Search results for: Sudanese refugees

Authors: Carly Hawkins

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Forced migration is at unprecedented levels globally, and many countries have implemented harsh policies regarding people seeking asylum. Australia legislates one of the harshest and most controversial responses in the world, sending any asylum seeker arriving by boat to indefinite offshore immigration detention. This includes children, families and unaccompanied minors. Asylum seekers and refugees are detained indefinitely by the Australian government in the Pacific Island countries of Papua New Guinea and Nauru. Global research on the impact of immigration detention has primarily focused on mental health and psychological concerns for both adults and children. Research into Australian immigration detention has largely overlooked the schooling and education of children detained in Nauru, despite refugee children spending more than five years in detention, a significant portion of a child’s life. This research focused on the experience of education for children detained offshore in Nauru from 2013-2019. 21 qualitative interviews were conducted with children, parents and service providers between 2021-2022. Interviews explored experiences of schooling, power structures, and barriers and support to education. Findings show that a lack of belonging and lack of agency negatively affected school engagement. A sense of hopelessness and uncertainty also affected their motivation to attend school, with many children missing school for months and years. The research indicates that Australia’s current policy of offshore detention has been detrimental to children’s educational experiences.

Keywords: asylum seeker, children, education, immigration detention, policy, refugee, school

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Authors: Mette Evelyn Bjerre

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Nordic Exceptionalism is a racial paradigm that inhibits a critical examination of structural discrimination and the daily experiences of minority-racialised Danes. As a result, the category ethnic-Danish is a White hegemonic construct that limits access for multiracial ethnic Danes irrespective of their multigenerational Danish heritage. An anti-immigrant public discourse and frequent racialisation as ‘other’ in social interactions are part of a boundary-making process that sustains White hegemony and excludes multiracial ethnic Danes from a collective national identity. With an analysis of interview data with 40 multiracial ethnic Danes, this research finds that the understanding of race as a category and the salience of race for multiracial ethnic Danes has changed over time concurrently with demographic changes and a heightened awareness of racialisation processes. The older generation is more likely to conform to White hegemony by trivialising racialised experiences. In contrast, younger multiracial ethnic Danes have the knowledge and cultural capital to challenge Whiteness actively. They do this by claiming their multiracial identity as a crucial part of their Danish identity and acknowledging race as a social fact that impacts their lives. Many young multiracial participants also dispute that the public immigration debate is race-neutral and is active in organisations supporting immigrants and refugees. These findings suggest that young multiracial Danes are uniquely positioned to push public discourse toward a better understanding of how Whiteness is integral to national identity and advocate for a broader Danish identity type that challenges White hegemony and Nordic exceptionalism.

Keywords: multiracial Danes, nordic exceptionalism, racial identity, white hegemony

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Authors: Syed Toqueer Akhter, Muhammad Muzaffar Abbas

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Conflicts in Pakistan are a result of a configuration of factors, which are directly related to the system of the state, the unstable regional setting, and the geo-strategic location of Pakistan at large. This paper examines the impact of regional conflict onto the socio-political sustainability of Pakistan. The magnitude of the spillover from a conflicted region is similar in size of the equivalent increase in domestic conflict. Pakistan has gone at war three times with India; the border with India is named as the tensest borderlines of the world. Disagreements with India and lack of dispute settlement mechanisms have negatively effected the peace in the region, influx of illegal weapons and refugees from Afghanistan as an outcome of 9/11 incidence, have exasperated the criticality of levels of internal conflict in Pakistan. Our empirical findings are based on the data collected on regional conflict levels, regional trade, global trade, comparative defence capabilities of the region in contrast to Pakistan and the government regime (Autocratic, Democratic) over 1972-2007. It has been proposed in this paper that the intent of domestic conflict is associated with the conflict in the region, regional trade, global trade and the government regime of Pakistan. The estimated model (OLS) implies that domestic conflict is effected positively and significantly with long term impact of conflict in the region. Also, if defence capabilities of the region are better than that of Pakistan it effects domestic conflict positively and significantly. Conflict in neighbouring countries are found as a source of domestic conflict in Pakistan, whereas the regional trade as well as type of government regimes in Pakistan lowered the intensity of domestic conflict significantly, while globalized trade imply risk of domestic conflict to be reduced but not significantly.

Keywords: conflict, regional trade, socio-politcal instability

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Authors: Bonnie Pollak

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As the world continues to suffer grievous injuries, future generations will suffer from trauma that was inflicted on innocent victims. Trauma can result from refugees fleeing their homes, exposure to warfare, loss of loved ones, and lack of shelter and basic necessities. The Holocaust continues to cause pain even though WWII ended nearly 80 years ago. One cannot forget the inhumane treatment and murder of relatives. The pain and trauma may continue for generations. The purpose of the Final Solution was to eliminate Jews in totality. Though Hitler’s plan was not successful, he managed to cause trauma that will continue with no end date in sight. “The Effects of Trauma and Secondary Trauma,” Trauma can cause life-long challenges, eating disorders, cardiovascular disease, cancer, sleeping difficulties, fear of going outside, guilt, separation problems, and epigenetic changes. Secondary Trauma, witnessing a loved one in danger or hearing about the danger, can cause similar symptoms as seen in primary trauma. The transmission of trauma was demonstrated in children of Holocaust survivors and in communities where oppression was commonplace. We are witnessing a repeat of widescale death and horrific injuries today in Ukraine and in other parts of the world, where concern for pain and trauma is not acknowledged by perpetrators. Lessons from the Holocaust can be applied to help others who have been traumatized by widescale terrorism resulting in death of loved ones, loss of home and shelter, food and other life-sustaining measures. The world must help victims by providing basic necessities but also by using trauma-informed care, focusing on strength and resilience, and helping individuals to feel pride in their identity.

Keywords: transmission of intergenerational trauma, impact on religious beliefs and practices, 2nd generation, identity

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Authors: Vickie Knox

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Since the ‘urgent humanitarian crisis’ of the arrival of tens of thousands of Central American minors at the Mexico-US border in early 2014, the USA has increasingly externalised migration controls to Mexico. Although the resulting policy ‘Plan Frontera Sur’ claimed to protect migrants’ human rights, it has manifested as harshly delivered in-country controls and an alarming increase in deportations, particularly of minors. This is of particular concern given the ongoing situation of forced migration caused by criminal violence in Central America because these deportations do not all comply with Mexico’s international obligations and with its own legal framework for international protection that allows inter alia verbal asylum claims and grants minors additional protection against deportation. Notably, the volume of deportations, the speed with which they are carried out and the lack of adequate screening indicate non-compliance with the principle of non-refoulement and the right to claim asylum or other forms of protection. Based on qualitative data gathered in fieldwork in 2015 and quantitative data covering the period 2014-2016, this research details three types of adverse outcome resulting from these externalised controls: human rights violations perpetrated in order to deliver the policy–namely, deportations that may not comply with the principle of non-refoulement or the protection of minors; human rights violations perpetrated in the execution of policy–such as violations by state actors during apprehension and detention; and adverse consequences of the policy – such as increased risk during transit. This research has particular resonance as the Trump era brings tighter enforcement in the region, and has broader relevance for the study of externalisation tools on a global level.

Keywords: deportation, externalisation, forced migration, non-refoulement

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Authors: Amy Darwin, Claire Blacklock

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Background: Existing literature about delivering evidence-based mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) in emergency settings is limited. It is difficult to monitor and evaluate the approach to MHPSS in informal refugee camps such as ‘The Jungle’ in Calais, where there are multiple service providers and where the majority of providers are volunteers. AIM: To identify experiences of MHPSS delivery by service providers in an informal camp environment in Calais, France and describe MHPSS barriers and opportunities in this type of setting. Method: Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted with 13 individuals from different organisations offering MHPSS in Calais and analysed using conventional content analysis. Results: Unsafe, uncertain and unsanitary conditions in the camp meant MHPSS was difficult to implement, and such conditions contributed to the poor mental health of the residents. The majority of MHPSS was offered by volunteers who lacked resources and training, and there was no overall official camp leadership which meant care was poorly coordinated and monitored. Strong relationships existed between volunteers and camp residents, but volunteers felt frustrated that they could not deliver the kind of MHPSS that they felt residents required. Conclusion: While long-term volunteers had built supportive relationships with camp residents, lack of central coordination and leadership of MHPSS services and limited access to trained professionals made implementation of MHPSS problematic. Similarly, the camp lacked the necessary infrastructure to meet residents’ basic needs. Formal recognition of the camp, and clear central leadership were identified as necessary steps to improving MHPSS delivery.

Keywords: calais, mental health, refugees, the jungle, MHPSS

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Authors: Asma Inge-Hanif, Ayyub Ansari Hanif

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The impact of conflicts, the subsequent refugee migration to America and their attempted use of societal resources implicate the lack of further humanitarian aid as a consequence of the abrupt decrease in services and policy changes stemming from new governmental mandates and Executive Orders. Statistical research data indicates a substantial decline in access to standardized health services by refugee women creating a significant alteration in the management of their maternal health care in America, previously shown to result in decreased mortality and morbidity. Studying nursing at Howard University in Washington, D.C., observed doctors were not always sensitive to the needs and modesty concerns of immigrant Muslim women - often unintentionally. Among health care professionals, the prevailing belief should be that every man, woman and child has the right to quality care in a dignified manner and the achievement of optimal health and well-being, regardless of race, creed, socio-economic level or status. In 1987 Muslimat Al Nisaa Health and Social Services Center was established to care for underserved and uninsured women and children. This Center, plus the subsequent shelter, provided direct access to those homeless, refugees, human trafficking and women victims of domestic violence was established and provides the data for this study. Understanding specific culture, social, economic and religious nuances respects their diversity and addressing their basic human needs that they achieve optimal success. The ultimate goal being to facilitate the rescue and housing of those whom escaped from a country/communities where girls are devalued, brought, sold and abused.

Keywords: women, refugee, domestic violence, health care

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Authors: Samar Saadeldin Abdelmotalab Omer, Ikram Mohamed Eltayeb Elsiddig, Saad Mohammed Hussein Ayoub

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A variety of herbal medicinal plants are known to confer beneficial effects in regards to modification of cardiovascular ri’=sk factors. The anti-hypercholesterolaemic and antioxidant activities of the crude ethanolic extracts of Citrus reticulate fruit peel, Zingiber officinale rhizome and Sesamum indicum seed extracts have been demonstrated. These plants are assumed to possess biologically active principles, which impart their pharmacologic activities. GC-MS analysis of the ethanolic extracts was carried out to identify the active principles and their percentages of occurrence in the analytes. Analysis of the extracts was carried out using (GS-MS QP) type Schimadzu 2010 equipped with a capillary column RTX-50 (restec), (length 30mm, diameter 0.25mm, and thickness 0.25mm). Helium was used as a carrier gas, the temperature was programmed at 200°C for 5 minutes at a rate of 15ml/minute, and the extracts were injected using split injection mode. The identification of different components was achieved from their Mass Spectra and Retention time, compared with those in the NIST library. The results revealed the presence of 80 compounds in Sudanese locally grown C. reticulata fruit peel extract, most of which were monoterpenoid compounds including Limonene (3.03%), Alpha & Gamma - terpinenes (2.61%), Linalool (1.38%), Citral (1.72%) which are known to have profound antioxidant effects. The Sesquiterpenoids Humulene (0.26%) and Caryophyllene (1.97%) were also identified, the latter known to have profound anti-anxiety and anti-depressant activity in addition to the beneficiary effects in lipid regulation. The analysis of the locally grown S. indicum oily and water soluble portions of seed extract revealed the presence of a total of 64 compounds with considerably high percentage of the mono-unsaturated fatty acid ester methyl oleate (66.99%) in addition to methyl stearate (9.35%) and palmitate (15.71%) of oil portion, whereas, plant sterols including Gamma-sitosterol (13.5%), fucosterol (2.11%) and stigmasterol (1.95%) in addition to gamma-tocopherol (1.16%) were detected in extract water-soluble portion. The latter indicate various principles known to have valuable pharmacological benefits including antioxidant activities and beneficiary effects on intestinal cholesterol absorption and regulation of serum cholesterol levels. Z. officinale rhizome extract analysis revealed the presence of 93 compounds, the most abundant were alpha-zingeberine (16.5%), gingerol (9.25%), alpha-sesquiphellandrene (8.3%), zingerone (6.78%), beta-bisabolene (4.19%), alpha-farnesene (3.56%), ar-curcumene (3.29%), gamma-elemene (1.25%) and a variety of other compounds. The presence of these active principles reflected on the activity of the extract. Activity could be assigned to a single or a combination of two or more extract components. GC-MS analysis concluded the occurrence of compounds known to possess antioxidant activity and lipid profile effects.

Keywords: gas chromatography, indicum, officinale, reticulata

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Authors: Marziye Hadian, Alireza Jabbari

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Background: Each year, tropical diseases affect large numbers of tropical or subtropical populations and give rise to irreparable financial and human damage. Among these diseases, some are known as Neglected Tropical Disease (NTD) that may cause unusual dangers; however, they have not been appropriately accounted for. Taking into account the priority of eradication of the disease, this study explored the causes of failure to eradicate neglected tropical diseases. Method: This study was a systematized review that was conducted in January 2021 on the articles related to neglected tropical diseases on databases of Web of Science, PubMed, Scopus, Science Direct, Ovid, Pro-Quest, and Google Scholar. The Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines as well as Critical Appraisal Skills Program (CASP) for articles and AACODS (Authority, Accuracy, Coverage, Objectivity, Date, Significance) for grey literature (provides five criteria for judging the quality of grey information) were integrated. Finding: The challenges in controlling and eradicating neglected tropical diseases in four general themes are as follows: shortcomings in disease management policies and programs, environmental challenges, executive challenges in policy disease and research field and 36 sub-themes. Conclusion: To achieve the goals of eradicating forgotten tropical diseases, it seems indispensable to free up financial, human and research resources, proper management of health infrastructure, attention to migrants and refugees, clear targeting, prioritization appropriate to local conditions and special attention to political and social developments. Reducing the number of diseases should free up resources for the management of neglected tropical diseases prone to epidemics as dengue, chikungunya and leishmaniasis. For the purpose of global support, targeting should be accurate.

Keywords: neglected tropical disease, NTD, preventive, eradication

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Authors: Soleen Karim, Meira Yasin, Rezhin Qader

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Children’s books present a colorful life for kids around the world, their current environment or what they could potentially have- a home, two loving parents, a playground, and a safe school within a short walk or bus ride. These images are only pages in a donated book for children displaced by war. The environment they live in is significantly different. Displaced children are faced with a temporary life style filled with fear and uncertainty. Children of war associate various structural institutions with a trauma and cannot enter the space, even if it is for their own future development, such as a school. This paper is a collaborative effort with students of the Kennesaw State University architecture department, architectural designers and a mental health professional to address and link the design challenges and the psychological trauma for children of war. The research process consists of a) interviews with former refugees, b) interviews with current refugee children, c) personal understanding of space through one’s own childhood, d) literature review of tested design methods to address various traumas. Conclusion: In addressing the built environment for children of war, it is necessary to address mental health and well being through the creation of space that is sensitive to the needs of children. This is achieved by understanding critical design cues to evoke normalcy and safe space through program organization, color, and symbiosis of synthetic and natural environments. By involving the children suffering from trauma in the design process, aspects of the design are directly enhanced to serve the occupant. Neglecting to involve the participants creates a nonlinear design outcome and does not serve the needs of the occupant to afford them equal opportunity learning and growth experience as other children around the world.

Keywords: activist architecture, childhood education, childhood psychology, adverse childhood experiences

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Authors: Mira Kaneva

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The ongoing migration crisis polemic opens up the debate to the ambivalent essence of borders due to both the legality and legitimacy of the displacement of vast masses of people across the European continent. In neoliberal terms, migration is seen as an economic opportunity, or, on the opposite, as a social disparity; in realist terms, it is regarded as a security threat that calls for mobilization; from a critical standpoint, it is a matter of discourse on democratic governance. This paper sets the objective of analyzing borders through the Foucauldian prism of biopolitics. It aims at defining the specifics of the management of the human body by producing both the irregular migrant as a subject (but prevalently as an object in the discourse) and the political subjectivity by exercising state power in repressive practices, including hate speech. The study relies on the conceptual framework of Bigo, Agamben, Huysmans, among others, and applies the methodology of qualitative comparative analysis between the cases of borders (fences, enclaves, camps and other forms of abnormal spatiality) in Italy, Spain, Greece, the Republic of Macedonia, Serbia and Bulgaria. The paper thus tries to throw light on these cross- and intra-regional contexts that share certain similarities and differences. It tries to argue that the governmentality of the masses of refugees and economic immigrants through the speech acts of their exclusion leads to a temporary populist backlash; a tentative finding is that the status-quo in terms of social and economic measures remains relatively balanced, whereas, values such as freedom, openness, and tolerance are consecutively marginalized.

Keywords: Balkans, biopolitical borders, cross- and intra-regional discourse analysis, irregular migration, Mediterranean Europe, securitization vs. humanitarianism

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Authors: Sujata Gupta Kedar, J. N. Tulika

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Early researchers suggested that imprisonment had negative psychological and physical effects on its inmates, leading to psychological deterioration. The term “prisons” in the Consensus Statement of WHO is intended to denote, as those institutions which hold people who have been sentenced to a period of imprisonment by the courts for offences against the law. Thus “prisons” if local circumstances justify it, may also be taken to include secure institutions holding on a compulsory basis on any of the following categories of people: remand prisoners; civil prisoners; juvenile detainees; immigration detainees; some categories of mentally disordered patients; asylum seekers; refugees; people detained pending expulsion, deportation, exile, exclusion or any other form of compulsory transfer to other countries or areas of the country; people detained in police cells; and any other compulsorily detained group. Prisons are aimed to cure the criminal and their behavior but their records are not encouraging. Instead the imprisonment affects all prisoners in different way. From withstanding the shock of entry to the new culture, which is very different from their own, prisoners must try to determine how to spend the time in prison, since the hours appears to be endless in prisons. There is also the fear of deterioration. This article aims to provide an overview of the psychological well being of female prisoners in the prison environment in five areas- satisfaction, efficiency, sociability, mental health and interpersonal relations. Research was done on two different types of imprisonment- under trial prisoner and convict. Total sample included 22 female prisoners of Nagaon Special Jail of Assam. The instrument used for the study was based on Psychological Well Being Scale. Statistical analysis was done with t-test and one way anova test. The result demonstrated that there is no significant difference in the psychological wellbeing of female prisoners in the prison and that there is no significant difference in the psychological well being of different types of female prisoners involved in different crimes but there is significant difference in the mental health of the female prisoners in prison.

Keywords: psychological effect, female prisoners, prison, well being of prisoners

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Authors: Romeu Bonk Mesquita

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Argentina is the South American number 1 country of destiny to intraregional migration flows. This research aims to shed light on the main trends of the Argentine immigrant policy from 2016 on, when Mauricio Marci was elected President, taking the approval of the current and fairly protective of human rights Ley de Migraciones (2003) as an analytical starting point. Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) serves as the theoretical background, highlighting decision-making processes and institutional designs that encourage or constraint political and social actors. The analysis goes through domestic and international levels, observing how immigration policy is formulated as a public policy and is simultaneously connected to Mercosur and other international organizations, such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Thus, the study revolves around the Direccion Nacional de Migraciones, which is the state agency in charge of executing the country’s immigrant policy, as to comprehend how its internal processes and the connections it has with both domestic and international institutions shape Argentina’s immigrant policy formulation and execution. Also, it aims to locate the migration agenda within the country’s contemporary social and political context. The methodology is qualitative, case-based and oriented by process-tracing techniques. Empirical evidence gathered includes official documents and data, media coverage and interviews to key-informants. Recent events, such as the Decreto de Necesidad y Urgencia 70/2017 issued by President Macri, and the return of discursive association between migration and criminality, indicate a trend of nationalization and securitization of the immigration policy in contemporary Argentina.

Keywords: Argentine foreign policy, human rights, immigrant policy, Mercosur

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: E. Xavier, B. Nandita

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Rohingyas are an ethnic and religious minority that resides in the Rakhine State of Myanmar. Post the military coup in 1962, Rohingyas have not been recognized as one of the ethnic tribes of Burma under the legislation. They have lost citizenship, education, health care rights, and instantly became illegal immigrants. While the historicization of this conflict is crucial, this paper wants to humanize the Rohingya population’s embodiment of violence on three different levels – individual, social, and political. In addition, the study focuses on their liminal existence in refugee camps in Bangladesh and in other parts of the world, such as Malaysia and the United States of America. A multi-medium study, it includes first-hand interviews with the Rohingya community in Wisconsin and Chicago, second-hand interviews from documentaries and past ethnographies from scholars to draw meaningful conclusions about their experience as a community. In the end, it focuses on the group of Rohingyas who have managed to resettle in another country and their transitioning experience. Rohingyas embody violence on their individual, social, and political bodies in different ways. Along with rape, murder, and physical harm, the community also encounters sexually transmitted infections, post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms, and poor mental health. On a social level, they encounter heightened gender discrimination, work industry shifting, and immense, shared emotional pain. As for their political body, the news media and journalism industry uses their bodies for purposes that benefit both parties and flirts with a tone of sensationalism in their reporting. In addition, the Rohingya community fluctuates with the concept of nationality, patriotism, citizenship, and refugee when they think about the future. This study provides a framework that future aid or health programs can use to determine the type of community need and its significance in the Rohingya community.

Keywords: embodiment, liminal, refugee, Rohingya

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Authors: Sally Kafelghazal

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Introduction: Arab Americans, who include immigrants, refugees, or U.S. born persons of Middle Eastern or North African descent, may experience significant difficulties during acculturation to Western society. Influential stressors include relocation, loss of social support, language barriers, and economic factors, all of which can impact mental health. There is limited research investigating the effects of acculturation on the mental health of the Arab American population. Objectives: The purpose of this study is to identify ways in which acculturation impacts the mental health of Arab Americans, specifically the development of depression and anxiety. Method: A literature search was conducted using PubMed and PsycArticles (ProQuest), utilizing the following search terms: “Arab Americans,” “Arabs,” “mental health,” “depression,” “anxiety,” “acculturation.” Thirty-nine articles were identified and of those, nine specifically investigated the relationship between acculturation and mental health in Arab Americans. Three of the nine focused exclusively on depression. Results: Several risk factors were identified that contribute to poor mental health associated with acculturation, which include immigrant or refugee status, facing discrimination, and religious ideology. Protective factors include greater levels of acculturation, being U.S. born, and greater heritage identity. Greater mental health disorders were identified in Arab Americans compared to normative samples, perhaps particularly depression; none of the articles specifically addressed anxiety. Conclusion: The current research findings support the potential association between the process of acculturation and greater levels of mental health disorders in Arab Americans. However, the diversity of the Arab American population makes it difficult to draw consistent conclusions. Further research needs to be conducted in order to assess which subgroups in the Arab American population are at highest risk for developing new or exacerbating existing mental health disorders in order to devise more effective interventions.

Keywords: arab americans, arabs, mental health, anxiety, depression, acculturation

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Authors: Karimeh Alnuaimi, Manal Kassab, Reem Ali, Khitam Mohammad, Kholoud Shattnawi

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Aim: To compare pregnancy outcomes of Syrian refugee women and Jordanian women. Background and introduction: The current conflict in Syria continues to displace thousands to neighboring countries, including Jordan. Pregnant refugee women are therefore facing many difficulties are known to increase the prevalence of poor reproductive health outcomes and antenatal complications. However, there is very little awareness of whether Syrian refugee women have different risks of pregnancy outcomes than Jordanian women. Methods: Using a retrospective cohort design, we examined pregnancy outcomes for Syrian refugee (N = 616) and Jordanian women (N = 644) giving birth at two governmental Hospitals in the north of Jordan, between January 1, 2014, and December 31, 2014. A checklist of 13 variables was utilized. The primary outcome measures were delivery by Caesarean section, maternal complications, low birth weight (< 2500 g), Apgar score and preterm delivery (< 37 weeks' gestational age). Results: Statistical analysis revealed that refugee mothers had a significant increase in the rate of cesarean section and the higher rate of anemia, a lower neonates’ weight, and Apgar scores when compared to their Jordanian counterparts. Discussion and Conclusion: Results were congruent with findings from other studies in the region and worldwide. Minimizing inequalities in pregnancy outcomes between Syrian refugees and Jordan women is a healthcare priority. Implications for nursing and health policy: The findings could guide the planning and development of health policies in Jordan that would help to alleviate the situation regarding refugee populations. The action is required by the policy makers, specifically targeting public and primary health care services, to address the problem of adequately meeting the need for antenatal care of this vulnerable population.

Keywords: pregnancy, Syrian refugee, Jordanian women, comparative study

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Authors: Geoffrey Nwaka

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After many years of a border dispute between Nigeria and Cameroon over the ownership of the Bakassi Peninsula, the International Court of Justice ruled in 2002 that, based on the 1913 colonial boundary agreement between Britain and Germany, the oil-rich Peninsula, inhabited for generations by Nigerians, and hitherto administered as one of Nigeria’s 774 Local Government Areas, belongs to Cameroon, and not to Nigeria. Under pressure from the international community, Nigeria and Cameroon signed the Greentree Accord in 2006 to comply peacefully with the ICJ ruling and to protect the fundamental rights and freedoms of the Bakassi people, whether they opted to remain in the Peninsula under the authority of Cameroon or relocate to Nigeria. Sadly, the Nigerian government and the international community underestimated the scale of displacement that would follow the withdrawal of the Nigerian administration and military forces from the area and did not prepare adequately for the massive influx of tens of thousands of Bakassi people hurriedly dislodged by the reported hostility of the Cameroon authorities and their security services. The paper discusses the historical context and contemporary significance of the crisis, the chaotic resettlement schemes and appalling humanitarian relief camps in ‘New Bakassi’, and the prolonged hardship and disillusionment of the disaffected refugees/returnees. The lesson for African and Asian governments and peoples is to avoid needless conflicts over the 'imported' colonial boundaries, to remove unnecessary border restrictions, and take fully into account the development needs and well-being of borderland communities that sometimes rightly feel that distant central governments negotiate their political and international interests at the expense of the borderlands; and finally, to begin to see the boundaries more as links and bridges for the cooperation and integration of African and Asian states and peoples, rather than as barriers and static lines of demarcation on the map.

Keywords: Africa, forced displacement, resettlement, border conflict, Bakassi

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Authors: Mikel Niño, Roberto V. Zicari, Todor Ivanov, Kim Hee, Naveed Mushtaq, Marten Rosselli, Concha Sánchez-Ocaña, Karsten Tolle, José Miguel Blanco, Arantza Illarramendi, Jörg Besier, Harry Underwood

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One of the application fields for data analysis techniques and technologies gaining momentum is the area of social good or “common good”, covering cases related to humanitarian crises, global health care, or ecology and environmental issues, among others. The promotion of data-driven projects in this field aims at increasing the efficacy and efficiency of social initiatives, improving the way these actions help humanity in general and people in need in particular. This application field, however, poses its own barriers and challenges when developing data-driven projects, lagging behind in comparison with other scenarios. These challenges derive from aspects such as the scope and scale of the social issue to solve, cultural and political barriers, the skills of main stakeholders and the technological resources available, the motivation to be engaged in such projects, or the ethical and legal issues related to sensitive data. This paper analyzes the application of data projects in the field of social good, reviewing its current state and noteworthy initiatives, and presenting a framework covering the key aspects to analyze in such projects. The goal is to provide guidelines to understand the main challenges and opportunities for this type of data project, as well as identifying the main differential issues compared to “classical” data projects in general. A case study is presented on the initial steps and stakeholder analysis of a data project for the inclusion of refugees in the city of Frankfurt, Germany, in order to empirically confront the framework with a real example.

Keywords: data-driven projects, humanitarian operations, personal and sensitive data, social good, stakeholders analysis

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Authors: Yuet Wah Echo Yeung

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Working with people from minority ethnic groups, refugees and asylum seeking communities who have limited proficiency in the language of the host country often presents a major challenge for social workers. Because of language differences, social workers need to work with interpreters to ensure accurate information is collected for their assessment and intervention. Drawing from social learning theory, this paper discusses how role play was used as an experiential learning exercise in a training session to help social work students develop skills when working with interpreters. Social learning theory posits that learning is a cognitive process that takes place in a social context when people observe, imitate and model others’ behaviours. The roleplay also helped students understand the role of the interpreter and the challenges they may face when they rely on interpreters to communicate with service users and their family. The first part of the session involved role play. A tutor played the role of social worker and deliberately behaved in an unprofessional manner and used inappropriate body language when working alongside the interpreter during a home visit. The purpose of the roleplay is not to provide a positive role model for students to ‘imitate’ social worker’s behaviours. Rather it aims to active and provoke internal thinking process and encourages students to critically consider the impacts of poor practice on relationship building and the intervention process. Having critically reflected on the implications for poor practice, students were then asked to play the role of social worker and demonstrate what good practice should look like. At the end of the session, students remarked that they learnt a lot by observing the good and bad example; it showed them what not to do. The exercise served to remind students how practitioners can easily slip into bad habits and of the importance of respect for the cultural difference when working with people from different cultural backgrounds.

Keywords: role play, social learning theory, social work practice, working with interpreters

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Authors: Elaine Stavro

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In our present world where acts of incivility, intolerance and anger towards minority communities is on the rise, the ways museum practices cultivate ethical generosity is of interest. Democratic theorists differ as to how they believe respect can be generated through active participation. Allowing minority communities a role in determining what artifacts will be displayed and how they will be displayed has been an important step in generating respect. In addition, the rise of indigenous museums, slave museums and curators who represent these communities, contribute to the communication of their history of oppression. These institutional practices have been supplemented by the handling of objects, recognition stories and multisensory exhibitions. Psychoanalysis, object relations theorists believe that the handling of objects: amenable objects and responsive listeners will trigger the expression of anomie, alienation and traumatizing experiences. Not only memorializing but engaging with one’s lose in a very personal way can facilitate the process of mourning. Manchester Museum (UK) gathered together Somalian refugees, who in the process of handling their own objects and those offered at the museum, began to tell their stories. Democratic theorists (especially affect theorists or vital materialists or Actor Network theorists) believe that things can be social actants- material objects have agentic capacities that humans should align with. In doing so, they challenge social constructivism that attributes power to interpreted things, but like them they assume an openness or responsiveness to Otherness can be cultivated. Rich sensory experiences, corporeal engagement (devices that involve bodily movement or objects that involve handling) auditory experiences (songs) all contribute to improve one’s responsiveness and openness to Others. This paper will focus specifically on slave museums/ and exhibits in the U.K, the USA., South Africa to explore and evaluate their democratic strategies in cultivating tolerant practices via the various democratic avenues outlined above.

Keywords: democratic pedagogy, slave exhibitions, affect/emotion, object handling

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Authors: Laleh Golamrej Eliasi

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Finland is the second most violent country for women in the European Union (EU). 47% of women in Finland claimed to have experienced domestic violence against women (DVAW), compared to an average of 33% in the EU. Although the statistics in Finland are transparent, to the author’s best knowledge, there are no statisticsonDV by nationality in Finland. On the other hand, being a Muslim woman in a non-Muslim-majority country represents a position of double vulnerability to violence. There are 10404 Afghan refugees in Finland who are Muslim. Barriers such as unfamiliarity with support services, fear of the police, racism, language, economic and practical dependence, social isolation, and family commitments all lead to a lack of reporting of DVAW among migrants. Although witnessing and experiencing DV have devastating effects on women’s and children’s health and well-being, there is a lack of studies about DVAW among Afghan families in Finland. To fill this knowledge gap, Afghan women living in Finland are selected as the target group to assess their views on DVAW and child protection. This study is implemented in the socio-ecological approach framework to assess the impacts of individual characteristics, interpersonal relationships, community, and society components on DVAW in Afghan families. Interviews with Afghan women and content analysis are used to find out participants' views on DVAW, its risk factors, and approaches and methods to improve protection for women and children. Main purpose is to obtain information about participants' views on the subject. The findings can be used to improve culturally safe social work knowledge and practices with a bottom-up approach to reduce DV and increase child protection. Therefore, this research can have important effects on the sustainable development of services and supports the welfare and inclusion of immigrant families. The expected results will contribute to sustainable gender equality, which is in line with the fifth goal of the Sustainable Development Goals.

Keywords: domestic violence, immigrant women, immigrant child protection, social work

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Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy

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In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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Authors: Soraya Tharani

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Social media has changed how public opinion is shaped by enabling more diversified and inclusive participation of audiences. New online forums provide spaces in which governments, NGOs and other organizations can create content and receive feedback. These forums are sites where debate can constitute public opinion. Studies of audience engagement can give an understanding of how different voices from the civil society participate in debates and how discussions can reinforce or bring into question established societal beliefs. The UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, produces audio-visual stories about displaced people for global audiences on social media platforms. The availability of many views in these forums can give insight into how dialogues regarding transnational issues are formed. The public sphere, as defined by Habermas, is a discursive arena where reasoned debate can take place. Habermas’ concept is combined with theories on celebrity advocacy, and discussions about the role and effect celebrities have in raising public awareness for humanitarian issues. The personal and public lives of celebrities often create emotional engagement from their fans and other audiences. In this study, quantitative and qualitative methods have been used on YouTube comments for uncovering how emotion and reason are constituted in a global public debate on celebrity endorsed UNHCR stories of displaced people. The study shows that engagement intensity is not equally distributed between comment threads; comments presented as facts or emotional claims are often supported by recourse to intertextuality, and specific linguistic strategies are used to put forward emotional and reasoned claims regarding individual and group identities. The findings from this research aim to contribute to an understanding of audience engagement on issues of human survival and solidarity in a global social media public sphere.

Keywords: emotions, engagement, global public sphere, linguistic strategies, reason, refugees, social media, UNHCR

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Authors: Imam Muthohar, Budi Hartono, Sigit Priyanto, Hardiansyah Hardiansyah

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The eruption of Merapi Volcano in Yogyakarta, Indonesia in 2010 caused many casualties due to minimum preparedness in facing disaster. Increasing population capacity and evacuating to safe places become very important to minimize casualties. Regional government through the Regional Disaster Management Agency has divided disaster-prone areas into three parts, namely ring 1 at a distance of 10 km, ring 2 at a distance of 15 km and ring 3 at a distance of 20 km from the center of Mount Merapi. The success of the evacuation is fully supported by road network infrastructure as a way to rescue in an emergency. This research attempts to model evacuation process based on the rise of refugees in ring 1, expanded to ring 2 and finally expanded to ring 3. The model was developed using SATURN (Simulation and Assignment of Traffic to Urban Road Networks) program version 11.3. 12W, involving 140 centroid, 449 buffer nodes, and 851 links across Yogyakarta Special Region, which was aimed at making a preliminary identification of road networks considered vulnerable to disaster. An assumption made to identify vulnerability was the improvement of road network performance in the form of flow and travel times on the coverage of ring 1, ring 2, ring 3, Sleman outside the ring, Yogyakarta City, Bantul, Kulon Progo, and Gunung Kidul. The research results indicated that the performance increase in the road networks existing in the area of ring 2, ring 3, and Sleman outside the ring. The road network in ring 1 started to increase when the evacuation was expanded to ring 2 and ring 3. Meanwhile, the performance of road networks in Yogyakarta City, Bantul, Kulon Progo, and Gunung Kidul during the evacuation period simultaneously decreased in when the evacuation areas were expanded. The results of preliminary identification of the vulnerability have determined that the road networks existing in ring 1, ring 2, ring 3 and Sleman outside the ring were considered vulnerable to the evacuation of Mount Merapi eruption. Therefore, it is necessary to pay a great deal of attention in order to face the disasters that potentially occur at anytime.

Keywords: model, evacuation, SATURN, vulnerability

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Authors: Godiya Pius Atsiya

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One of the most devastating impacts of terrorism on the Nigerian state is the danger it has posed on women, children and other vulnerable groups. The complexity of terrorism in Nigeria, especially in most parts of Northern Nigeria has entrenched unprecedented security challenges such as refugee crisis, kidnapping, food shortages, increase in death tolls, malnutrition, fear, rape and several other psychological factors. Of particular interest in this paper as it relates to terrorism is the high rate of Internally Displaced Persons(IDPs), with women, children and the aged being the most affected. Empirical evidence arising from recent development in Nigeria’s North-East geo-political zone shows that large numbers of refugees fleeing the Boko Haram attacks have doubled. The attendant consequences of this mass exodus of people in the affected areas are that the victims now suffer untold and unwarranted economic hardship. In another dimension, recent findings have it that most powerless women and young teenage girls have been forcefully conscripted into the Islamic extremist groups and used as shields. In some respect, these groups of people have been used as available tools for suicide bombing and other criminal tendencies, the result of which can be detrimental to social cohesion and integration. This work is a theoretical insight into terrorism discourses; hence, the paper relies on existing works of scholars in carrying out the research. The paper argues that the implications of terrorism on women gender have grounding effects on the moral psyche of women who are supposed to be home managers and custodians of morality in society. The burden of terrorism and all it tends to propagate has literally upturned social lives and hence, Nigeria is gradually being plunged into the Hobesian state of nature. As a panacea to resolving this social malaise, the paper submits that government and indeed, all stakeholders in the nation’s democratic project must expedite action to nip this trend in the bud. The paper sums up with conclusion and other alternative policy measures to mitigate the challenges of terrorism in Nigeria.

Keywords: changing democratic state, policy measures, terrorism, women

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Authors: Shazwanis Shukri

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The Mediterranean Sea, at the crossroads of three continents has always been the focus of pan-European and worldwide attention. Over the past decade, the Mediterranean Sea has become a hotbed for irregular migration particularly from the African continent toward the Europe. Among the major transit routes in the Mediterranean Sea include the Strait of Gibraltar, Canary Island and island of Lampedusa. In recent years, Mediterranean Sea has witnessed significant numbers of accidents and shipwrecks involving the irregular migrants and refugees trying to reach Europe via the sea. The shipwrecks and traffickers exploitation of migrants draw most of the attention particularly for the European Union (EU). This incident has been a wakeup call for the EU and become the top political agenda in the EU policy to tackle irregular migration and human smuggling at sea. EU has repeatedly addressed irregular migration as one of the threats the EU and its citizens may be confronted with and therefore immediate measures are crucial to tackle the crisis. In light of this, various initiatives have been adopted by the EU to strengthen external border control and restrict access to irregular migrants, notably through the enforcement of Frontex and Eunavfor Med. This paper analyses current development of counter-migration operations by the EU in response to migration crisis in the Mediterranean Sea. The analysis is threefold. First, this study examines the patterns and trends of irregular migration’s movements from recent perspective. Second, this study concentrates on the evolution of the EU operations that are in place in the Mediterranean Sea, notably by Frontex and Eunavfor Med to curb the influx of irregular migrants to the European countries, including, among others, Greece and Italy. Third, this study investigates the EU approaches to fight against the proliferation of human trafficking networks at sea. This study is essential to determine the roles of the EU in tackling migration crisis and human trafficking in the Mediterranean Sea and the effectiveness of their counter-migration operations to reduce the number of irregular migrants travelling via the sea. Elite interviews and document analysis were used as a methodology in this study. The study discovers that the EU operations have successfully contributed to reduce the numbers of irregular migrant’s arrival to Europe. The study also shows that the operations were effective to disrupt smugglers business models particularly from Libya. This study provides essential understanding about the roles of the EU not limited to tackle the migration crisis and disrupt trafficking networks, but also pledged to prevent further loss of lives at sea.

Keywords: European union, frontex, irregular migration, Mediterranean sea

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Authors: Nina Berding

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Migration and the ensuing diversity are integral parts of urban societies. However, engaging with the urban society and its diversification is rarely perceived as something trivial but rather as a difficult task and a major challenge. A central aspect of the discourse is the current migration of refugees from countries of the southern hemisphere to Europe and the resulting challenges for cities, their municipalities and the civil society as a whole. Based on exploratory field research in a German inner-city neighborhood, it is aimed to show that the discourses about migration and diversity are completely contrary to the everyday life actions of the urban society. Processes of migration that include leaving one’s hometown and moving to other places, searching for ‘safe’ environments or better opportunities are, historically speaking, not a new phenomenon. The urban dwellers have a large repertoire of strategies in managing processes of difference in everyday life situations, guided them well for centuries and also in these contemporary processes with an increased mobility and diversity. So there is obviously a considerable discrepancy between what is practically lived in everyday life, and how it is talked about. The results of the study demonstrate that the current discourse about the challenges of migration seems to legitimize interventions beyond humanist approaches where migrants serve as collective scapegoats for social problems and affected by different discrimination and criminalization processes. On the one hand, everyone takes advantage of the super-mobility and super-diversity in their daily lives and on the other hand, powerful stakeholders and designated authorities operate a sort of retro- nationalism and identity collectivism. Political players, the municipalities and other stakeholders then follow an urban public policy that takes actions (increasing police presence, concepts and activities for special groups, exclusion from active social life, preventing participation etc.) towards different ‘groups’ of residents, produced along ‘ethnic’ lines. The results also show that, despite the obstacles and adversities placed in their way, the excluded residents perpetually relocate and re-position themselves and attempt to empower themselves by redefining their identities in their neighborhood.

Keywords: coexistence, everyday life, migration and diversity regimes, urban policy

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Authors: C. Silvestros, K. Mellou, T. Georgakopoulou, A. Koustenis, E. Kokkinou, C. Botsi, A. Terzidis

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'PHILOS – Emergency health response to refugee crisis' is a programme of the Greek Ministry of Health, implemented by the Hellenic Center for Disease Control and Prevention (HCDCP) funded by the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF) of EU’s DG Migration and Home Affairs. One of the main objectives of the program is the immunization coverage of the target – population to assure the prevention of vaccine-preventable diseases. The program foresees vaccination needs assessment of children hosted at camps at the mainland and implementation of interventions to cover the vaccination gaps in co-operation with the Ministry of Health. The National Immunization Advisory Committee in Greece recommended that MMR (Measles, Mumps, and Rubella), PCV (Pneumococcal conjugate vaccine) and HEXA (diphtheria, tetanus, pertussis, polio, hepatitis B and Haemophilus influenzae type b) vaccines should be performed in priority. Recording was completed at 24 camps (May - June 2017); 3381 children (0-18 years) were recorded. The median number of children hosted at each camp was 95 (range: 5-553). For 68% of the children, the WHO vaccination booklet was available. 44%, 48.5% and 61% of the children were vaccinated with at least one dose of PCV, HEXA, and MMR, respectively. The proportion of vaccinated children for the three vaccines mentioned above is significantly lower for the remaining doses; PCV (second dose 8%, third dose 1.3%), HEXA (second dose 13%, third dose 2.7%, forth dose 0.1%) and MMR (second dose 23%). None of the 37 (10 from Afghanistan, 3 from Bangladesh, 23 from Pakistan, 1 from Syria) recorded unaccompanied children did not have a WHO vaccination booklet and were considered unvaccinated. There is no differentiation in vaccination coverage among different ethnicities. Massive catch up vaccination was performed at 4 camps, and 671 vaccinations were performed (245 PCV, 307 HEXA, and 119 MMR). Similar interventions are planned for all camps of the country. Recording reveled gaps in vaccination coverage of the population, mainly because of the mobility of the population, the influx of refugees- which is still ongoing- and new births. Mass vaccination campaigns are considered vital in order to increase vaccination coverage, and continuous efforts are needed in order all children living at the camps to have full access to the National Childhood Immunization Program.

Keywords: vaccine preventable, refugee–migrants camps, vaccination coverage, PCV, MMR, HEXA

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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