Search results for: politicized art

Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

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Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: Fahimeh Ghorbani, Alam Saleh

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Ideology, politics and art have always been omnipresent patterns of Islam since its early age. The Islamic empire, expanded from China to Andalusia, has instrumentalized art and architecture to enhance political legitimacy of different dynasties or states throughout its history. Quranic verses utilized to convey ideological messages in the major mosques and mausoleums. Iranians had already been employing art and architecture to propagate their political legitimacy prior to Islam. The land of Iran and its art with strong civilizational pre-Islamic history has been profoundly politicized since the rise of Islam in the region. Early Islamic period in Iran has witnessed introduction of a new architectural language, new formulas for spatial configuration in built spaces, as well as new system of architectural decoration. Studying Iran’s Early Islamic architecture helps in better understanding the process of socio-political identity making of Iranian-Islamic culture, and thus art and architecture. This period also set the stage for formation of glorious architectural movements through Persianate world in later periods. During the Early Islamic period in Iran, the innovative combination of Islamic ideology and Iranian Architecture created formidable ideological tools in politicizing art in the region and beyond. As such, this paper aims to investigate the political history and architectural legacy from late Sassanid to Early Islamic period, delves into the ways in which Early Islamic architecture played role in transforming Persian concepts of kingship, administration, and social organization. In so doing, the study focuses on the Perso-Islamic architectural synthesis under the Samanids and Seljuk dynasty as case studies. The paper also explores how the newly introduced Islamic architecture has been employed to address the question of political legitimacy and to propagate states’ political agenda in early Islamic Iran (650-1250). As for the existing literature, despite its uniqueness and significance, Early Islamic architecture of Iran has received little scholarly attention. However, there exists a sizeable body of scholarship on socio-historic condition of the land of Iran during Early Islamic period which provide a solid base for the project. Methodologically speaking, the authors look into the subject through various lenses. They will conduct historic and archival research in libraries, private collections, and archives in Iran and the related neighbouring countries in Persian, Arabic and English. The methods of visual and formal analysis are applied to examine architectural features of the period. There are also a high number of intriguing, yet poorly examined, published and unpublished documents, old plans, drawings and photos of monuments preserved in Cultural Heritage of Iran Organization which will be consulted.

Keywords: Iran, Islamic architecture, early Islamic Iran, early Islamic architecture, politicized art, political legitimacy, propaganda, aesthetics

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Authors: Ain ul Khair

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In this study, the author situates the formation of the Kashmiri body as colonized in the postcolonial society, on which India continues to execute and maintain colonial practices adopted and replicated from the Western colonial projects. This paper explores the formation of a Kashmiri body as a site of complete dehumanization, which has deliberately been politicized based on its religion, racialized because of its ethnic distinction, and consequently has been subjected to extreme forms of violence. This paper specifically looks at the creation of the Kashmiri colonized body through India’s colonial practices that are in continuity from the Western imperialist colonial projects through the historicization of the careful manufacturing of the Kashmiri colonial body through the lens of the political, legal, geographical, and demographic landscape of India’s colonial project. The paper looks at the framing of the colonial legal framework that informs the construction of the colonized Kashmiri body, drawing violence and religion at the center of it.

Keywords: historicization, colonial body, kashmir, india, pakistan, south asia, religion, political identity, politics, Mahmood Mamdani, Ann Stoler, Fanon

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Authors: Miria Gambardella

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The influence of solidarity demonstrations towards the Zapatista National Liberation Army has been constantly present over the years, both locally and internationally, guaranteeing visibility to the cause, shaping the movement’s choices, and influencing its hopes of impact worldwide. Most of the coffee produced by the autonomous cooperatives from Chiapas is exported, therefore making coffee trade the main income from international solidarity networks. The question arises about the implications of the relations established between the communities in resistance in Southeastern Mexico and international solidarity movements, specifically on the strategies adopted to conciliate army's demands for autonomy and economic asymmetries between Zapatista cooperatives producing coffee and European collectives who hold purchasing power. In order to deepen the inquiry on those topics, a year-long multi-site investigation was carried out. The first six months of fieldwork were based in Barcelona, where Zapatista coffee was first traded in Spain and where one of the historical and most important European solidarity groups can be found. The last six months of fieldwork were carried out directly in Chiapas, in contact with coffee producers, Zapatista political authorities, international activists as well as vendors, and the rest of the network implicated in coffee production, roasting, and sale. The investigation was based on qualitative research methods, including participatory observation, focus groups, and semi-structured interviews. The analysis did not only focus on retracing the steps of the market chain as if it could be considered a linear and unilateral process, but it rather aimed at exploring actors’ reciprocal perceptions, roles, and dynamics of power. Demonstrations of solidarity and the money circulation they imply aim at changing the system in place and building alternatives, among other things, on the economic level. This work analyzes the formulation of discourse and the organization of solidarity activities that aim at building opportunities for action within a highly politicized economic sphere to which access must be regularly legitimized. The meaning conveyed by coffee is constructed on a symbolic level by the attribution of moral criteria to transactions. The latter participate in the construction of imaginaries that circulate through solidarity movements with the Zapatista rebellion. Commercial exchanges linked to solidarity networks turned out to represent much more than monetary transactions. The social, cultural, and political spheres are invested by ethics, which penetrates all aspects of militant action. It is at this level that the boundaries of different collective actors connect, contaminating each other: merely following the money flow would have been limiting in order to account for a reality within which imaginary is one of the main currencies. The notions of “trust”, “dignity” and “reciprocity” are repeatedly mobilized to negotiate discontinuous and multidirectional flows in the attempt to balance and justify commercial relations in a politicized context that characterizes its own identity through demonizing “market economy” and its dehumanizing powers.

Keywords: coffee trade, economic anthropology, international cooperation, Zapatista National Liberation Army

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Authors: Essa Njie

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One of the challenges that Africa needs to overcome for the sustenance of its democratic gains is to separate the state from the ruling party to avoid the latter’s attempt in monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions for political supremacy. But this separation must go along with the process of depoliticizing the civil services (separation from partisan politics) which have been politicized by incumbents to register electoral successes. While researches conducted on the Gambia’s democratic reality tend to have looked at a wide range of challenges confronting the country’s democratic progress, this paper focuses on state power monopolization and its impediment to democratic governance in the country. The paper explores the involvement of civil/public servants in partisan politics in the Gambia. It looks at the intertwined nature of the state and the ruling party as state resources could not be separated from that of the ruling party (lack of separation between political and non-political resources) in both Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh eras, and how such affected the country’s democratic credential. The paper in particular addresses the need for the current government to depoliticize the country’s civil service and concomitantly separate the state from the ruling party by not monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions to galvanize political support.

Keywords: civil service, democratic consolidation, monopolisation, multi-party elections, public institutions, ruling party, state resources

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Authors: Aisya Zaharin

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The reporting of Islam in the Malaysian government-controlled press is complicated and occurs almost daily. This is due to the Islamisation process that has been heavily politicized in recent years. This article analyses media representations of Islam in the Malaysian media through the social responsibility theory. A provocative case study of media reporting on the “I want to touch a dog” event was analysed since dog’s saliva is ritually considered unhygienic by Muslims. This paper will not question the Islamic ruling on the dog’s issue. Instead, it calls for discussions in relation to openness and maturity in religious discourse with respect to the dog’s saliva dialogue in 1937. It applies Hage’s “minor and major reality” to explain the increasing percentage of Muslim who define their own understandings of Islam vs the government’s dogmatic versions. This paper employs Alatas’s method of “sociological investigation in Southeast Asia” by using ethnographic examination on selected mass media. Through Asiacentricity approach, this paper revisited the local framework of Alatas’s New Man encouraging Muslims to engage in knowledge and to appreciate diversities in Islamic jurisprudences. Despite government’s control, findings showed that non-Malay languages and online media are more comprehensive in reporting the news about Islam. Clearly, there has to be a re-conceptualization of Islamic discourses in the Malay-language media.

Keywords: dog, Fiqh, Islamic jurisprudence, Malaysian media, New Man, social responsibility

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Authors: Olivia Martina Dalla Torre

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The aim of this paper is to describe and analyse some urban writings that emerge in politically disputed areas, namely the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and more specifically in Deheishe refugee camp. These graffiti are visible on the walls of houses, all around the camp, and they convey messages of protest but also of hope or claim about the complex political situation in the occupied territories. These graffiti can be then interpreted as political and politicized semiotic resources. In this paper, after having introduced the political situation of the Palestinian Territories in a historical perspective, we will question a specific dimension of these writings, i.e., their multilingual and ideological aspect. To do this, we will focus on ethnographic fieldwork on Deheishe refugee camp and we will draw on the theoretical framework of the critical communication studies which assert that language practices are not neutral and that they need to be understood through the lens of the historical context of production, crossing space and time. By analysing the relationship between the discursive constructions of the messages and the languages used, we will point out some of the possible reasons and functions of the presence of these multilingual discursive productions. We will show that if, on the one hand, these graffiti confirm the huge presence of Western actors in the region, on the other hand, they attest the presence of an international movement against the Israeli occupation and against other struggles as well. Concluding, we will argue that multilingualism certainly represents a diversification of the linguistic landscape and that it gives a transnational and political dimension to the graffiti.

Keywords: communication, graffiti, multilingualism, Palestine, transnationalism

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Authors: Mahitab A. A. Mahmoud

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Despite the international community’s galvanized efforts to achieve gender equality, the Arab world still lags behind for their sustained suppression of diversity and freedoms. In Egypt, homosexuals are defamed and hunted not only by authorities but also by politicized religious institutions and media platforms. The resultant state-sponsored homophobia is reflected in media. This paper offers a critical discourse analysis of the representation of LGBTQs in Egypt’s local news articles and movies in an attempt to investigate the underlying ideology. The results reveal a clichéd portrayal of homosexuals as a social parasite that requires cleansing by the government. LGBTQs are depicted as an outcome of debauchery, unhappy marriage, sexual deviancy, deficiency of masculinity/femininity, absence of the mother and/or father figure(s), abject poverty, excessive wealth, psychiatric disorder, debased instincts, childhood sexual molestation, immorality, deviation from religion, chaos, treason, conspiracy against the regime, to name only a few. This image, which is imposed and sustained by the state, exposes homosexuals to a violation of their human rights by both the police and the society, endangers their lives, breeds intolerance, social inequality and violence, prevents healthy coexistence; and deprives them of living a normal life.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, gender studies, homophobia, homosexuality, ideology, media studies

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Authors: Bülent Diken

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This paper looks to set Ridley Scott’s original film Blade Runner (1982) and Denis Villeneuve’s Blade Runner 2049 (2017) in order to provide an analysis of both films with respect to the new configurations of slavery in the 21st century. Both Blade Runner films present a de-politicized society that oscillates between two extremes: the spectral (the eye, optics, digital communications) and the biopolitical (the body, haptics). On the one hand, recognizing the subject only as a sign, the society of the spectacle registers, identifies, produces and reproduces the subject as a code. At the same time, though, the subject is constantly reduced to a naked body, to bare life, for biometric technologies to scan it as a biological body or body parts. Being simultaneously a pure code (word without body) and an instrument slave (body without word), the replicants are thus the paradigmatic subjects of this society. The paper focuses first on the similarity: both films depict a relationship between masters and slaves, that is, a despotic relationship. The master uses the (body of the) slave as an instrument, as an extension of his own body. Blade Runner 2019 frames the despotic relation in this classical way through its triangulation with the economy (the Tyrell Corporation) and the slave-replicants’ dissent (rejecting their reduction to mere instruments). In a counter-classical approach, in Blade Runner 2049, the focus shifts to another triangulation: despotism, economy (the Wallace Corporation) and consent (of replicants who no longer perceive themselves as slaves).

Keywords: Blade Runner, the spectacle, bio-politics, slavery, imstrumentalisation

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Authors: Ingrid Van Der Heijden, Naeemah Abrahams, Jane Harries

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Background: Women with disabilities are largely missing from global research on violence prevention, yet research shows that women with disabilities are a particularly marginalised group who experience heightened levels and unique forms of violence than men with disabilities, and women without disabilities. They face heightened stigma, discrimination, and violence due to their gender and their disability. Including women with disabilities in violence, research helps inform policy and prevention interventions that are relevant and inclusive. To ensure their inclusion in violence research, we need ethical guidelines that are sensitive to their heightened risk and vulnerability, that recognize the diversity in the disabled population, but that also promote disabled people’s agency in defining their own violence prevention needs and agendas. Objective: To highlight pertinent ethical issues around women with disabilities’ inclusion and participation in violence research. Methodology: Considering the lack of formalized guidelines for research of people with disabilities, we draw from the literature on international ethics guidelines for researching violence against women, and the Emancipatory Disability Research paradigm, as well as drawing from our own experiences from the field in applying the guidelines when doing research with disabled women. Findings: Following the guiding ethical principles of respect, benefit, justice, and do no harm, we argue that reasonable accommodation, capacity, and equal participation need to be considered in conceptualizing and conducting ethical violence research with women with disabilities. We conclude that disability research in the area of violence is highly politicized and must be carefully scrutinized to ensure justice and the contribution of women with disabilities to their own welfare. Implications: We suggest that these issues are practically applied in the field and tested and critiqued to enhance best practice for undertaking ethical research with this particular group. It is important that not only researchers and ethics committees, but also disabled women and disabled organizations, are involved in enhancing and formalizing ethical research guidelines for marginalized populations.

Keywords: capacity, emancipatory disability research paradigm equal participation, reasonable accommodation, research ethics, violence against women with disabilities

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Authors: Frew Yirgalem Mane

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This study has examined Africa’s experiment with authoritarian model of development drawing from the experience of Ethiopia. With the tectonic crisis of neoliberal ideology, the dominant policy agenda in Africa pertains to bringing the state back to development. More concretely, countries epitomized by Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda have been constructing a highly interventionist state with authoritarian character. The central motive appears to facilitate development and salvage people out of appalling and grinding poverty. Each country warrants closer inspection. However, this study focuses on Ethiopia- a country often applauded as ‘Africa’s Great Run’ for delivering socio-economic success over the past two decades. In fact, inspired by East Asia’s including Chinese model of authoritarian development, Ethiopia orchestrated a vanguard party, centralized rent control system with politicized bureaucracy and militaristic mobilization resources for development. This arrangement may explain Ethiopia economic success story as one the fastest growing countries in the world. However, this paper detected, Ethiopia’s attempt to bring the state back in development has precipitated institutionalization of a new breed of authoritarianism and informalization of public institutions. Ethiopia’s model of state-led development may constitute a noticeable shift away from the vengeful adherence to neoliberal policies. However, the manner the model has been practiced proved to be neither smooth nor appears to address Ethiopia’s aspiration for political and economic transformation. Partly, this can be illustrated by recent widespread grievances that fed into the popular uprising and animated opposition against the state. Sources of the grievance are complex, but they are highly ingrained with the way the authoritarian model of development is functioning and also the model’s dis-functioning in terms of benefiting people. In light of these findings, the study has arrived at the following conclusion. Africa’s attempt to emulate development models from other countries is not such a ‘bad’ thing. However, emulation makes sense if it is contextualized and sensitive to complex local socio-economic interests.

Keywords: Africa, authoritarianism, development, Ethiopia, neoliberalism

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Authors: Meszár Tárik

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The aim of the study is to introduce the minority groups living in Iraq and to shed light on their current situation. The Middle East is a rather heterogeneous region in ethnic terms. It includes many ethnic, national, religious, linguistic, or ethnoreligious groups. The relationship between the majority and minority is the main cause of various conflicts in the region. It seems that most of the post-Ottoman states have not yet developed a unified national identity capable of integrating their multi-ethnic societies. The issue of minorities living in the Middle East is highly politicized and controversial, as the various Arab states consider the treatment of minorities as their internal affair, do not recognize discrimination or even deny the existence of any kind of minorities on their territory. This attitude of the Middle Eastern states may also be due to the fact that the minority issue can be abused and can serve as a reference point for the intervention policies of Western countries at any time. Methodologically, the challenges of these groups are perceived through the manifestos of prominent individuals and organizations belonging to minorities. The basic aim is to present the minorities’ own history in dealing with the issue. It also introduces the different ethnic and religious minorities in Iraq and analyzes their situation during the operation of the terrorist organization „Islamic State” and in the aftermath. It is clear that the situation of these communities deteriorated significantly with the advance of ISIS, but it is also clear that even after the expulsion of the militant group, we cannot necessarily report an improvement in this area, especially in terms of the ability of minorities to assert their interests and physical security. The emergence of armed militias involved in the expulsion of ISIS sometimes has extremely negative effects on them. Until the interests of non-Muslims are adequately represented at the local level and in the legislature, most experts and advocates believe that little will change in their situation. When conflicts flare, many Iraqi citizens usually leave Iraq, but because of the poor public security situation (threats from terrorist organizations, interventions by other countries), emigration causes serious problems not only outside the country’s borders but also within the country. Another ominous implication for minorities is that their communities are very slow if ever, to return to their homes after fleeing their own settlements. An important finding of the study is that this phenomenon is changing the face of traditional Iraqi settlements and threatens to plunge groups that have lived there for thousands of years into the abyss of history. Therefore, we not only present the current situation of minorities living in Iraq but also discuss their future possibilities.

Keywords: Middle East, Iraq, Islamic State, minorities

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Christopher Pullen

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This paper explores the significance of British cinema in the late 1950s and early 1960s as offering a renaissance of realist discourse, in the representation of everyday social issues. Offering a rejection of Hollywood cinema and the superficially of the middle classes, these ‘kitchen sink dramas’ often set within modest and sometimes squalid domestic and social environments, focused on the political struggle of the disenfranchised examining poverty, the oppressed and the outsider. While films like Look Back in Anger and Room at the Top looked primarily at male heterosexual subjectivity, films like A Taste of Honey and Victim focused on female and queer male narratives. Framing the urban landscape as a discursive architectural arena, representing basic living conditions and threatening social worlds, these iconic films established new storytelling processes for the outsider. This paper examines this historical context foregrounding the contemporary films Beautiful Thing (Hettie Macdonald, 1996), Weekend (Andrew Haigh, 2011) and Pride (Marcus Warchus, 2014), while employing the process of textual analysis in relation to theories of affect, defined by writers such as Lisa U. Marks and Sara Ahmed. Considering both romance narratives and public demonstrations of unity, where the queer ‘affective’ body is placed within architectural and social space, Beautiful Thing tells the story of gay male teenagers falling in love despite oppression from family and school, Weekend examines a one-night stand between young gay men and the unlikeliness of commitment, but the drive for sensitivity, and Pride foregrounds an historical relationship between queer youth activists and the miner’s union, who were on strike between 1984-5. These films frame the queer ‘affective’ body within politicized public space, evident in lower class men’s working clubs, tenement housing and brutal modernist tower blocks, focusing on architectural features such as windows, doorways and staircases, relating temporality, desire and change. Through such an examination a hidden history of gay male performativity is revealed, framing the potential of contemporary cinema to focus on the context of the outsider in encouraging social change.

Keywords: queer, affect, cinema, architecture, life chances

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Authors: Anar Koli

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After the Paris agreement in 2015, a comprehensive initiative both from the developed and developing countries towards the adaptation to climate change is emerging. The Global Environmental Facility (GEF), which is financing a global portfolio of adaptation projects and programs in over 124 countries is playing a significant role to a new financing framework that included the concept of “climate-resilient development”. However, both the adaptation and sustainable development paradigms remain continuously contested, especially the role of the multilateral institutions with their technical and financial assistance to the developing world. Focusing on the adaptation initiatives of the GEF, this study aims to understand to what extent the global multilateral institutions, particularly the GEF is contributing to the climate-resilient development. From the political ecology perspective, the argument of this study is that the global financial framework is highly politicized, and understanding the contribution of the global institutions of the global climate change needs to be related both from the response and causal perspectives. A holistic perspective, which includes the contribution of the GEF as a response to the climate change and as well the cause of global climate change, are needed to understand the broader environment- political economic relation. The study intends to make a critical analysis of the way in which the political economy structure and the environment are related along with the social and ecological implications. It does not provide a narrow description of institutional responses to climate change, rather it looks at how the global institutions are influencing the relationship of the global ecologies and economies. This study thus developed a framework combining the global governance and the political economy perspective. This framework includes environment-society relation, environment-political economy linkage, global institutions as the orchestra, and division between the North and the South. Through the analysis of the GEF as the orchestra of the global governance, this study helps to understand how GEF is coordinating the interactions between the North and the South and responding the global climate resilient development. Through the other components of the framework, the study explains how the role of the global institutions is related to the cause of the human induced global climate change. The study employs a case study based on both the quantitative and qualitative data. Along with the GEF reports and data sets, this study draws from an eclectic range of literature from a range of disciplines to explain the broader relation of the environment and political economy. Based on a case study on GEF, the study found that the GEF has positive contributions in bringing developing countries’ capacity in terms of sustainable development goal, local institutional development. However, through a critical holistic analysis, this study found that this contribution to the resilient development helps the developing countries to conform the fossil fuel based capitalist political economy. The global governance institution is contributing both to the pro market based environment society relation and, to the consequences of this relation.

Keywords: climate change adaptation, global environmental facility (GEF), political economy, the north -south relation

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Authors: Enrico Maria la Forgia

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Since the 80ies, in specific situations, France’s Muslims have enacted political actions to reply to attacks on their identity or assimilation attempts, using their religious affiliation as a resource for the organization and expression of collective claims. Indeed, despite Islam's internal sectarian and ethnic differences, religion may be politicized when minorities’ social and cultural rights are under attack. French Civil Society organizations, in this specific case with an Islamic background (ICSO - Islamic Civil Society Organizations), play an essential role in defending Muslims’ social and cultural rights. As a matter of fact, Civil Society organized on an ethnic or religious base is a way to strengthen minoritarian communities and their role as political actors, especially in multicultural contexts. Since the first 1983’s “Marche des Beurs” (slang word referring to French citizens with foreign origins), which involved many Muslims, the development of ICSO contributed to the strenghtening of Islam in France, here meant as a Social Movement aiming to constitute a French version of Islam, defending minorities’ cultural and religious rights, and change the perception of Islam itself in national society. However, since a visible and stigmatized minority, ICSO do not relate only to protests as a strategy to achieve their goals: on several occasions, pressure on authorities through personal networks and connections, or the introduction into public debates of bargaining through the exploitation of national or international crisis, might appear as more successfully - public discourses on minorities and Islam are generally considered favorable conditions to advance requests for cultural legitimation. The proposed abstract, based on a literary review and theoretical/methodological reflection on the state of knowledge on the topic, aims to open a new branch of studies and analysis of Civil Society and Social Movements in Europe, focusing on the French Islamic community as a political actor relating on ICSO to pressure society, local, and national authorities to improve Muslims' rights. The opted methodology relies on a qualitative approach based on ethnography and face-to-face interviews addressing heads and middle-high level activists from ICSO, in an attempt to individuate the strategies enacted by ICSO for mobilizing Muslims and build relations with, on one hand, local and national authorities; into the other, with actors belonging to the Civil Society/political sphere. The theoretical framework, instead, relies on the main Social Movements Theories (resources mobilization, political opportunity structure, and contentious/non-contentious movements), aiming to individuate eventual gaps in the analysis of Islamic Social Movements and Civil Society in minoritarian contexts.

Keywords: Islam, islamophobia, civil society, social movements, sociology, qualitative methodology, Islamic activism in social movement theory, political change, Islam as social movement, religious movements, protest and politics, France, Islamic civil society

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Authors: Elizabeth R. LaFave, Grayson Sink, Anna Vassallo, Samantha Mills, Eli G. Hvastkovs

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Throughout history and into modern times, the continuation of male influence over female healthcare has created inadequacies in availability and access to treatments, often further limited in rural communities. The historical plight of women in healthcare can be understood by studying the advancements made by women in the field, both through their career arcs and by delving into the treatments they offer. An early example is the case of Martha Ballard (1735-1812), a midwife in New York who practiced when female practitioners were dismissed in favor of less educated male physicians, which was a well-accepted practice into the twentieth century. In order to overcome these setbacks, a strategy used by some female practitioners was to develop and market their own remedies in an attempt to better serve female patients. By highlighting the compromises and social manipulation of female entrepreneurs, in comparison with the medicines they developed and used, we can map their ability to carve a specific niche for themselves and their targeted customers. The application of modern chemical approaches in a historical context serves to enhance a variety of perspectives within the museum sphere necessary for the comprehension and understanding of the female plight in both medical care and service. In order to further examine the overall bias and scrutiny for women in the medical field, specifically those undertaking entrepreneurial roles, examples of alternative remedies from female founders will be analyzed utilizing these approaches. Modern analytical chemistry techniques, specifically mass spectrometry (MS), have been successful in offering compositional analyses for both labeled and unlabeled ingredients in old medicines. Previously, we have analyzed two forms of alternative treatment options created by male medical professionals to address lingering historical questions of purity and validity. Although primarily sugar based, both Humphreys’ Specifics and Boericke & Tafel remedies also contained unique ingredients, albeit in small quantities, with medicinal properties. Here, we applied the same methodology to study another highly politicized 19th-century debate surrounding the contribution and role of women in the medical profession through analyzing three remedies, each from a different female-led manufacturing company; Mrs. Joe Persons, Lydia Pinkham, and Winslow’s Syrups. Following MS analyses for both labeled and unlabeled ingredients, both Winslow’s and Pinkham’s remedies were similar to their male counterparts in advertisement strategy, targeted customer base, and overall composition of remedy (primarily sugar-based with small amounts of unique ingredients). In effect, these unbiased chemical assessments are used to dissect the rationality of both market and physician criticism for each individual manufacturer through assessment of authenticity, benefaction, and comparison among female entrepreneurs and their aims to enter the medical community (i.e., geographic location, market size). Our work aims to increase collaboration between STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Mathematics)-based fields and historical museum studies on a larger scale while also answering questions of potential bias towards females in the medical community as means of comparison to their male counterparts and in-depth historical analyses to unravel individual strategies to overcome the setback.

Keywords: nineteenth-century medicine, alternative remedies, female healthcare, chemical analyses, mass spectrometry

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