoric. This anti-pluralistic rhetoric has eliminated the possibility of a pluralistic perspective in the debates on the environment. The quest for a moral inspiration embedded in Gandhianism, whose situatedness is found in the Hindu Social order, seems to have been completely rationalized through the larger politics of knowledge and thus making it appear as the only way forward when it is not.

Keywords: environmental populism, gandhianism, populist rhetoric, environmentalism

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Authors: Aykut Sigin

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In feminist theory, home is usually regarded as an unsafe place for women to be in, as it continually produces inequalities between men and women, favoring the former, and maintains the patriarchal status quo. The second-wave feminists argued that women need to raise their concerns regarding domestic problems and this eventually led to the emergence of the motto 'the personal is political', pointing out to the fact that the domestic problems one woman experienced were essentially the problems of women in general as the patriarchal ideology manifested itself at home. Although this motto was from the late 1960s, it still holds significance today. In the golden era of the Internet, women could use social media to voice their concerns more easily than ever. Following this line of thought, the aim of this study is to analyze the domestic problems of the women in Turkey during the lockdown caused by COVID-19 through social media as they find themselves at home with their fathers, husbands and/or brothers for longer periods of time than ever before. For this purpose, an investigation of the posts shared under '#EvdeKal' ('StayAtHome') was carried out. The results of the study made it clear that women find the lockdown process to be problematic, that they express their domestic concerns rather freely through social media, and that the inequalities caused by the patriarchal ideology persist in the 21st century.

Keywords: COVID-19, lockdown, home, feminism

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Authors: Rajapaksha J. S. R. L., Rajapaksha R. G. D. T., Ranawaka A. U. R., Rangalla R. D. M. P., Ranwala R. D. E. B., Chandratilake M. N.

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Introduction: Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) patients experience discrimination, insensitivity, and ignorance about LGBT-specific health needs among healthcare providers. Developing the correct attitudes among medical students towards LGBT may help provide them with optimal healthcare. Objectives: This study aimed at assessing the attitudes of medical students towards the LBGT community. Methodology: A cross-sectional descriptive study was among all the medical students in the Faculty of Medicine, University of Kelaniya, Sri Lanka, using a validated online questionnaire. The questionnaire focused on eight areas. The data were descriptively analyzed, and the demographic groups were compared. Results: 358 students completed the survey. The response rate was 34.26%. Their attitudes on traditional gender roles and comfortability in interacting with LGBT people were moderate, and they disagreed with negative LGBT social beliefs. They knew less about the origin of sexuality/gender of LGBT. Although they accepted LGBT as a part of diversity, they discouraged normalizing the social practices of LGBT people. Their acceptance and association of LGBT were moderately positive. A minority has encountered LGBT in close social circles, and the majority of them were batch-mates. Although males’ knowledge about the origin of LGBT was higher, they favoured traditional gender roles more. The religious groups showed no differences. The favourability of attitudes towards LGBT reflected respondents’ political ideology. Conclusion: Although medical students’ knowledge on the sexuality/gender basis of LGBT is poor, they have moderately favourable attitudes towards them. They accept LGBT as a part of social diversity but not their social practices. Poor knowledge, lack of encounters, cultural influences, and political ideology may have influenced their attitudes.

Keywords: medical students, attitude, LGBT, diversity

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Ahmad Khoirul Umam

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This paper investigates the role of vested interests and its impacts on anti-corruption agenda in Indonesia following the collapse of authoritarian regime in 1998. A pervasive and rampant corruption has been believed as the main cause of the state economy’s fragility. Hence, anti-corruption measures were implemented by applying democratization and market liberalization since the establishment of a consolidated democracy which go hand in hand with a liberal market economy is convinced to be an efficacious prescription for effective anti-corruption. The reform movement has also mandated the establishment of the independent, neutral and professional special anti-corruption agency namely Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) to more intensify the fight against the systemic corruption. This paper will examine whether these anti-corruption measures have been effective to combat corruption, and investigate to what extend have the anti-corruption efforts, especially those conducted by KPK, been impeded by the emergence of a nexus of vested interests as the side-effect of democratization and market liberalization. Based on interviews with key stakeholders from KPK, other law enforcement agencies, government, prominent scholars, journalists and NGOs in Indonesia, it is found that since the overthrow of Soeharto, anti-corruption movement in the country have become more active and serious. After gradually winning the hearth of people, KPK successfully touched the untouchable corruption perpetrators who were previously protected by political immunity, legal protection and bureaucratic barriers. However, these changes have not necessarily reduced systemic and structural corruption practices. Ironically, intensive and devastating counterattacks were frequently posed by the alignment of business actors, elites of political parties, government, and also law enforcement agencies by hijacking state’s instruments to make KPK deflated, powerless, and surrender. This paper concludes that attempts of democratization, market liberalization and the establishment of anti-corruption agency may have helped Indonesia to reduce corruption. However, it is still difficult to imply that such anti-corruption measures have fostered the more effective anti-corruption works in the newly democratized and weakly regulated liberal economic system.

Keywords: vested interests, democratization, market liberalization, anti-corruption, Indonesia

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Authors: A. Kok

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The South African experience of the general upsurge in protest movements internationally is characterised by a tension between a neo-patrimonial state on the one hand, and a society with growing middle-class needs and interests on the other. This tension translates into local community service delivery protests – often violent in nature – that have been steadily increasing in number since 2008, student uprisings that have reached their height in October 2015, and various continuing local social #MustFall movements that are geared towards addressing government corruption and transforming neo-liberal structures. As a result, growing citizen (and non-citizen) revolt in South Africa has seen the (i) creeping securitization of the neo-patrimonial state and (ii) the 'top-down' misuse of a current 'bottom-up' people’s ideology, decoloniality, in an attempt by a faction in the ruling party (representing the neo-patrimonial state) to legitimize its actions and consolidate its power. The neo-patrimonial state’s creeping securitization and ideological positioning lead to a further mistrust of public institutions, people’s disengagement with traditional politics, and the creation of a 'parallel polis' by citizens and non-citizens that bypasses the official and oftentimes corrupt structures of the state. By applying the concept 'parallel polis' – originally developed by Václav Benda in connection with the movement Charter 77 in former Czechoslovakia – to a South African case study, it is illustrated that, even in the absence of overt oppression and the use of terror by a ruling elite, entrenched neo-patrimonialism can be potent enough to fuel the creation of various independent parallel public spheres (or, as a whole, understood as a 'parallel polis') to bypass dysfunctional state channels. A flourishing parallel polis offers possibilities for political, social and economic renewal. This is especially relevant in the consolidation of South Africa’s relatively young democracy.

Keywords: decoloniality, neo-patrimonialism, 'parallel polis', protest movements, South Africa, state securitization

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Authors: Ellen Holtmaat

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With an ever increasing influence of international organizations (IOs) on national policies and with the expectation that IOs are the transmission belts of world ideologies it is interesting to see to what extent IOs express a specific ideology and what determines the dominance of this ideology. This thesis looks at the OECD as IO and higher education as a field of policy. Evidence is found that the OECD promotes neoliberal developments in higher education and that its position is influenced by business, dominant countries and the dominant beliefs that are carried by the people working for the OECD that form an epistemic community. These results can possibly be extrapolated to other IOs.

Keywords: higher education, international organizations, neoliberal, OECD

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Authors: Jinhui Bak, Bumjin Kim

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The purpose of this study is to analyze how the scientific and mathematical fields (STEM) and liberal arts (A) work together in the STEAM program. In the future STEAM programs that have been designed and developed, the humanities will act not just as a 'tool' for science technology and mathematics, but as a 'core' content to have an equivalent status. STEAM was first introduced to the Republic of Korea in 2011 when the Ministry of Education emphasized fostering creative convergence talent. Many programs have since been developed under the name STEAM, but with the majority of programs focusing on technology education, arts and humanities are considered secondary. As a result, arts is most likely to be accepted as an option that can be excluded from the teachers who run the STEAM program. If what we ultimately pursue through STEAM education is in fostering STEAM literacy, we should no longer turn arts into a tooling area for STEM. Based on this consciousness, this study analyzed over 160 STEAM programs in middle and high schools, which were produced and distributed by the Ministry of Education and the Korea Science and Technology Foundation from 2012 to 2017. The framework of analyses referenced two criteria presented in the related prior studies: normative convergence and technological convergence. In addition, we divide Arts into fine arts and liberal arts and focused on Korean Language Course which is in liberal arts and analyzed what kind of curriculum standards were selected, and what kind of process the Korean language department participated in teaching and learning. In this study, to ensure the reliability of the analysis results, we have chosen to cross-check the individual analysis results of the two researchers and only if they are consistent. We also conducted a reliability check on the analysis results of three middle and high school teachers involved in the STEAM education program. Analyzing 10 programs selected randomly from the analyzed programs, Cronbach's α .853 showed a reliable level. The results of this study are summarized as follows. First, the convergence ratio of the liberal arts was lowest in the department of moral at 14.58%. Second, the normative convergence is 28.19%, which is lower than that of the technological convergence. Third, the language and achievement criteria selected for the program were limited to functional areas such as listening, talking, reading and writing. This means that the convergence of Korean language departments is made only by the necessary tools to communicate opinions or promote scientific products. In this study, we intend to compare these results with the STEAM programs in the United States and abroad to explore what elements or key concepts are required for the achievement criteria for Korean language and curriculum. This is meaningful in that the humanities field (A), including Korean, provides basic data that can be fused into 'equivalent qualifications' with science (S), technical engineering (TE) and mathematics (M).

Keywords: Korean STEAM Programme, liberal arts, STEAM curriculum, STEAM Literacy, STEM

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Authors: Sahar Rasoulikolamaki

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ISIS (also known as DAASH) is an Islamic fundamentalist group that has been known as a global threat to the whole world for their radicalizing approach and application of online platforms as a tool to portray their activities, to disseminate their ideology, and to commit recruiting activities. This study is an attempt to carry out a critical discourse analysis on the argumentative devices by which ISIS legitimizes or delegitimizes positive or negative constructions of social practices in Dabiq. It tries to shed light on how texts in Dabiq as linguistic elements in the micro level of analysis relate to ISIS’ ideology as the higher-up macro level and in other words, how local structures contributed to the construction and transference of a global structure or ideology and vice versa. Therefore, following the relevant analytical frameworks, the study focuses on both micro-level of analysis of arguments (topoi) and macro-structure of legitimation and delegitimation in Dabiq. This purpose is nailed using the analytical categories and tools provided by Wodak’s Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) such as argumentation strategies (topoi), by which the coded language of legitimation/delegitimation and persuasion as used in Dabiq are explored. The ensuing findings demonstrate that Dabiq rigorously relies on the positive representation of the in-group course of actions and justifying its violence and, at the same time, the negative representation of the out-group behavior through implementing various topoi to achieve its desired outcome, which is the ideological manipulation and powerful self-depiction, as well as the supporter recruitment.

Keywords: argumentation, discourse-historical approach, ideology, legitimation and delegitimation, topoi

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Authors: Yvonne Christelle M. de Guzman, Charity Faye T. Cabie

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This study analyzed the contents of ten issues of Cosmopolitan Magazine from 2011 to 2015. The researcher found out the hegemony among Filipino women as dictated by Cosmopolitan magazine through the use of Semiotic Analysis, Laura Mulvey’s Male Gaze and Gramsci’s concept of hegemony. The researcher also looked at the themes of cover stories, words used to describe women, meanings behind the color of magazine’s front cover, clothing, physique and pose such as gesture and facial expression used by the cover girl. However, the entire content of the magazine was not taken into account.

Keywords: dominant ideology, male gaze, semiotics, women

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Authors: Mohammed Huraysi

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This research will investigate the historical coverage of foreign issues in U.S. newspapers. The study will focus on three main areas, which are coverage of wars, foreign leaders, and human rights in foreign countries, and analyze them by applying the framing theory to news stories about Saudi Arabia, used as a case study, within two different newspapers over some time Wall Street Journal and The New York Times will be investigated and representative of two distinct newspaper orientations, which are conservative and liberal ideological orientations. By the end of this research study, comprehensive coverage of these topics in U.S. newspapers from past to present will be provided, leading to an ability to discover consistency or lack thereof, explain the present, and devise future expectations.

Keywords: framing theory, US newspapers, historical research, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: M. Barsa

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This paper argues that current liberal trade regimes have had the unfortunate effect of concentrating food production by area and by crop. While such hyper-specialization and standardization might be efficient under ordinary climate conditions, the increasing severity of climate shocks makes such a food production system especially vulnerable. Examining domestic US crop production, and the fact that similar patterns are evident worldwide, this paper explores the vulnerabilities of several major crops and suggests that the academic arguments surrounding increasing liberalization of trade are ill-suited to the climate challenges to come. Indeed, a case can be made that protectionist measures—especially by developing countries whose agricultural sectors are vulnerable to the cheap US and European exports—are increasingly necessary to scatter food production geographically and to retain a resilient diversity of crop varieties.

Keywords: climate change, crop resilience, diversity, international trade

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Authors: Syeda Salina Aziz, Tanvir Ahmed Mozumder

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Citizenship is an important concept of democracy which broadly defines the relationship between the state and its citizens; at the same time, it analyzes the rights and duties of a citizen. The universal citizenship principle demands that citizens should be aware of the political system, possess democratic attitudes, and join the political activity. Bangladesh presents an interesting case for democracy; the democratic practices in the country have been long introduced, have been interrupted several times, and the democratic values and practices have yet to be established in the country. These transitions have influenced citizens’ ideologies and participation in decision-making and also shaped their expectations differently. In this backdrop, this paper aims to understand and explain the citizenship behavior of Bangladeshi nationals. Based on nationally representative household survey data of 4000 respondents, this paper creates a composite citizenship index which is a combination of three separate indices, including participation index, knowledge and awareness index, and ideology index. The paper then tries to explain the factors that affect the citizenship index. Using fixed effect regression analysis, the paper intends to explore the association between citizenship and socio-demographic variables, including education, location, gender, and exposure to the media of respondents. Additionally, using national election polls, the paper creates a variable to measure long-term support towards the current ruling party and tests whether and how this affects the citizenship variables.

Keywords: citizenship, political participation, Bangladesh, stronghold

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Authors: Sarthak S. Salunke

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Development, as a notion, is seen in perspective of western philosophical conceptions, and the western developed nations have become a yardstick for setting up development goals for developing and underdeveloped nations around the world. This blanket term of development becomes superficial and materialistic in context of the vast geopolitical, territorial, cultural and behavioral diversities existing in countries of the Africa and the Asia, and tends to undermine the atomistic aspect of development. Indian political theories, which are often seen as religious philosophies, have inherent structure of development of human being as an individual and as a part of the society, and, in result, development of the State. These theories, primarily individualistic in nature, have a combination of altruism and rationalism which guides human beings towards constructing a collectively developed and morally sustainable society. This research focuses on the application of this Indian thought in combination of classical liberal thought to tackle the issues of development in diverse societies. The proposed restructured model of development is based on molecular individualism, instead of atomic individual approach of liberalists, which lets development modelers to target meaningful clusters for designating goals for development based on the particular needs based on geopolitical, cultural and ethical requirements, and making it meaningful in conjunction with global development to establish a harmony between western and eastern worlds.

Keywords: Indian political thought, development, liberalism, molecular individualism

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Authors: Baljit Soroya

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Transnational communities are as a consequence of greater mobility of people, globalization and digitization have had a major impact on international relations and diasporas in the context of external conflicts. To a significant extent conflicts are becoming deterritorialised and informed by both internal (state politics) and external (foreign policy) players such as in Iraq and Syria leading to forced migration of unprecedented levels within the last two decades. The situation of forced migrants has, it is suggested, worsened as a consequence of the neo-liberal policies and requirements of organizations such as the European Bank. A case example of this being that of Greece, and the exacerbation of insecurity for Greek nationals and the demonization of refugees seeking sanctuary. This has been as a consequence, in part, of the neoliberal dogma of the European Bank. The article analyses the complex intersection of the real and perceived threats of international terrorism and the manner in which UK migration policy and Practice is unfolding. The policy and practice developments are explored in the context of the shift in politics in both the UK and wider Europe to the far right and the drift of main stream political parties to the right. In many cases, the mainstream political groupings, have co-opted the fears as presented by far right organization for political their own political gains, such as in the UK and France In its analysis it will be argued that, whilst international terrorism is an issue of concern, however in the context of the UK it is not of the same scale as the effects of climate change or indeed domestic violence. Given that, the question has to be asked why the threat of international terrorism is having such an impact on UK migration policy and practice and, specifically refugees. Furthermore, it is argued that this policy and practice are being formulated within a narrative that portrays migrants as the problem both in relation to terrorism and the disenfranchisement of ‘ordinary white communities’. The intersectionality of social, economic inequalities, fear of international terrorism, increase in conflicts and the political climate have contributed to a lack of trust of political establishments that have in turn sought to impress the public with their anti-immigrant rhetoric and policy agendas. The article ends by suggesting that whilst politics and political affiliations have become fractured there are nevertheless spaces for collective action, particularly in relation to issues of refugees.

Keywords: international terrorism, migration policy, conflict, media, community, politics

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Authors: Rana Mohamed Abd El Aal

Abstract:

This is an exploratory study that aims to answer the question of whether and to what extent the prevailing political culture with a special focus to the factor of political awareness for Egyptian university students is influential in shaping their participatory behavior; more precisely in four main Universities ;(Cairo University- BaniSwif University- BUE University- Suez Canal University). To ensure the validity of my results, I deployed a number of different data collection methods: the collection, analysis, integration of both quantitative and qualitative methods; for investigating two main hypothesis H1: There is a positive relation between the political awareness level and political participation for university students, H2: There is a positive relation between political values in the society and the level of political participation of university students. The study reveals that though the sample represented the portion of political science students in different Universities, the level of political awareness and political participation was low with a statistically significant relationship; also, the patterns of values in Egyptian culture affects significantly the level of participation in the different universities. Therefore; the study using SWOT analysis recommends some policies for increasing the level of awareness and integrating youth in the political process.

Keywords: political awareness, political participation, civic culture, citizenship, egyptian universities, political knowledge

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