Search results for: biopower

Authors: Aistis ZekevicIus

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Biopolitical theory, which was first developed by Michel Foucault, takes into consideration the administration of life by implying a style of government based on the regulation of populations as its subject. The intensification of the #BlackLivesMatter movement and popular outcries against racial discrimination in the US health system have prompted us to reconsider the relationship between biopolitics and race in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on works by Foucault, Achille Mbembe and Nicholas Mirzoeff that transcend the boundaries of poststructuralism, critical theory and postcolonial studies, the paper suggests that the global pandemic has highlighted new aspects of the interplay between biopower and race by encouraging the search for scapegoats, deepening the structural racial inequality, and thus producing necropolitical regimes of exclusion.

Keywords: biopolitics, biopower, necropolitics, pandemic, race

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Authors: Lior B. Navon

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The objective of this study is to investigate how technology, such as social media, can influence the biopower hierarchy between the medical knowledge about the body and women’s bodily knowledge through the case study of the hashtag 'notpee'. In January 2015, the hashtag #notpee, relating to a feminine physiological phenomenon called female ejaculation (FE) or squirting (SQ) started circulating on twitter. This hashtag, born as a reaction to a medical study claiming that SQ is essentially involuntary emission of urine during sexual activity, sparked an unusual public discourse about FE, a phenomenon that is usually not discussed or referred to in socio-legitimate public spheres. This unusual backlash got the attention of women’s magazines and blogs, as well as more mainstream large and respected outlets such as The Guardian and CNN. Both the tweets on twitter, as well as the media coverage of them, were mainly aimed at rejecting the research’s findings. While not offering an alternative and choosing to define the phenomenon by negation, women argued that the fluid extracted was not pee based on their personal experiences. Based on a critical discourse analysis of 742 tweets with the hashtag 'notpee' between January 2015 and January 2016, and of 15 articles covering the backlash, this study suggests that the #notpee backlash challenged the power balance between the medical knowledge about the feminine body and the feminine bodily knowledge through two different, yet related, forms of resistance to biopower. The first resistance is to the authority over knowledge production — who has the power to produce 'true' statements when it comes to the body? Is it the women who experience the phenomenon, or is it the medical institution? The second resistance to biopower has to do with what we regard as facts or veracity. A critical discourse analysis reveals that while both the scientific field, as well as the women arguing against its findings, use empirical information, they, nevertheless, rely on two dichotomic databases- while the scientific research relies on samples from the 'dead like body', these woman are relying on their lived subjective senses as a source for fact making. Nevertheless, while #notpee is asking to change the power relations between the feminine subjective bodily knowledge and the seemingly objective masculine medical knowledge about the body, it by no means dismisses it. These women are essentially asking the medical institution to take into consideration the subjective body as well as the objective one while acknowledging and accepting the power of the latter over knowledge production.

Keywords: biopower, female ejaculation, new media, bodily knowledge

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Authors: Peyton M. Provenzano

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This paper draws primarily upon the framework of necropolitics and presents California as itself a former frontier, colony, and late-modern settler society. The convergence of these successive and overlapping regimes of state terror is actualized and traceable through an analysis of historical and contemporary police practices. At the behest of the Spanish Crown and with the assistance of the Spanish military, the Catholic Church led the original expedition to colonize California. The indigenous populations of California were subjected to brutal practices of confinement and enslavement at the missions. After the annex of California by the United States, the western-most territory became an infamous frontier where new settlers established vigilante militias to enact violence against indigenous populations to protect their newly stolen land. Early mining settlements sought to legitimize and fund vigilante violence by wielding the authority of rudimentary democratic structures. White settlers circulated petitions for funding to establish a volunteer company under California’s Militia Law for ‘protection’ against the local indigenous populations. The expansive carceral practices of Los Angelinos at the turn of the 19th century exemplify the way in which California solidified its regime of exclusion as a white settler society. Drawing on recent scholarship that queers the notion of biopower and names police as street-level sovereigns, the police murder of Kayla Moore is understood as the latest manifestation of a carceral regime of exclusion and genocide. Kayla Moore was an African American transgender woman living with a mental health disability that was murdered by Berkeley police responding to a mental health crisis call in 2013. The intersectionality of Kayla’s identity made her hyper-vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence. Kayla was a victim not only of the explicitly racial biopower of police, nor the regulatory state power of necropolitics but of the ‘asphyxia’ that was intended to invisibilize both her life and her murder.

Keywords: asphyxia, biopower, california, carceral state, genocide, necropolitics, police, police violence

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Authors: Laila Vivas

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Fossil Health is proposed as a value-concept to describe the hegemonic health paradigms that underpin health enactment. Such representation is justified by Foucaldian and related ideas on biopower and biosocialities, calling for the politicization of health and signalling the importance of narratives. This approach, hence, enables contemplating health paradigms as reflexive or co-constitutive of health itself or, in other words, conceiving health as a verb. Fossil health is a symbolic representation, influenced by Andreas Malm’s concept of fossil capitalism, that integrates environment and health as non-dichotomic areas. Fossil Health sustains that current notions of human and non-human health revolve around fossil fuel dependencies. Moreover, addressing disequilibria from established health ideals involves fossil-fixes. Fossil Health, therefore, represents causes and consequences of a health conception that has the agency to contribute to the functioning of a particular structural eco-social model. Moreover, within current capitalist relations, Fossil Health expands its meaning to cover not only fossil implications but also other dominant paradigms of the capitalist system that are (re)produced through health paradigms, such as the burgeoning of technoscience and biomedicalization, privatization of health, expertization of health, or the imposing of standards of uniformity. Overall, Fossil Health is a comprehensive approach to environment and health, where understanding hegemonic health paradigms means understanding our (human-non-human) nature paradigms and the structuring effect these narratives convey.

Keywords: fossil health, environment, paradigm, capitalism

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Authors: Damian Winczewski

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Carl von Clausewitz’s political theory of war was criticized in the 20th century in several ways. It was also the source of many disagreements over readings of its most popular theses. Among them, the reflections of thinkers categorized as part of the broader postmodern current stand out, such as Michael Foucault and his successors, who presented a nuanced and critical approach to strategy theory. Foucault viewed it as part of a broader political–legal discourse of sovereignty rooted in the Middle Ages, which underlies modern biopower. Clausewitz’s theory of strategy underpinned a new humanist discourse rationalizing the phenomenon of war while, in a methodological sense, becoming an epistemic model of how Foucault conceived power strategy. Foucault’s contemporary commentators try to develop his position by arguing the analogy between the discourse prevailing in Clausewitz’s time and the contemporary neoliberal discourse and technological revolution on the battlefield, which create a new order of power. Meanwhile, they recognize that the modern development of strategy was to make Clausewitz’s understanding of war obsolete. However, postmodernists focusing on showy stylistics in their assessments rely on a mythologized narrative about Clausewitz, reducing his theories to a discourse of war as a way for nation-states to conduct foreign policy. In this article, Clausewitz shows that his theory goes much deeper and provides a critical perspective on the relationship between war and politics. The dialectical structure makes it possible to understand war as a historically variable but constantly policy-dependent phenomenon.

Keywords: Clausewitz, Foucault, Virilio, postmodernism, war and politics, power

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Authors: Lucile Richard

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Contemporary thinkers studying biopolitics and its lethal logic find little interest in Foucault's "vague sketch of the pastorate.” Despite pastoral power being depicted as the matrix of governmentality in the genealogy of biopower, most post-Foucauldian theorists disregard its study. Sovereign power takes precedence in the examination of the governmental connection between care, violence, and death. Questioning this recurring motif, this article advocates for a feminist exploration of pastoral power. It argues that giving attention to the genealogy of the pastorate is essential to account for the carelessness that runs today's politics. Examining Foucault's understanding of this "power to care" uncovers the link between care work and politics, a facet of governmentality often overlooked in sovereignty-centered perspectives. His description of “pastoral insurrections”, in so far as it highlights that caring, far from being excluded from politics, is the object of competing problematizations, also calls for a more nuanced and complex comprehension of the politicization of care and care work than the ones developed by feminist theorists. As such, it provides an opportunity to delve into under-theorized dimensions of the "care crisis" in feminist accounts. On one hand, it reveals how populations are disciplined and controlled, not only through caregiving obligations, but also through being assigned or excluded from receiving care. On the other, it stresses that the organization of the public sphere is just as important as the organization of the private sphere, which is the main focus for most feminists, in preventing marginalized perspectives on caring from gaining political momentum.

Keywords: Foucault, feminist theory, resistance, pastoral power, crisis of care, biopolitics

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Authors: Yildirim Ortaoglan

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The attempt to make thought school-like by fitting it into various frameworks with the institutionalization of it is almost simultaneous with philosophy itself. What once sprouted in the “academia” of old has institutionalized under the enlightenment's light, becoming the fundamental space reflecting the spirit of its age. However, the shift from the thinking temple where truth's knowledge was sought to functional spaces where power/power relations are constructed indicates a significant rupture in the meaning of school. Therefore, a genealogical inquiry into the meaning of the school can provide us with a path toward understanding how it should be approached in contemporary times. From this perspective, it is essential to highlight how power/power relations operate in the school in terms of disciplinary practices, temporal management, and spatial organization to construct a distinct subjectivation. Recognizing that the changing and evolving nature of education is related to the structure of space can be understood by revealing how disciplinary power and bio-power, two fundamental aspects of genealogical research, operate. In disciplinary power, the relationship of the subject with discipline, temporal management, and space is about improvement and normalization, while in biopower, it manifests in maximizing utility, increasing free time, and constructing spaces that seem more vital. These indicators not only facilitate the formation of students as a subjectivation but also enable the condition of the possibility of power/power relations. Because power is not applied to subjects but used by them for passage, and behind this lies the idea that the individual is already one of the components of power. As one of the components of power, in terms of subjectivation type, the student is one of the primary targets of power relations. Therefore, conducting a genealogical inquiry of the student as a type of subjectivation and the school as its living area from the philosophical foundations of education may offer a new opportunity for thinking about the contemporary crisis of thought. Within the framework of this possibility, our investigation will consider which aspects of the school and the student, brought together for educational purposes, can be thought of within and beyond power/power relations.

Keywords: power, education, space, school, student, discipline

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: Annette Louise Dupont

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Background and Introduction: Broadly defined, hybridity is a condition of racial and cultural ‘cross-pollination’ which arises as a result of contact between colonized and colonizer. It remains a highly contested concept in postcolonial studies as it is implicitly underpinned by colonial notions of ‘racial purity.’ While some postcolonial scholars argue that individuals exercise significant agency in the construction of their hybrid subjectivities, others underscore associated experiences of exclusion, marginalization, and alienation. Kuwait and the Philippines are among the most disparate of contemporary postcolonial states. While oil resources transformed the former British Mandate of Kuwait into one of the world’s richest countries, enduring poverty in the former US colony of the Philippines drives a global diaspora which produces multiple Filipino hybridities. Although more Filipinos work in the Arabian Gulf than in any other region of the world, scholarly and literary accounts of their experiences of hybridization in this region are relatively scarce when compared to those set in North America, Australia, Asia, and Europe. Study Aims and Significance: This paper aims to address this existing lacuna by investigating hybridity and other postcolonial themes in a novel by a Kuwaiti author which vividly portrays the lives of immigrants and citizens in Kuwait and which gives a rare voice and insight into the struggles of an Arab-Filipino and European-Filipina. Specifically, this paper explores the relationships between colonial discourses of ‘black’ and ‘white’ and postcolonial discourses pertaining to ‘brown’ Filipinos and ‘brown’ Arabs, in order to assess their impacts on the protagonists’ hybrid subjectivities. Methodology: Foucault’s notions of discourse not only provide a conceptual basis for analyzing the colonial ideology of Orientalism, but his theories related to the social exclusion of the ‘mad’ also elucidate the mechanisms by which power can operate to marginalize, alienate and subjectify the Other, therefore a Foucauldian lens is applied to the analysis of postcolonial themes and hybrid subjectivities portrayed in the novel. Findings: The study finds that Kuwaiti and Filipino discursive practices mirror those of former white colonialists and colonized black laborers and that these discursive practices combine with a former British colonial system of foreign labor sponsorship to create a form of governmentality in Kuwait which is based on exclusion and control. The novel’s rich social description and the reflections of the key protagonist and narrator suggest that such fiction has a significant role to play in highlighting the historical and cultural specificities of experiences of postcolonial hybridity in under-researched geographic, economic, social, and political settings. Whereas hybridity can appear abstract in scholarly accounts, the significance of literary accounts in which the lived experiences of hybrid protagonists are anchored to specific historical periods, places and discourses, is that contextual particularities are neither obscured nor dehistoricized. Conclusions: The application of Foucauldian theorizations of discourse, disciplinary, and biopower to the analysis of this Kuwaiti literary text serves to extend an understanding of the effects of contextually-specific discourses on hybrid Filipino subjectivities, as well as a knowledge of prevailing social dynamics in a little-researched postcolonial Arabian Gulf state.

Keywords: Filipino, Foucault, hybridity, Kuwait

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