Search results for: criminalization

Authors: Stephen Fanale

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Criminalization creates sizable barriers to housing and perpetuates the cycle of homelessness. Not only does criminalization leave people on the streets and in shelters indefinitely, but it also unnecessarily costs the taxpayers. Homelessness is a growing issue throughout the world, and criminalizing these human beings is a violation of basic human rights. While this may seem like an insurmountable obstacle, there is something that can be done while fighting that battle. While they are under-researched as a whole, specialty courts, specifically homeless courts, are a growing vessel that can address some of the barriers associated with the criminalization of homelessness. They divert individuals away from jail while connecting them to services that will help their situation instead of hindering it. The model being used in Salt Lake City, while similar to others throughout the United States, stands alone in its outreach efforts and should be paving the way for the rest of the world. The following will look at criminalization and different ways of addressing it, and, finally, Salt Lake City’s current operations, including the unique outreach court: Kayak Court.

Keywords: barriers to housing, criminalization, cycle of homelessness, homeless court, diversion, kayak court

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Authors: Dimitrios Akrivos, Alexandros K. Antoniou

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This paper looks at the crucial role of the British news media in the construction of extreme pornography as a social problem, suggesting that this paved the way for the subsequent criminalization of such material through the introduction of the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008. Focusing on the high-profile case of Graham Coutts, it examines the British national press’ reaction to Jane Longhurst’s murder through a qualitative content analysis of 251 relevant news articles. Specifically, the paper documents the key arguments expressed in the corresponding claims-making process. It considers the different ways in which the consequent ‘trial by media’ presented this exceptional case as the ‘tip of the iceberg’ and eventually translated into policy. The analysis sheds light on the attempts to ‘piggyback’ the issue of extreme pornography on child sexual abuse images as well as the textual and visual mechanisms used to establish an ‘us versus them’ dichotomy in the pertinent media discourse. Finally, the paper assesses the severity of the actual risk posed by extreme pornography, concluding that its criminalization should not merely be dismissed as the outcome of an institutionalized media panic.

Keywords: criminalization, extreme pornography, social problem, trial by media

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Authors: Emrah Denizhan

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Policing studies have drawn attention to the changing role of law enforcement in favour of harsh policing strategies throughout the world. Turkey has become part of this global transition process by restructuring its policing through a series of allegedly democratic amendments to Turkish law. Nevertheless, severe violations of human rights continue to be widely experienced phenomena. This paper suggests problematizing the changing judicial framework of policing together with the persistent aggressive policing in Turkey, by considering Agamben's concept of police as a sovereign entity – sovereign police. In so doing, the paper analytically dissects sovereign police into three premises: the criminalization of the (perceived) enemy, the militarization of the police, and finally, the discretionary use of force. This examination of the state’s early ethno-racial policies and the history of the Turkish police force, and of the changing judicial framework of police-related laws in the 2000s, demonstrates that certain ‘internal enemies’ have been criminalized by increasingly militarized police using escalating discretionary use of force.

Keywords: criminalization, discretionary use of force, policing, sovereignty

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Authors: Arati S. Kade, Iftikhar Hussain, Somnath Dadas

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The paper studies resilience and uncertainties among nomadic-pastoral communities in India during large events such as pandemics and attempts to understand that with changing times and increased uncertainties, how nomadic communities historically showed their resilience. A review of the literature was performed concerning nomadism and development relations and conflicts by focusing on structural violence on nomadic communities from the caste class and patriarchy as a framework along with the role of the state. Philosophical views on the anti-nomad bias of political theories by Erik Ringmar, along with the decolonial approach by Linda Smith and debrahmanization by Braj Ranjan Mani were used to analyze criminalization of nomads. Data were collected using in-depth telephonic interviews and news reports published during the COVID-19 lockdown in India. Focusing on historical context of current crises, the paper leads to the discussion on how nomadic communities negotiate with the sedentary society during the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings of the current paper approve the hypotheses that the COVID-19 pandemic followed by lockdown deeply impacted the pastoral production system, building on the continued cycle of marginalization by the state and caste society in India, while traditional knowledge stood the test of time. Be it developmental states or pandemics, the nomadic communities have shown their resilience in a number of ways, such as keeping distance from sedentary society, usage of traditional medicine, and relying on traditional leadership.

Keywords: COVID-19, criminalization, India, nomadism, pandemic, pastoralism, resilience, traditional knowledge

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Authors: Luci V. Hyett

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The criminal law of England and Wales currently deems that a person cannot consent to the infliction of injury upon their own body, where the level of harm is considered to be Actual or Grevious. This renders the defence of consent of the victim as being unavailable to those persons carrying out an Alternative Body Modification procedure. However, the criminalization of consensual injury is more appropriately deemed as being categorized as an offense against public morality and not one against the person, which renders the State’s involvement in the autonomous choices of a consenting adult, when determining what can be done to one’s own body, an arbitrary one. Furthermore, to recognise in law that a person is capable of giving a valid consent to socially acceptable cosmetic interventions that largely consist of procedures designed to aesthetically please men and, not those of people who want to modify their bodies for other reasons means that patriarchal attitudes are continuing to underpin public repulsion and inhibit social acceptance of such practices. Theoretical analysis will begin with a juridical examination of R v M(B) [2019] QB 1 where the High Court determined that Alternative Body Modification was not a special category exempting a person so performing from liability for Grevious Bodily Harm using the defence of consent. It will draw from its reasoning which considered that ‘the removal of body parts were medical procedures being carried out for no medical reason by someone not qualified to carry them out’ which will form the basis of this enquiry. It will consider the philosophical work of Georgio Agamben when analysing whether the biopolitical climate in the UK, which places the optimization of the perfect, healthy body at the centre of political concern can explain why those persons who wish to engage in Alternative Body Modification are treated as the ‘Exception’ to that which is normal using the ‘no medical reason’ canon to justify criminalisation, rather than legitimising the industry through regulation. It will consider, through a feminist lens, the current conflict in law between traditional cosmetic interventions which alter one’s physical appearance for socially accepted aesthetic purposes such as those to the breast, lip and buttock and, modifications described as more outlandish such as earlobe stretching, tooth filing and transdermal implants to create horns and spikes under the skin. It will assert that ethical principles relating to the psychological impact of body modification described as ‘alternative’ is used as a means to exclude person’s seeking such a procedure from receiving safe and competent treatment via a registered cosmetic surgeon which leads to these increasingly popular surgery’s being performed in Tattoo parlours throughout the UK as an extension to other socially acceptable forms of self-modification such as piercings. It will contend that only by ‘inclusive exclusion’ will those ‘othered’ through ostracisation be welcomed into the fold of normality and this can only be achieved through recognition of alternative body modification as a legitimate cosmetic intervention, subject to the same regulatory framework as existing practice. This would assist in refocusing the political landscape by erring on the side of liberty rather than that of biology.

Keywords: biopolitics, body modification, consent, criminal law

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Authors: Susanna Menis

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‘Unconscious’ bias is widespread, affecting society on all levels of decision-making and beyond. Placed in the law context, this study will explore the direct effect of the psycho-social and cultural evolution of unconscious bias on how a judicial decision was made. The aim of this study is to contribute to socio-legal scholarship by examining the formation of unconscious bias and its influence on the creation of legal rules that judges believe reflect social solidarity and protect against violence. The study seeks to understand how concepts like criminalization and unlawfulness are constructed by the common law. The study methodology follows two theoretical approaches: historical genealogy and emotions as sociocultural phenomena. Both methods have the ‘tracing back’ of the original formation of a social way of seeing and doing things in common. The significance of this study lies in the importance of reflecting on the ways unconscious bias may be formed; placing judges’ decisions under this spotlight forces us to challenge the status quo, interrogate justice, and seek refinement of the law.

Keywords: legal geneology, emotions, disgust, criminal law

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Authors: Zohra Faize

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Globalization has expanded the mobility privileges of the Global North population while simultaneously, those in the Global South, namely poor, and racialized minorities are increasingly criminalized for crossing international borders. As part of this global trend, Canada also engages in tight border control practices, which often result in marginalization and criminalization of asylum seekers, including children. Using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis as a theoretical framework and methodology, this research explores the effects of tight border control practices on children asylum-seekers; with a specific focus on detention experiences in Canadian prisons and immigration Holding Centers. The preliminary results of interviews with 8 participants confirm the violations of child rights that stem from the detention practice. Children also report that they find immigration detention to be a stressful and a confusing experience, often resulting in feeling of shame and guilt after their release into the community.

Keywords: border control, crimmigration, Canada, children asylum seekers, immcarceration, interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA)

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Authors: Sheetla Prasad

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The focus issue of this article is to determine the mechanism of mind with geometrical analysis of human face. Research paradigm has been designed for study of spatial dynamic of face and it was found that different shapes of face have their own function for determine the action of mind. The functional ratio (FR) of face has determined the behaviour operation of human beings. It is not based on the formulistic approach of prediction but scientific dogmatism and mathematical analysis is the root of the prediction of behaviour. For analysis, formulae were developed and standardized. It was found that human psyche is designed in three forms; manipulated, manifested and real psyche. Functional output of the psyche has been determined by degree of energy flow in the psyche and reserve energy for future. Face is the recipient and transmitter of energy but distribution and control is the possible by mind. Mind directs behaviour. FR indicates that the face is a power house of energy and as per its geometrical domain force of behaviours has been designed and actions are possible in the nature of individual. The impact factor of this study is the promotion of human capital for job fitness objective and minimization of criminalization in society.

Keywords: functional ratio, manipulated psyche, manifested psyche, real psyche

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Authors: Desiree David

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South Africa has one of the highest rates of HIV infection in the world, with a sizable percentage of the population living with HIV. A substantial number of new infections occur as a result of sexual activity. South African courts have awarded civil claims for damages as a result of the transmission of HIV as a result of non-disclosure by the HIV-positive sexual partner, and more recently, the criminal courts have also convicted and sentenced individuals accused of infecting others as a result of sexual activity. This paper will analyse some case law from South African court cases that have dealt with criminal convictions for the transmission of HIV, and the potential for more widespread prosecutions of these cases. It will also address the desirability of this trend in light of the social public health system, as well as human rights concerns surrounding this highly contentious issue. This will be done by considering some applicable provisions of the Bill of Rights such as the right to privacy and equality, as espoused in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa. The paper further addresses the experience of other jurisdictions such as Canada, Singapore, Lesotho and Uganda, by analyzing case law, and consider the pitfalls of criminalizing a wide spectrum of sexual conduct that could result in the transmission of HIV. The paper concludes with a proposal that the issue of criminalizing the transmission of HIV cannot be addressed by the criminal justice system alone, as to do so could result in harsh consequences for those living with HIV. As such individuals may be burdened with additional responsibilities that could potentially impact on the rights of the individual. This may ultimately result in injustice for those living with HIV.

Keywords: criminalization, HIV, human rights, South Africa

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Authors: A. F. Chikerema

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Political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalization” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power (Van Wyk:2007: p1). Political parties just like any other organizations always need leadership renewal and revamping, besides ideological and policy renewal. Zimbabwean politics present a shunned leadership renewal as reflected by the two champion political parties namely ZANU PF and MDC-T. Despite hot political power contestation between MDC and ZANUPF, the parties` internal structures are hinged on the two Godfather or Father figure that is Mugabe and Tsvangirai. They are the “labels “behind the two political parties. The suppressing of dissent voice on succession and renewal of leadership in the two parties has brew resistance from within and this has resulted in factional fights within the two political parties. The disgruntlement in the political parties has led to the stemming of the ‘bhoramusango concept’ from the electorate and party cadres whereby they are throwing or donating away their votes to other political parties. The ‘bhoramusango’ concept haunted ZANUPF in 2008 leading to its defeat by the opposition MDC-T .The paper takes the form of an analytic approach on leadership crisis in Zimbabwe. The narrative is framed on key concepts of leadership: namely leadership renewal and leadership succession, as agents operating within inherited structures negotiated political settlements, and form structures of leadership. Rulers gave priority to the consolidation of state power by installing party loyalists in the armed forces, civil service and local government. As part of this process, rulers have ensured consolidated power and authority.

Keywords: leadership renewal, leadership succession, ‘Bhora Musango’, political culture, political legitimacy

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Authors: Fatemah Alzubairi

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Terrorism financing is a theme that dramatically evolved post-9/11. Supra-national bodies, above all UN Security Council and the Financial Action Task Form (FATF), have established an executive-like mechanism, which allows blacklisting individuals and groups, freezing their funds, and restricting their travel, all of which have become part of states’ anti-terrorism frameworks. A number of problems arise from building counter-terrorism measures on the foundation of a vague definition of terrorism. This paper examines the utility and consequences of counter-terrorism financing with considering the lack of an international definition of terrorism. The main problem with national and international anti-terrorism legislation is the lack of a clear objective definition of terrorism. Most, if not all, national laws are broad and vague. Determining what terrorism remains the crucial underpinning of any successful discussion of counter-terrorism, and of the future success of counter-terrorist measures. This paper focuses on the legal and political consequences of equalizing the treatment of violent terrorist crimes, such as bombing, with non-violent terrorism-related crimes, such as funding terrorist groups. While both sorts of acts requires criminalization, treating them equally risks wrongfully or unfairly condemning innocent people who have associated with “terrorists” but are not involved in terrorist activities. This paper examines whether global obligations to counter terrorism financing focus on controlling terrorist groups more than terrorist activities. It also examines the utility of the obligations adopted by the UN Security Council and FATF, and whether they serve global security; or whether the utility is largely restricted to Western security, with little attention paid to the unique needs and demands of other regions.

Keywords: counter-terrorism, definition of terrorism, FATF, security, terrorism financing, UN Security Council

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Authors: Piyanee Khumpao

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Under the Thai Penal Code and Customs Act, sex toys are criminalized and completely prohibited through the legal interpretation as obscene objects by law enforcement, despite there is no explicit legal sanction against them. The purpose of preventing people from accessing sex toys is to preserve public morals. However, sex toys are still available, exposed, and sold publicly in main cities throughout Thailand. They are easily observed by people of any age. This paper argues that sexuality is human nature and human right. Human deserves sexual pleasure as long as getting sexual pleasure does not inflict any harm on others. Using sex toys in private (individually and/or as a couple with mutual consent) does not constitute any harm nor degrade public moral. Therefore, the complete ban of sex toys shall be lifted and decriminalized. Nevertheless, the economic analysis illustrates that criminalization and prohibition of sex toys would lead to its black market – higher price and lower quantity. Although it is socially desirable to have fewer sex toys in the market, there will usually be high demand for them because sexual pleasure is natural and, hence, people have a lower price elasticity of demand for such things, including pornography. Thus, its deterrent effect is not very effective. Moreover, sex toys vendors still always exist because higher price incentivizes them to act illegally and may gain benefits from selling low-quality sex toys. Consequently, consumers do not have a choice to select high-quality sex toys at a reasonable price. Then, they are forced to purchase low quality sex toys at a higher price. They also may suffer from health issues as well as other harms from its dangerous/toxic substances since lower quality products are manufactured poorly to save costs. A law and economics approach supports the decriminalization of sex toys in Thailand. Other measures to control its availability shall be adopted to protect the vulnerable, such as children. Options are i) zoning or regulation on-premises selling sex toys as in Singapore, Japan, and China, ii) regulations of sex toys as medical apparatus like in the state of Alabama, and iii) the prevention of sex toys exposure in the real (physical) appearance (i.e., allowing virtual exposure of sex toys) like in India.

Keywords: human nature, law and economics approach, sex toys, sexual pleasure

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Authors: Nina Berding

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Migration and the ensuing diversity are integral parts of urban societies. However, engaging with the urban society and its diversification is rarely perceived as something trivial but rather as a difficult task and a major challenge. A central aspect of the discourse is the current migration of refugees from countries of the southern hemisphere to Europe and the resulting challenges for cities, their municipalities and the civil society as a whole. Based on exploratory field research in a German inner-city neighborhood, it is aimed to show that the discourses about migration and diversity are completely contrary to the everyday life actions of the urban society. Processes of migration that include leaving one’s hometown and moving to other places, searching for ‘safe’ environments or better opportunities are, historically speaking, not a new phenomenon. The urban dwellers have a large repertoire of strategies in managing processes of difference in everyday life situations, guided them well for centuries and also in these contemporary processes with an increased mobility and diversity. So there is obviously a considerable discrepancy between what is practically lived in everyday life, and how it is talked about. The results of the study demonstrate that the current discourse about the challenges of migration seems to legitimize interventions beyond humanist approaches where migrants serve as collective scapegoats for social problems and affected by different discrimination and criminalization processes. On the one hand, everyone takes advantage of the super-mobility and super-diversity in their daily lives and on the other hand, powerful stakeholders and designated authorities operate a sort of retro- nationalism and identity collectivism. Political players, the municipalities and other stakeholders then follow an urban public policy that takes actions (increasing police presence, concepts and activities for special groups, exclusion from active social life, preventing participation etc.) towards different ‘groups’ of residents, produced along ‘ethnic’ lines. The results also show that, despite the obstacles and adversities placed in their way, the excluded residents perpetually relocate and re-position themselves and attempt to empower themselves by redefining their identities in their neighborhood.

Keywords: coexistence, everyday life, migration and diversity regimes, urban policy

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Authors: Tracey Jean Boisseau

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Recently, the rise of concerted right-wing and authoritarian movements has put feminists as well as women, queer, trans, and non-binary folk, immigrants, refugees, the global poor, and people of color in their crosshairs. The U.S. is seeing unprecedented attacks on liberal democratic institutions, escalating “culture wars,” and increased anti-intellectual vitriol specifically targeting feminist and anti-racist educators and scholars. Such vitriol has fueled new legislation curtailing or outright banning of “gender studies” for its ideological commitment to theorizing gender identity as a cultural construct and an inherently political project rather than a “natural” binary that can not be contested or interrogated. At the same time, across the globe—in Afghanistan, Argentina, Brazil, France, Haiti, Hungary, Kenya, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, the Philippines, Poland, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere—emergent anti-feminist, nativist, and white-supremacist political parties, as well as established autocratic and authoritarian regimes, have instituted blatantly misogynistic, anti-queer, and anti-trans legislation, often accompanied by governmental and extra-governmental policies explicitly intended to marginalize, erase, suppress, or extinguish gender studies as a legitimate academic discipline, topic of research, and teaching field. This paper considers the origins and effects of such legislation -as well as the strategies exhibited by practitioners of gender studies to counter these effects and resist erasure- from a cross-cultural perspective. The research underpinning this paper’s conclusions includes a survey of nearly 2000 gender studies programs in the U.S. and interviews with dozens of gender studies scholars and administrative leaders of gender-studies programs located worldwide. The goal of this paper is to illuminate distinctions, continuities, and global connections between anti-gender studies legislation that emanates from within national borders but arises from rightwing movements that supercede those borders, and that, ultimately, require globalist responses.

Keywords: anti-feminist, anti-LGBTQ, legislation, criminalization, authoritarianism, globalization

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Authors: Elisabetta Baldassini

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Responses to atrocities are always unique and context-dependent. They cannot be foretold nor easily prompted. However, the events of the twentieth century had set the scene for the international community to explore new and more robust systems in response to war atrocities, with the ultimate goal being the restoration and maintenance of peace and security. The outlawry of war and the attribution of individual liability for international crimes were two major landmarks that set the roots for the development of international criminal law. From the London Conference (1945) for the establishment of the first international military tribunal in Nuremberg to Rome at the inauguration of the first permanent international criminal court, the development of international criminal law has shaped in itself a fluctuating degree of tensions between justice and maintenance of international peace and security, the cardinal dichotomy of this article. The adoption of judicial measures to achieve peace indeed set justice as an essential feature at the heart of the new international system. Blackhole of this dichotomy is the crime of aggression. Aggression was at first the key component of a wide body of peace projects prosecuted under the charges of crimes against peace. However, the wide array of controversies around aggression mostly related to its definition, determination and the involvement of the Security Council silenced, partly, a degree of efforts and agreements. Notwithstanding the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC), jurisdiction over the crime of aggression was suspended until an agreement over the definition and the conditions for the Court’s exercise of jurisdiction was reached. Compromised over the crime was achieved in Kampala in 2010 and the Court’s jurisdiction over the crime of aggression was eventually activated on 17 July 2018. China has steadily supported the advancement of international criminal justice together with the establishment of a permanent international judicial body to prosecute grave crimes and has proactively participated at the various stages of the codification and development of the crime of aggression. However, China has also expressed systematic reservations and setbacks. With the use of primary and secondary sources, including semi-structured interviews, this research aims at analyzing the role that China has played throughout the substantive historical development of the crime of aggression, demonstrating a sharp inclination in the maintenance of international peace and security. Such state behavior seems to reflect national and international political mechanisms that gravitate around a distinct rationale that involves a share of culture and tradition.

Keywords: maintenance of peace and security, cultural expression of justice, crime of aggression, China

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Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Jennifer Zelmer

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The debate regarding the morality, and therefore legality, of abortion has many social, political, and medical ramifications worldwide. In a developing country like Bolivia, carrying a pregnancy to delivery is incredibly risky. Given the very high maternal mortality rate in Bolivia, greater consideration has been given to the (de)criminalization of abortion – a contributing cause of maternal death. In the spring of 2017, the Bolivian government proposed to loosen restrictions on women’s access to receiving a safe abortion, which was met with harsh criticism from 'pro-vida' (pro-life) factions. Although the current Bolivian government Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Toward Socialism) portrays an agenda of decolonization, or to seek a 'traditionally-modern' society, nevertheless, Bolivia still has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the Americas, because of centuries of colonial and patriarchal order. Applying a feminist critique and using the abortion debate as the central point, this paper argues that the 'traditionally-modern' society Bolivia strives towards is a paradox, and in fact only contributes to the reciprocal process of the death of 'mother tongues' and the unnecessary death of women. This claim is supported by a critical analysis of historical texts about Spanish Colonialism in Bolivia; the linguistic reality of reproductive educational strategies, and the philosophical framework which the Bolivian government and its citizens implement. This analysis is demonstrated in the current state of women’s access to reproductive healthcare in Cochabamba, Bolivia based on recent fieldwork which included audits of clinics and hospitals, interviews, and participant observation. This paper has two major findings: 1) the language used by opponents of abortion in Bolivia is not consistent with the claim of being 'pro-life' but more accurately with being 'pro-potential'; 2) when the topic of reproductive health appears in Cochabamba, Bolivia, it is often found written in the Spanish language, and does not cater to the many indigenous communities that inhabit or visit this city. Finally, this paper considers the crucial role of public health documentation to better inform the abortion debate, as well as the necessity of expanding reproductive health information to more than text-based materials in Cochabamba. This may include more culturally appropriate messages and mediums that cater to the oral tradition of the indigenous communities, who historically and currently have some of the highest fertility rates. If the objective of one who opposes abortion is to save human lives, then preventing the death of women should equally be of paramount importance. But rather, the 'pro-life' movement in Bolivia is willing to risk the lives of to-be mothers, by judicial punishment or death, for the chance of a potential baby. Until abortion is fully legal, safe, and accessible, there will always be the vestiges of colonial and patriarchal order in Bolivia which only perpetuates the needless death of women.

Keywords: abortion, feminist theory, Quechua, reproductive health education

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Authors: Claudia P. Saunderson

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Widening of participation in higher education globally has increased diversity of student populations. However, widening participation is more than mere access. Central to the debate about widening participation are social justice issues of authentic inclusion and appropriate support for success for all students in higher education (HE). Given the recent global campaign for 'Black Lives Matter' as well as the worldwide advocacy for justice in the George Floyd case, the importance of the experiences of Black men, were again poignantly foregrounded. The literature abounds with the negative experiences of Black male students in higher education. Much of this literature emanates from the Global North, with little systematic research on black male students' university experiences originating from the Global South. This research, therefore, explores the psychosocial experiences of Black male students at a historically white South African university. Not only are these students' educational or academic adjustment important, but so is their psychosocial adjustment to the institution. The psychosocial adjustment might include emotional well-being, motivation, as well as the student’s perception of how well he fits in or is made to feel welcome at the institution. The study draws on strands of critical race theory (CRT), co-cultural theory (CCT) as well as defining properties of micro-aggression theory (MAT). In the study, CRT, therefore, served as an overarching theory at the macro level, and it comments on the structural dynamics while MAT and CCT rather focussed on the impact of structural arrangements like racialization, at an individual and micro-level. These theories furthermore provided a coherent analytic framework for this study. Using a case study design, this qualitative study, employing focus groups and individual interviews, drew on the psychosocial experiences of twenty Black male students to explore how they navigate this specific historically white campus. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis that provided a systematic procedure for generating codes and themes from the qualitative data. The study found that the combination of race and gender-based micro-aggressions experienced by students included negative stereotyping, criminalization as well as racial profiling and that these experiences impede participants' ability to thrive at the institution. However, participants also shared positive perspectives about the institution. Some of the positive traits of the institution that the participants mentioned were well-aligned administration, good quality of education, as well as various funding opportunities. This study implies that if any HE institution values transformation, it necessitates the exploration and interrogation of potential aspects that are subtly hidden in the institutional culture and environment that might serve as barriers to the transformation process. This positioning is based on a social justice stance and believes that all students are equal and have the right to racially and culturally equitable and appropriate education and support.

Keywords: critical race theory, higher education transformation, micro-aggression, student experience

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Authors: Alexander David Natanson

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This paper focuses on the effect of Sanctuary and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) policies on local economies. "Sanctuary cities" refers to municipal jurisdictions that limit their cooperation with the federal government's efforts to enforce immigration. Using county-level data from the American Community Survey and ICE data on economic indicators from 2006 to 2018, this study isolates the effects of local immigration policies on U.S. counties. The investigation is accomplished by simultaneously studying the policies' effects in counties where immigrants' families are persecuted via collaboration with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), in contrast to counties that provide protections. The analysis includes a difference-in-difference & two-way fixed effect model. Results are robust to nearest-neighbor matching, after the random assignment of treatment, after running estimations using different cutoffs for immigration policies, and with a regression discontinuity model comparing bordering counties with opposite policies. Results are also robust after restricting the data to a single-year policy adoption, using the Sun and Abraham estimator, and with event-study estimation to deal with the staggered treatment issue. In addition, the study reverses the estimation to understand what drives the decision to choose policies to detect the presence of reverse causality biases in the estimated policy impact on economic factors. The evidence demonstrates that providing protections to undocumented immigrants increases economic activity. The estimates show gains in per capita income ranging from 3.1 to 7.2, median wages between 1.7 to 2.6, and GDP between 2.4 to 4.1 percent. Regarding labor, sanctuary counties saw increases in total employment between 2.3 to 4 percent, and the unemployment rate declined from 12 to 17 percent. The data further shows that ICE policies have no statistically significant effects on income, median wages, or GDP but adverse effects on total employment, with declines from 1 to 2 percent, mostly in rural counties, and an increase in unemployment of around 7 percent in urban counties. In addition, results show a decline in the foreign-born population in ICE counties but no changes in sanctuary counties. The study also finds similar results for sanctuary counties when separating the data between urban, rural, educational attainment, gender, ethnic groups, economic quintiles, and the number of business establishments. The takeaway from this study is that institutional inclusion creates the dynamic nature of an economy, as inclusion allows for economic expansion due to the extension of fundamental freedoms to newcomers. Inclusive policies show positive effects on economic outcomes with no evident increase in population. To make sense of these results, the hypothesis and theoretical model propose that inclusive immigration policies play an essential role in conditioning the effect of immigration by decreasing uncertainties and constraints for immigrants' interaction in their communities, decreasing the cost from fear of deportation or the constant fear of criminalization and optimize their human capital.

Keywords: inclusive and exclusive institutions, post matching, fixed effect, time trend, regression discontinuity, difference-in-difference, randomization inference and sun, Abraham estimator

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