Search results for: liberalism

Authors: Omotoyosi Bilikies Ilori, Adekunle Saheed Ajisebiyawo

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After the Second World War, there was an emergence of a new stage of capitalist globalization with its Neo-liberal ideology. There were global economic and political restructurings that affected third-world countries like Nigeria. Neo-liberalism is the driving force of globalization, which is the latest manifestation of imperialism that engenders endemic poverty in Nigeria. Poverty is severe and widespread in Nigeria. Poverty entails a situation where a person lives on less than one dollar per day and has no access to basic necessities of life. Poverty is inhuman and a breach of human rights. The Nigerian government initiated some strategies in the past to help in poverty reduction. Neo-liberalism manifested in the Third World, such as Nigeria, through the privatization of public enterprises, trade liberalization, and the rollback of the state investments in providing important social services. These main ideas of Neo-liberalism produced poverty in Nigeria and also encouraged the abandonment of the social contract between the government and the people. There is thus a gap in the provision of social services and subsidies for the masses, all of which Neo-liberal ideological positions contradict. This paper is a qualitative study which draws data from secondary sources. The theoretical framework is anchored on the market theory of capitalist globalization and public choice theory. The objectives of this study are to (i) examine the impacts of Neo-liberalism on poverty in Nigeria as a typical example of a Third World country and (ii) find out the effects of Neo-liberalism on the provision of social services and subsidies and employment. The findings from this study revealed that (i) the adoption of the Neo-liberal ideology by the Nigerian government has led to increased poverty and poor provision of social services and employment in Nigeria; and (ii) there is an increase in foreign debts which compounds poverty situation in Nigeria. This study makes the following recommendations: (i) Government should adopt strategies that are pro-poor to eradicate poverty; (ii) The Trade Unions and the masses should develop strategies to challenge Neo-liberalism and reject Neo-liberal ideology.

Keywords: neo-liberalism, poverty, employment, poverty reduction, structural adjustment programme

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Authors: Irene Bruna Seu

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This paper draws on a three-year research project investigating everyday moral reasoning in relation to donations and prosocial behaviour in the humanitarian context. The analysis focuses on the principle of deservingness by which members of the public decide who and under which conditions to help and illustrates how the speakers engage in ideological dilemmas. The paper focuses on the theme ‘Something for nothing’ to examine how the position of ‘deserving’ and the speaker’s rights and duties in relation to victims of humanitarian crises are negotiated. Discursive analyses of this dilemmatic storyline of deservingness illuminate the cultural and ideological resources buttressing this construction. They also illustrate how humanitarianism intersects and clashes with other ideologies and value systems. The presentation will focus on the role of Individualism underpinned by Neo-liberalism ideology. The data propose that neo-liberal ideology, which endorses self-gratification, materialistic and individualistic ethics play an important role in decisions regarding humanitarian helping. The paper argues for the need for psychological research to engage more actively with the dilemmatic nature of moral reasoning in the humanitarian context, and to contextualize decisions about giving and helping within the socio-cultural and ideological landscape in which the helpers operate.

Keywords: humanitarianism, individualism, ideological dilemmas, discourse, neo-liberalism, prosocial behaviour

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Authors: Sarthak S. Salunke

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Development, as a notion, is seen in perspective of western philosophical conceptions, and the western developed nations have become a yardstick for setting up development goals for developing and underdeveloped nations around the world. This blanket term of development becomes superficial and materialistic in context of the vast geopolitical, territorial, cultural and behavioral diversities existing in countries of the Africa and the Asia, and tends to undermine the atomistic aspect of development. Indian political theories, which are often seen as religious philosophies, have inherent structure of development of human being as an individual and as a part of the society, and, in result, development of the State. These theories, primarily individualistic in nature, have a combination of altruism and rationalism which guides human beings towards constructing a collectively developed and morally sustainable society. This research focuses on the application of this Indian thought in combination of classical liberal thought to tackle the issues of development in diverse societies. The proposed restructured model of development is based on molecular individualism, instead of atomic individual approach of liberalists, which lets development modelers to target meaningful clusters for designating goals for development based on the particular needs based on geopolitical, cultural and ethical requirements, and making it meaningful in conjunction with global development to establish a harmony between western and eastern worlds.

Keywords: Indian political thought, development, liberalism, molecular individualism

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Authors: Khue Do Phan

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Nike has been confronted by the press with their harsh working conditions, underpayment and highly-labor intensive requirement to their manufacturing workers and hiring of underage workers in Vietnam, Nike's largest production center. To analyze this topic critically through an international relations perspective, theory of dependency will be used to criticize the notion of exploitation of resources from developed countries towards developing countries. Theory of economic liberalism will be used to support the notion private property, the free market and generally capitalism as beneficial to both developing and developed countries. Workers are mentally, physically and sexually abused in the factories. In addition to this, their working conditions consist of improper training, lack of safety equipment, exposure of chemicals (glues and pants), their average wage is below the minimum wage in their country; the workers have to work around 60 hours or more a week. Even Nike says that the conditions are regulated often to make sure the workers get a voice to have their work rights and safe working environment. The monitors come to analyze the factories but in the end talk to the employers, whom are the direct abusers to the employees. Health benefits are rarely granted to the employees; they are forced to pay their bills first then the company will reimburse them later. They would also get in trouble for using the bathroom, taking a lunch break or sick days off because this would mean it would decrease their hours of work, leading to an even lower wage and a really angry employer. Of course with the press criticizing Nike’s lack of respect for human rights and working rights, Nike has been working on policy making and implementation to deal with the abuses. Due to its large chains and a great number of outsourcing host countries, the changes that Nike wish or attempt to make have not be in effect as quickly nor spreading to all countries it holds accountable for in its outsourcing factories.

Keywords: dependency theory, economic liberalism, human rights, outsource

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Authors: Handan Ertaş

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The subject of government reform which is started to be discussed all over the world today has also deeply affected Turkey. Turkey, who aims to come to the level of the developed countries and not to fall behind the change must immediately complete the reform issue. For this, the government needs to be redefined and changed in accordance with the new public administration. In the first part of this study, the new public administration reforms in the world are generally explained and then the reforms in Local Government Regulations in Turkey are evaluated with the method of Content Analysis.

Keywords: reform, local administration, neo-liberalism, globalisation

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Authors: Søren Birkvad

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This paper traces the development of sexual cinematic freedom in the wake of an epoch-making event in Danish cultural history. As the first in the world, the Danes abolished all censorship for adults in 1969, making the tiny nation of Denmark the world’s largest exporter of pornography for several years. Drawing on the insights of social and cultural history and the focus point of the National Cinema direction of Cinema Studies, this study focuses on Danish film pornography in the 1960s and 1970s in its own right (e.g., its peculiar mix of sex, popular comedy and certain ‘feminist’ agendas). More importantly, however, it covers a broader pattern, namely the culturally deep-rooted tradition of freedom of speech and sexual liberalism in Denmark. Thus, the key concept of frisind (“free mind”) in Danish cultural history took on an increasingly partisan application in the 1960s and 1970s. It became a designation for all-is-permitted hippie excess but was also embraced by dissenting movements on the left, such as feminism, which questioned whether a free mind necessarily meant free love. In all of this, Danish cinema from the 1960s and 1970s offers a remarkable source of historical insight, simultaneously reminding us of a number of acute issues of contemporary society. These issues include gendered ideas of sexuality and freedom then and now and the equivalent clash of cultures between a liberal commercial industry and the accelerating political demands of the “sexual revolution.” Finally, these issues include certain tensions between, on the one hand, a purely materialistic idea of sexual freedom – incarnated by anything from pornography to many of the taboo-breaking youth films and avant-garde films in the wake of the 1968-rebellion – and, on the other hand, growing opposition to this anti-spiritual perception of human sexuality (represented by for instance the ‘closet conservatism’ of Danish art film star Lars von Trier of nowadays). All in all, this presentation offers a reflection on ideas of sexuality and gender rooted in a unique historical moment in cinematic history.

Keywords: Danish film history, cultural history, film pornography, history of sexuality, national cinema, sexual liberalism

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Authors: Hakan Akin

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The aim of this study was to examine the policy making process in Turkish Health System. This policy making process will be examined through public policy change theories. Since political actors played in the formulation of public policies also explains the type of policy change, this actors will be inspected in the supranational and national basis. Also the transformation of public policy in the Turkish health care system will be analysed under the concepts of New right ideology, neo-liberalism, neo-conservatism and governance. And after this analyse, the outputs and outcomes of this transformation will be discussed in the context of developing countries.

Keywords: policy transfer, policy diffusion, policy convergence, new right, governance

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Authors: Andi Triswoyo

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The sacred has been a dominant influence in the human lives. International relations, as the mirror of the human relations in a whole, reflected such cases. Inter-state relations has been predominantly how the sacred played the main roles of. The relations between Indonesia and Palestine could be shot as the sacred-analyzed case of inter-state relations. The intimacy of them could be analyzed comfortably in IR normal perspective, such as realism, liberalism, and Marxism. Hopefully, Religion perspective would make better explanation how Indonesia-Palestine relations had so worth. This paper will use some narrative-explanatory stage to elaborate that cases. Moreover, the sacred can give such alternative analyses to interpret how international relations occurred in this time regard of the rise a new theory of International Relations.

Keywords: the sacred, international relations, Indonesia, Palestine

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Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Ugwu Blessing Nkiruka

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This paper seeks to examine Nigerian National Agency for the control of AIDS (NACA) and international response to the control of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria. The paper adopted the Functionalist theory alongside Liberalism and Idealism, but anchored extensively on functionalism. On the response of HIV/AIDS, Functionalist theory advocated for international corporation of both intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations as the basis for the reduction of the virus. the study adopted secondary source of data i.e journals, articles, newspapers and policy briefs to discuss the reduction of the pandemic (HIV/AIDS).This paper discovered that although HIV/AIDS is a global threat, especially to developing countries where the prevalence rate is still very high, yet international governmental and non-governmental organisation have been able to collaborate with National agencies like NACA in Nigeria and respond speedily through diverse initiatives and action plans to curb the spread of the virus. The study therefore recommends greater awareness on testing and early introduction of antiretroviral therapy, proper screening of blood before transfusion, absolute faithfulness among partners. Similarly, sharing of sharp objects like needles, knives and syringes should be avoided at all cost.

Keywords: HIV/AIDS, developing countries, Nigeria, international organizations, NACA

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Authors: Gintaras Mitrulevičius

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This text, which is based on the conference report, seeks to briefly examine the relationship between the concepts of social democracy and democratic socialism, drawing attention to the essential aspects of its development and, in particular, discussing the contradictions in the relationship between these concepts in the modern period. In the preparation of this text, such research methods as historical, historical-comparative methods were used, as well as methods of analyzing, synthesizing, and generalizing texts. The history of the use of terms in social democracy and democratic socialism shows that these terms were used alternately and almost synonymously. At the end of the 20th century, traditional social democracy was transformed into the so-called "new social democracy." Many of the new social democrats do not consider themselves democratic socialists and avoid the historically characteristic identification of social democracy with democratic socialism. It has become quite popular to believe that social democracy is a separate ideology from democratic socialism. Or that it has become a variant of the ideology of liberalism. This is a testimony to the crisis of ideological self-awareness of social democracy. Since the beginning of the 21st century, social democracy has also experienced a growing crisis of electoral support. This, among other things, led to her slight shift to the left. In this context, some social democrats are once again talking about democratic socialism. The rise of the ideas of democratic socialism in the United States was catalyzed by Bernie Sanders. But the proponents of democratic socialism in the United States have different concepts of democratic socialism. In modern Europe, democratic socialism is also spoken of by leftists of non-social democratic origin, whose understanding is different from that of democratic socialism inherent in classical social democracy. Some political scientists also single out the concepts in question. Analysis of the problem shows that there are currently several concepts of democratic socialism on the spectrum of the political left, both social-democratic and non-social-democratic.

Keywords: democratic socializm, socializm, social democracy, new social democracy, political ideologies

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Authors: Julian David Rios Acuna

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This paper seeks to argue that the phenomenon of ‘paramilitarism’ in Colombia exhibits the role of violence as constitutive of the political process of state formation in the country. In order to do this, it takes as its point of departure a landmark moment in the long history of private armies known as the ‘paramilitary’ in Colombia. In 2001, paramilitary commanders, politicians, and members of the military and other branches of state power singed what is known as the ‘Pact of Ralito.’ In this pact, the paramilitary appropriated constitutional and legal language. The paper argues that this appropriation shows that the paramilitary and the state express the same claim to sovereign power and therefore have the same foundation. More precisely, paramilitary power shows itself to base its power on the same foundation as the legal order, namely, extreme forms of violence where death is generative of power. In this sense, the paper shows how, by sharing its foundation, Colombian paramilitarism exhibits that state power in Colombia can be characterized as necro-power as Achille Mbembe understands it. The paper argues that paramilitarism shows state power as necro-power by constituting itself as a symptom understood, following Zizek, as that which both shows and overthrows its own foundation. In this way, paramilitarism shows the foundation of the state, thereby reconfiguring this very state. This reconfiguration, explicitly based on necro-power, the paper concludes, transforms the state into a form more appropriate to the political demands of neo-liberalism. By exhibiting its foundation in necro-power through paramilitarism, the Colombian State turns from a liberal into a (neo)liberal democracy.

Keywords: necro-power, necropolitics, paramilitarism in Colombia, state formation, state power, sovereign power

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Authors: Clara Sabbagh, Nura Resh

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The study delves into students’ and teachers’ notions of social justice (social justice judgments or SJJ), examining how they are shaped by both educational globalization and local (nation-state) conditions. Using the Israeli school setting as a case study, we discuss the status of hegemonic Zionism and two influential perspectives of educational globalization – world culture and the post-colonial critique of neo-liberalism – and derive competing hypotheses about the notions of social justice embedded in them. Against this background, we investigate how SJJ are affected by generation – Israeli teachers and students – and by educational sectors that mirror the society’s major divide: Jewish and Israeli Arab. In order to examine these issues, we used a representative sample of 2000 Israeli students, as well as a sample of 800 social studies teachers. We applied MANOVA repeated-measure for examining to what extent SSJ are dependent upon the type of resource that is distributed (repeated measures) and generational (teachers vs students) and sectorial (Jewish vs. Arab) group variables. As expected, findings revealed that the local context does matter. In other words, rather than being consistent with any of the three perspectives above, findings suggest that respondents elaborate the intersection between global and local traditions by creating various forms of mingled notions of social justice. In other words, Israeli (Jewish and Arab) teachers and students can be conceived as agents who play an important role in recreating national heritages and who differently interpret the ways educational globalization impacts their lives.

Keywords: educational globalization, social justice, teachers, Israel, Arab

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Authors: Grace Rademacher

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Trauma” of the Kingdom of Hungary and the “Lost Cause” of the American Confederacy. Applying Nicole Maurantonio’s articulation of “confederate exceptionalism” and Svetlana Boym’s definition of “restorative nostalgia”, this article argues that, via memorialization and public discourse, both far right bodies flood their constituencies with narratives of nostalgia and martyrdom to sow existential anxieties about past and prophetic victimhood, all under the guise of protecting or restoring heritage. Linking this practice to gamification and conspiracy theorizing and following the work of Patrick Jagoda, this article identifies such industries of nostalgia as means by which the far right in both nations can partake in the “immanent and improvisational process of problem making.” Reified through monuments and references to the Trianon Trauma and the American confederacy, political actors “problem make” by alleging that they are victims of the West or the Left, subject to the cruel whims of liberalism and denial of historical legitimacy. In both nations, relying on their victimhood, pundits and politicians can appeal to white supremacists and distract citizens from legitimate active conflicts, such as wars or democratic rollbacks, redirecting them to fictional, mythical attacks on Hungarian or American society and civilization. This article will examine memorials and monuments as “lieux de memoire” and identify the purposeful similarities between the discourse of public figures and politicians such as María Schmidt, János Lázár, and Viktor Orbán, with that of Donald Trump and pundits such as Tucker Carlson.

Keywords: nationalism, political memory, white supremacy, trianon

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Authors: John Tate

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In 2004, the French Parliament banned the “hijab” in public schools, and in 2010 it prohibited the “burqa” and “niqab” in “public places.” The result was a “secular” outcome involving the removal of these garments, often identified with Islamic religious and cultural practice, from the French public sphere. Yet in 2016, the French local council bans on the “burqini” were overruled by France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, allowing for their retention in the public sphere. Unlike the burqa and hijab bans, the burqini bans produced significant divisions at the highest echelons of the French political class, with the Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, and the President, François Hollande, finding themselves at odds on the issue. This article seeks to achieve four aims. It seeks to (a) explain the contrary outcomes between key French state institutions, such as the Conseil d’État and the French Parliament, concerning the hijab and burqa bans, and the Conseil d’État and French local councils, concerning the burqini bans; (b) to do so by identifying two qualitatively distinct, and at times incompatible, conceptions of laïcité, present within official French public discourse, and applied by these French state institutions to underwrite these respective outcomes; (c) explain why, given these contrary conceptions of laïcité, and these contrary outcomes, the widespread identification of laïcité with “secularism” is both misleading and inaccurate; and (d) provide an explanation why senior members of the French political class were divided on the burqini bans when they were not divided on the nation-wide prohibitions of the hijab in public schools and the burqa in public places. In regard to this last question, the article seeks to ask why the Burqini was “different”?

Keywords: liberalism, republicanism, laïcité, citizenship

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Authors: Tien Hui Chiang

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Along with the predominant influence of neo-liberalism, public managerialism is viewed as a panacea for curing the institutionalized weakness caused by the monopoly of the public sector. In the name of efficiency, its outcome-led approach acquires a legitimate status and, in turn, it transforms into the discourse of performativity, reformulating the souls of individual members into the form of docile bodies who are willing to demonstrate their own ability in organizational contributions. The evaluation system and the organizational reconstruction are viewed as the crucial means for achieving this mission. Inevitably, university teachers are confined within a rigid and bureaucratic setting, in which they do not have too much latitude but are subject to the commands of senior administrators. However, the notion of duality highlights the interaction between structural constraints and agency. If the actor discovers the rules or properties of social structure, he/she is able to transform structural constraints into resources for developing creative actions, conceptualized as an agency. This study was designed for examining how duality operates within this hierarchical arrangement formed by public managerialism. Fourteen informants were interviewed from February to August 2014. The findings show that the evaluation system created the culture of neo-academicalism, addressing excellence in research and, in turn, motivating academic-oriented teachers. This correspondence provided a gateway for them to win honor, dignity, and prestige in groups. However, unlike the concept of duality, this agency was operating within the institutionalized context, regulated by structural constraint. Furthermore, complying with the rule/property of social structure was able to secure their advantages.

Keywords: public managerialism, social discourse, neo-academicalism, duality, structural constraint, agency

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Authors: Dane B. Norris

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This paper offers a reflective and reflexive examination of the lived reality of a group of young white, working-class males engaging in secondary education in England at a time when this population is widely recognised as the lowest attaining ethnic group within British schools. The focus of the paper is an exploration of the development of identities and aspirations alongside contemporary demographic shifts in the British population within the intersection of neoliberal education policies and the emerging ideological conflict between identity conservatism and liberalism. The construction and performance of intersecting social-class, gender, ethnic and national identities are considered, as well as the process through which socially constructed narratives inform identities and aspirations. Evocative autoethnography is then employed to offer reflections on working-class habitus and, in particular, classed and gendered codes that underpin expectations of manhood in post-industrial culture within an education system which seemingly requires the abandonment of aspects of a working-class background, affiliation, and identity. Findings from the study identify the emergence of a culture of hyper-individualisation amongst white, working-class males in schools and a belief in the meritocratic ideologies of the New Right. In particular, the breakdown of the social contract, including notions of political and civic responsibility, coupled with the symbolic violence perpetrated against working-class culture and solidarity in British schools, have all informed the construction of working-class masculinity which values the individual entrepreneur over the collective and depoliticizes students to an extent where a focus on the spectacle and performance of success has replaced individual and collective investment in community.

Keywords: education, identity, masculinity, neoliberalism, working-class

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Authors: Dane Morace-Court

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This paper offers a reflective and reflexive examination of the lived experience of a group of young, white, working-class males engaging in secondary-education in England at a time when this population is widely recognised as the lowest attaining ethnic group within British schools. The focus of the paper is an exploration of the development of identities and aspirations, alongside contemporary demographic and ideological shifts in the British population, in their intersection with neoliberal education policies and the emerging ideological conflict between identity conservatism and liberalism. The construction and performance of intersecting social-class, gender, ethnic and national identities is considered as well as the process through which socially constructed narratives inform identities, values, and aspirations. Evocative autoethnography is then employed to offer reflections on working-class habitus and, in particular, classed and gendered codes that underpin expectations of manhood in post-industrial culture within an education system which seemingly requires the abandonment of aspects of a working-class background. Findings from the study identify the emergence of a culture of hyper-individualisation amongst white, working-class males in schools and a belief in the meritocratic ideologies of the New Right. In particular, the breakdown of the social contract, including notions of political and civic responsibility, coupled with the symbolic violence perpetrated against working-class culture and solidarity in British schools, have all informed the construction of a working-class masculinity which values the individual entrepreneur over the collective, and depoliticizes students to an extent where a focus on the spectacle and performance of success has replaced individual and collective investment in community.

Keywords: education, identity, masculinity, neoliberalism, working-class, intersectionality, autoethnography

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Authors: Sara Dalma Galgoczi, Judith Gabriella Kengyel

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Sex scandals are quite an engaging topic to work with, especially with their judgment in society. Most people are interested in other people's lives, specifically in public figures' such as celebrities or politicians, because ordinary people feel like they have the right to know more things about the famous and notorious ones than they would probably willing to share. Intimacy and sexual acts aren't exceptions; moreover, sexuality is one of the central interests of humans ever since. Besides, knowing and having an opinion about any kind of scandal can change even whole social groups or classes estimation of anyone. This study aims to research the social judgment of some Hungarian politicians' sex scandals and asks important questions like diverse public opinions in the light of gender or delegates’ abuse of power. Considering that this study is about collecting and evaluating opinions from the public, and no one before researched and published this exact topic and cases, an online survey was created. In the survey were different sections. We collected data about party-preference, conservativism-liberalism scale; then we used the following questionnaires: from Zero-sum perspective with regard to gender equality (Ruthig, Kehn, Gamblin, Vanderzanden & Jones, 2017), Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI; Glick & Fiske, 1996), Ambivalence Toward Men Inventory (AMI; Glick & Fiske, 1999). Finally, 5 short summaries were presented about five Hungarian politicians' sex scandal cases (3 males, 2 females) from the recent past. These stories were followed by questions about their opinion of the party and attitudes towards the parties' reactions to the cases. We came to the conclusion that people are more permissive with the scandals of men, and benevolent sexism and ambivalence towards men mediate this relation. Men tend to see these cases as part of politicians' private lives more than women. Party preference had a significant effect - people tend to pass a sentence the delegates of the opposing parties, and they rather release the delegates of their preferred party.

Keywords: sex scandal, sexism, social judgement, politician

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Authors: Kabiru Adamu

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The Nigerian electricity industry was deregulated and privatized in 2005 and 2014 in line with global trend and practice. International and multilateral lending institutions advised developing countries, Nigeria inclusive, to adopt deregulation and privatization as part of reforms in their electricity sectors. The ideological basis of these reforms are traceable to neoliberalism. Neoliberalism is an ideology that believes in the supremacy of free market and strong non-interventionist competition law as against government ownership of the electricity market. This ideology became a state practice and a blue print for the deregulation and privatization of the electricity markets in many parts of the world. The blue print was used as a template for the privatization of the Nigerian electricity industry. In this wise, this paper, using documentary analysis and review of academic literatures, examines neoliberalism as an ideology and model of economic governance for the electricity supply industry in Nigeria. The paper examines the origin of the ideology, it features and principles and how it was used as the blue print in designing policies for electricity reforms in both developed and developing countries. The paper found out that there is gap between the ideology in theory and in practice because although the theory is rational in thinking it is difficult to be implemented in practice. The paper argues that the ideology has a mismatched effect and this has made its application in the electricity industry in many developing countries problematic and unsuccessful. In the case of Nigeria, the article argues that the template is also not working. The article concludes that the electricity sectors in Nigeria have failed to develop into competitive market for the benefit of consumers in line with the assumptions and promises of the ideology. The paper therefore recommends the democratization of the electricity sectors in Nigeria through a new system of public ownership as the solution to the failure of the neoliberal policies; but this requires the design of a more democratic and participatory system of ownership with communities and state governments in charge of the administration, running and operation of the sector.

Keywords: electricity, energy governance, neo-liberalism, regulation

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Authors: Benjamin Newman

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The picture of an adverse contest between two parties has often been used as an archetypal description of the Anglo-American adversarial criminal trial. However, in actuality, guilty pleas and plea-bargains have been dominating the procedure for over the last half-a-century. Characterised by two adverse parties, the court adjudicative system in the Anglo-American world adhere to the adversarial procedure, and while further features have been attributed and the values that are embedded within the procedure vary, it is a system that we have no adequate theory. Damaska had argued that the adversarial conflict-resolution mode of administration of justice stems from a liberal laissez-faire concept of a value neutral liberal state. Having said that, the court’s neutrality has been additionally rationalised in light of its liberal end as a safeguard from the state’s coercive force. Both conceptions of the court’s neutrality conflict in cases where the by-standing role disposes of its liberal duty in safeguarding the individual. Such is noticeable in plea bargains, where the defendant has the liberty to plead guilty, despite concerns over wrongful convictions and deprivation of liberty. It is an inner liberal tension within the notion of criminal adversarialism, between the laissez-faire mode which grants autonomy to the parties and the safeguarding liberal end of the trial. Langbein had asserted that the adversarial system is a criminal procedure for which we have no adequate theory, and it is by reference to political and moral theories that the research aims to articulate a normative account. The paper contemplates on the above liberal-tension, and by reference to Duff’s ‘calling-to-account’ theory, argues that autonomy is of inherent value to the criminal process, being considered a constitutive element in the process of being called to account. While the aspiration is that the defendant’s guilty plea should be genuine, the guilty-plea decision must be voluntary if it is to be considered a performative act of accountability. Thus, by valuing procedural autonomy as a necessary element within the criminal adjudicative process, it assimilates a liberal procedure, whilst maintaining the liberal end by holding the defendant to account.

Keywords: liberal theory, adversarial criminal procedure, criminal law theory, liberal perfectionism, political liberalism

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Authors: Hakam Junus, Natassha Chrysanti

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The international relations theory currently is dominated by the western theoretical perspectives. Although the western theories are often used by many scholars as the universal perspective to explain the phenomena that occur in the world, sometimes the existing theories are failed to explain various issues that occur in the non-western world, for example, in the studies concerning on terrorism issues. Using inappropriate theories to explain the international issues such as terrorism will cause a failure in the decision-making process. The lack of understanding regarding Islamic perspective could be one of the factors that make international society unable to eradicate violent terrorism in the name of religion. Thus, this paper is argued that considering Islamic perspective as one of the major studies in international relations is significant to build a bridge between the Islamic world and the western world. It is believed that enhancing the study of Islamic perspective will create better understanding of the Islamic world and will enrich the study of international relations. This paper is conducted through a qualitative approach, in which data is obtained from the literature analysis. Considering Islamic perspective is important because Islam is listed as one of the major religions in the world. It is also due to the geopolitical spread of the Muslim in the world and the likelihood of the Islamic perspective to shape and influence Muslim’s behavior in the international level. The study of Islamic perspective in the international level is neither to contempt nor to oppose the existing western theories; rather it is needed in order to broaden the perspective in the international relations studies. The Islamic perspective is different compared to the non-western school of thought such as realism, and liberalism in some respects. The Islamic perspective cannot be explained through the lens of rationalist approaches. Compares to the post-positivism international relations perspectives, Islamic perspective is probably closer to the constructivist school of thought. However, the Islamic perspective offers some uniqueness that is not limited to the socially constructed ideas as in the constructivist arguments. This paper will be developed according to the discussion of three aspects that make Islamic perspective different with the existing international relations theories. The first aspect is the main actors in the international level. The second aspect is regarding on what appears to be the most important point for the actors in the international relations. The third aspect is regarding the pattern of relationship between the actors in the international level. In addition, this paper will briefly discuss the perspective of Islam in economics compare to the existing theories in the realm of international political economy.

Keywords: international relations, Islam, non-western theories, societies

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Authors: Ben Main Piotr Ozieranski

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State government spending on pharmaceuticals stands at 1 trillion USD globally, promoting criticism of the pharmaceutical industry's monetization of drug efficacy, product cost overvaluation, and health injustice. This paper elucidates the mechanisms behind a state-institutional response to this problem through the sociological lens of the strategic relational approach to state power. To do so, 30 expert interviews, legal and policy documents are drawn on to explain how state elites in New Zealand have successfully contested a 30-year “pharmaceutical spending containment policy”. Proceeding from Jessop's notion of strategic “selectivity”, encompassing analyses of the enabling features of state actors' ability to harness state structures, a theoretical explanation is advanced. First, a strategic context is described that consists of dynamics around pharmaceutical dealmaking between the state bureaucracy, pharmaceutical pricing strategies (and their effects), and the industry. Centrally, the pricing strategy of "bundling" -deals for packages of drugs that combine older and newer patented products- reflect how state managers have instigated an “incentivization game” that is played by state and industry actors, including HTA professionals, over pharmaceutical products (both current and in development). Second, a protective context is described that is comprised of successive legislative-judicial responses to the strategic context and characterized by the regulation and the societalisation of commercial law. Third, within the policy, the achievement of increased pharmaceutical coverage (pharmaceutical “mix”) alongside contained spending is conceptualized as a state defence of a "social profit". As such, in contrast to scholarly expectations that political and economic cultures of neo-liberalism drive pharmaceutical policy-making processes, New Zealand's state elites' approach is shown to be antipathetic to neo-liberals within an overall capitalist economy. The paper contributes an analysis of state pricing strategies and how they are embedded in state regulatory structures. Additionally, through an analysis of the interconnections of state power and pharmaceutical value Abrahams's neo-liberal corporate bias model for pharmaceutical policy analysis is problematised.

Keywords: pharmaceutical governance, pharmaceutical bureaucracy, pricing strategies, state power, value theory

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Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Abudjana Babiker

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The middle of twenty century witnessed an explosion in public housing. After the great depression, some of the capitalists and communist countries have launched policies and programs to produce public housing in the urban areas. Concurrently, modernity was the leading architecture style at the time excessively supported the production, and principally was the instrument for the success of the public housing program due to the modernism manifesto for manufactured architecture as an international style that serves the society and parallelly connect it to the other design industries which allowed for the production of the architecture elements. After the second world war, public housing flourished, especially in communist’s countries. The idea of public housing was conceived as living spaces at the time, while the Workplaces performed as the place for production and labor. Michel Foucault - At the end of the twenty century- the introduction of biopolitics has had highlighted the alteration in the production and labor inter-function. The house does not precisely perform as the sanctuary, from the production, for the family, it opens the house to be -part of the city as- a space for production, not only to produce objects but to reproduce the family as a total part of the production mechanism in the city. While the public housing kept altering from one country to another after the failure of the modernist’s public housing in the late 1970s, the society continued changing parallelly with the socio-economic condition in each political-economical system, and the public housing thus followed. The family structure in the major cities has been dramatically changing, single parenting and the long working hours, for instance, have been escalating the loneliness in the major cities such as London, Berlin, and Tokyo and the public housing for the families is no longer suits the single lifestyle for the individuals. This Paper investigates the performance of both the single/individual lifestyle and the family/society structure in Tokyo and Berlin in a relation to the utilization of public housing under economical policies and the socio-political environment that produced the individuals and the collective. The study is carried through the study of the undercurrent individual/society and case studies to examine the performance of the utilization of the housing. The major finding is that the individual/collective are revolving around the city; the city identified and acts as a system that magnetized and blurred the line between production and reproduction lifestyle. The mass public housing for families is shifting to be a combination between neo-liberalism and socialism housing.

Keywords: loneliness, production reproduction, work live, publichousing

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Authors: Mernoosh Abouzari, Shahrokh Sahraei

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Electronic government is a way for governments to use new technology that provides people with the necessary facilities for proper access to government information and services, improving the quality of services and providing broad opportunities to participate in democratic processes and institutions. That leads to providing the possibility of easy use of information technology in order to distribute government services to the customer without holidays, which increases people's satisfaction and participation in political and economic activities. The expansion of e-government services and its movement towards intelligentization has the ability to re-establish the relationship between the government and citizens and the elements and components of the government. Electronic government is the result of the use of information and communication technology (ICT), which by implementing it at the government level, in terms of the efficiency and effectiveness of government systems and the way of providing services, tremendous commercial changes are created, which brings people's satisfaction at the wide level will follow. The main level of electronic government services has become objectified today with the presence of artificial intelligence systems, which recent advances in artificial intelligence represent a revolution in the use of machines to support predictive decision-making and Classification of data. With the use of deep learning tools, artificial intelligence can mean a significant improvement in the delivery of services to citizens and uplift the work of public service professionals while also inspiring a new generation of technocrats to enter government. This smart revolution may put aside some functions of the government, change its components, and concepts such as governance, policymaking or democracy will change in front of artificial intelligence technology, and the top-down position in governance may face serious changes, and If governments delay in using artificial intelligence, the balance of power will change and private companies will monopolize everything with their pioneering in this field, and the world order will also depend on rich multinational companies and in fact, Algorithmic systems will become the ruling systems of the world. It can be said that currently, the revolution in information technology and biotechnology has been started by engineers, large economic companies, and scientists who are rarely aware of the political complexities of their decisions and certainly do not represent anyone. Therefore, it seems that if liberalism, nationalism, or any other religion wants to organize the world of 2050, it should not only rationalize the concept of artificial intelligence and complex data algorithm but also mix them in a new and meaningful narrative. Therefore, the changes caused by artificial intelligence in the political and economic order will lead to a major change in the way all countries deal with the phenomenon of digital globalization. In this paper, while debating the role and performance of e-government, we will discuss the efficiency and application of artificial intelligence in e-government, and we will consider the developments resulting from it in the new world and the concepts of governance.

Keywords: electronic government, artificial intelligence, information and communication technology., system

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Authors: Khawla Almulla

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It is noticed that many Arab intellectuals have called to the need and the importance of enlightenment and its application in their communities, such as Saudi Arabia. To every Islamic state, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia represents a strategic cornerstone, since it is considered the cradle of Islam. It is the Land of the Two Holy Mosques: the Holy Mosque in Makkah surrounding the Kaaba, towards which all Muslims around the world turn while performing daily prayers and even travel to if possible in order to perform the Hajj (Pilgrimage). It also has the Prophet'ـ‘s Holy Mosque in Al-Madinah Al-Munawarah, which contains the tomb of Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). Therefore, Saudi Arabia occupies an eminent position among Arab and Islamic countries on a religious level. Saudi Arabia has become the most influential country in the Arab world, since it has one-third of the oil resources outside Central Asia, China and Russia .It is the world’s largest producer and exporter of oil. Discovering oil in Saudi Arabia converted it from an important country for Muslims-only to an important country for the major industrial countries and also the developing countries, as well. For various reasons, the diversity of intellectual currents can play a significant role in each community by way of cultural improvement, the development of civilization and the education of people until they become accustomed to accepting or rejecting opinions or ideas which differ from or oppose their own. In addition, the intellectual pluralism and cultural diversity can play a variety of roles. This helps promote dialogue and understanding between different groups or schools of thought. It can also develop cognitive skills, by exchanging ideas and views between different schools and intellectual currents. However, in Saudi Arabia there is much to oppose this plurality. The situation today shows that having a variety of ideologies and differences of cultures are not considered a reasonable way to develop intellectually as an individual or as a country. Rather the opposite is recommended, such that the ideologies of different groups are enough to bring out intellectual conflict and then to the segregation of society. As a consequence, extremism of thought from the different currents in Saudi Arabia has become apparent. This research is of great importance in its exploration of two significant themes. First, it highlights the Saudi Arabian background, in particular the historical, religious and social contexts, in order to understand the background of each religious or liberal movement and find the core of the intellectual differences between them. In addition, the aim of this research is to show the importance of moderation in Islamic thought in Saudi Arabia by tracing the thoughts and views of Dr Salman Al-Odah, whom he has considered to be the most important moderate thinker in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: Saudi Arabia, intellectual movements, religious movements, extremism, moderation, Salafism, liberalism, Salman Al-Odah

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Authors: Bagam Venkateswarlu

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NMDC Limited, Indian multinational mining company operates under administrative control of Ministry of Steel, Government of India. This study is undertaken to evaluate how sustainable mining practiced by the company fulfils the provisions of Indian Constitution to secure to its citizen – justice, equality of status and opportunity, promoting social, economic, political, and religious wellbeing. The Constitution of India lays down a road map as to how the goal of being a “Welfare State” shall be achieved. The vision of sustainable mining being practiced is oriented along the constitutional responsibilities on Indian Citizens and the Corporate World. This qualitative study shall be backed by quantitative studies of National Mineral Development Corporation performances in various domains of sustainable mining and ESG, that is, environment, social and governance parameters. For example, Five Star Rating of mine is a comprehensive evaluation system introduced by Ministry of Mines, Govt. of India is one of the methodologies. Corporate Social Responsibilities is one of the thrust areas for securing social well-being. Green energy initiatives in and around the mines has given the title of “Eco-Friendly Miner” to NMDC Limited. While operating fully mechanized large scale iron ore mine (18.8 million tonne per annum capacity) in Bacheli, Chhattisgarh, M/s NMDC Limited caters to the needs of mineral security of State of Chhattisgarh and Indian Union. It preserves forest, wild-life, and environment heritage of richly endowed State of Chhattisgarh. In the remote and far-flung interiors of Chhattisgarh, NMDC empowers the local population by providing world class educational & medical facilities, transportation network, drinking water facilities, irrigational agricultural supports, employment opportunities, establishing religious harmony. All this ultimately results in empowered, educated, and improved awareness in population. Thus, the basic tenets of constitution of India- secularism, democracy, welfare for all, socialism, humanism, decentralization, liberalism, mixed economy, and non-violence is fulfilled. Constitution declares India as a welfare state – for the people, of the people and by the people. The sustainable mining practices by NMDC are in line with the objective. Thus, the purpose of study is fully met with. The potential benefit of the study includes replicating this model in existing or new establishments in various parts of country – especially in the under-privileged interiors and far-flung areas which are yet to see the lights of development.

Keywords: ESG values, Indian constitution, NMDC limited, sustainable mining, CSR, green energy

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Authors: G. Iacoviello, A. Lazzini

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This paper focuses on the development of the study of accounting in the Italian education system between the 19th and 20th centuries. It also focuses on the subsequent formation of a scientific and experimental forma mentis that would prepare students for administrative and managerial activities in industry, commerce and public administration. From a political perspective, the period was characterized by two dominant movements - liberalism (1861-1922) and fascism (1922-1945) - that deeply influenced accounting practices and the entire Italian education system. The materials used in the study include both primary and secondary sources. The primary sources used to inform this study are numerous original documents issued from 1890-1935 by the government and maintained in the Historical Archive of the State in Rome. The secondary sources have supported both the development of the theoretical framework and the definition of the historical context. This paper assigns to the educational system the role of cultural producer. Foucauldian analysis identifies the problem confronted by the critical intellectual in finding a way to deploy knowledge through a 'patient labour of investigation' that highlights the contingency and fragility of the circumstances that have shaped current practices and theories. Education can be considered a powerful and political process providing students with values, ideas, and models that they will subsequently use to discipline themselves, remaining as close to them as possible. It is impossible for power to be exercised without knowledge, just as it is impossible for knowledge not to engender power. The power-knowledge relationship can be usefully employed for explaining how power operates within society, how mechanisms of power affect everyday lives. Power is employed at all levels and through many dimensions including government. Schools exercise ‘epistemological power’ – a power to extract a knowledge of individuals from individuals. Because knowledge is a key element in the operation of power, the procedures applied to the formation and accumulation of knowledge cannot be considered neutral instruments for the presentation of the real. Consequently, the same institutions that produce and spread knowledge can be considered part of the ‘power-knowledge’ interrelation. Individuals have become both objects and subject in the development of knowledge. If education plays a fundamental role in shaping all aspects of communities in the same way, the structural changes resulting from economic, social and cultural development affect the educational systems. Analogously, the important changes related to social and economic development required legislative intervention to regulate the functioning of different areas in society. Knowledge can become a means of social control used by the government to manage populations. It can be argued that the evolution of Italy’s education systems is coherent with the idea that power and knowledge do not exist independently but instead are coterminous. This research aims to reduce such a gap by analysing the role of the state in the development of accounting education in Italy.

Keywords: education system, government, knowledge, power

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Authors: Sara Dragisic

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Using the theoretical analysis of the birth of biopolitics that Foucault performed through the history of liberalism and neoliberalism, in this paper we will try to show how, precisely through problematizing the role of international institutions, the model of governance differs from previous ways of objectifying body and life. Are the state and its mechanisms still a Leviathan to fight against, or can it be even the driver of resistance against the proponents of modern governance and the biopolitical power? Do paradigmatic examples of biopolitics still appear through sovereignty and (international) law, or is it precisely this sphere that shows a significant dose of incompetence and powerlessness in relation to, not only the economic sphere (Foucault’s critique of neoliberalism) but also the new politics of freedom? Have the struggle for freedom and human rights, as well as the war on terrorism, opened a new spectrum of biopolitical processes, which are manifested precisely through new international institutions and humanitarian discourse? We will try to answer these questions, in the following way. On the one hand, we will show that the views of authors such as Agamben and Hardt and Negri, in whom the state and sovereignty are seen as enemies to be defeated or overcome, fail to see how such attempts could translate into the politicization of life like it is done in many examples through the doctrine of liberal interventionism and humanitarianism. On the other hand, we will point out that it is precisely the humanitarian discourse and the defense of the right to intervention that can be the incentive and basis for the politicization of the category of life and lead to the selective application of human rights. Zizek example of the killing of United Nations workers and doctors in a village during the Vietnam War, who were targeted even before police or soldiers, because they were precisely seen as a powerful instrument of American imperialism (as they were sincerely trying to help the population), will be focus of this part of the analysis. We’ll ask the question whether such interpretation is a kind of liquidation of the extreme left of the political (Laclau) or on this basis can be explained at least in part the need to review the functioning of international organizations, ranging from those dealing with humanitarian aid (and humanitarian military interventions) to those dealing with protection and the security of the population, primarily from growing terrorism. Based on the above examples, we will also explain how the discourse of terrorism itself plays a dual role: it can appear as a tool of liberal biopolitics, although, more superficially, it mostly appears as an enemy that wants to destroy the liberal system and its values. This brings us to the basic problem that this paper will tackle: do the mechanisms of institutional struggle for human rights and freedoms, which is often seen as opposed to the security mechanisms of the state, serve the governance of citizens in such a way that the latter themselves participate in producing biopolitical governmental practices? Is the freedom today "nothing but the correlative development of apparatuses of security" (Foucault)? Or, we can continue this line of Foucault’s argumentation and enhance the interpretation with the important question of what precisely today reflects the change in the rationality of governance in which society is transformed from a passive object into a subject of its own production. Finally, in order to understand the skills of biopolitical governance in modern civil society, it is necessary to pay attention to the status of international organizations, which seem to have become a significant place for the implementation of global governance. In this sense, the power of sovereignty can turn out to be an insufficiently strong power of security policy, which can go hand in hand with freedom policies, through neoliberal governmental techniques.

Keywords: neoliberalism, Foucault, sovereignty, biopolitics, international organizations, NGOs, Agamben, Hardt&Negri, Zizek, security, state power

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