Search results for: protests

Authors: Aneta Ostaszewska

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The purpose of this research is to reflect on 'black protests' of women in Poland. 'Black protests' have been organized nationwide since October 2016 as a sign of opposition and resistance to anti-women government’s policy and its attempts to exacerbate abortion law. Women protest not only in the biggest cities (Warsaw, Cracow or Wroclaw) but in over 140 towns and villages all over Poland. The research represents qualitative methodological approach – an active research method. It has involved the observation, description, and analysis of 'black protests' carried out mainly in Warsaw (the capital of Poland). The focus has been on behavior and attitudes of protesting women: protesters’ slogans, statements, and views, the ways of dressing up, ways of participating and involvement in protests. Research also involves the analysis of social media discourse: the analysis of content published by women on social media. Black protests are an example of a grassroots social initiative of women in Poland. What unites women is opposition to government policy. The primary space of communication has become the Internet – especially social media (Facebook). A new social movement 'Dziewuchy dziewuchom' (Girls for girls) has been born as well as organization of 'Ogolnopolski Strajk Kobiet' (Nationwide women's strike) as a result of 'black protest'. These protests and marches became a way of emphasizing women’s subjectivity as well as political and civic activity.

Keywords: women, black protests, communitas, experience, Poland, abortion law

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Authors: Adriana Piatti-Crocker

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Drawing on archival documentation, digital platforms, academic journals, and reports, this research will explore the diffusion of a protest movement in Latin America. Starting in Argentina in 2015, this paper will explain how the hashtag #NiUnaMenos (“Not One Woman Less”), created to combat violence against women and girls, led to the spread of a regionwide movement. A year after its introduction, hundreds of thousands of activists mobilized on the streets of major cities in Latin America. Movements arose to protest against specific circumstances and contexts under the hashtag #NiUnaMenos, but the main goal of all of these protests was to fight against misogynist violence. Moreover, unlike previous social movements, the use of social media, such as Facebook, Instagram, Whatsapp, and Twitter, changed the depth and scope of these protests and led to an unprecedented speed in helping transmit their messages, strategies, identities, and goals.

Keywords: social protests, #NiUnaMenos ( Not one woman less), diffusion of social protests, protests and mysoginist violence

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Authors: Eran Gusacov

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This article argues that, as a rule, having children and adolescents participate in adult public protests, in terms of educational thought, is ideological education, brainwashing or indoctrination, and not political education, as will be defined in the article. This is a modest argument in its scope: it does not declare categorically that from a perspective of educational thought, parents and teachers need to refrain from bringing children and teenagers to social protests. The perspective offered in this article neither automatically invalidates any indoctrination in educational activities nor does it oppose the legitimacy of protests initiated by adolescents. It does, however, argue that having children and teens participate in such protests is not political education – an argument that belongs to the educational field. Furthermore, the perspective offered here does not deal with the legal layer of the children’s rights to organize, to demonstrate and/or to protest or with issues of political thought. While the examples provided in the article mainly deal with the Israeli reality, it presents a general argument, which is relevant for wherever children participate in demonstrations.

Keywords: ideological education, indoctrination, political education, protest

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Authors: Abbas Rezaei Samarin

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In October 2022, protests began following the death of Mahsa Amini and were followed by the deaths of those arrested by Iran's morality police which Iran's official media and foreign Persian-language satellite channels presented to the audience different narratives of how they were killed. These two types of media produced two different and sometimes conflicting narratives when faced with the news of a certain person's death, and the conflict is found between the narratives in some cases. This study has focused on the semiotics of these narratives, the interpretation of discourses supporting the narratives, and finally, their analysis within the framework of narrative theories. In the present study, the researcher has used a qualitative approach and has concluded that the narrative of both types of media is structured around the functions of the existing and ideal political system.

Keywords: narrative, iran, fake news, protests, manipulation of reality

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Authors: Maryam Esfandiari, Bohdan Fridrich

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On December 28, 2017, a wave of protests erupted in several Iranian cities. Protesters demonstrated against the president, Hasan Rohani, and theocratical nature of the regime. Iran has a recent history with protest movements, such as Green Movement responsible for demonstrations after 2009 Iranian presidential election. However, the 2017/2018 protests differ from the previous ones in terms of organization and agenda. The events show little to no central organization and seem as being sparked by grass root movements and by citizens’ fatigue of government corruption, authoritarianism, and economic problems of the country. Social media has played important role in communicating the protests to the outside world and also in general coordination. By using content analyses, this paper analyzes the visual content of Twitter posts published during the protests. It aims to find the correlation between their decentralized nature and nature of the tweets – either emotionally arousing or efficiency-elicit. Pictures are searched by hashtags and coded by their content, such as ‘crowds,’ ‘protest activities,’ ‘symbols of unity,’ ‘violence,’ ‘iconic figures,’ etc. The study determines what type of content prevails and what type is the most impactful in terms of reach. This study contributes to understanding the role of social media both as a tool and a space in protest organization and portrayal in countries with limited Internet access.

Keywords: twitter, Iran, collective action, protest

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Authors: Okechukwu B. C. Nwankwo

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The surge of social protests sweeping through the globe is a contemporary phenomenon. Yet the phenomenon in itself is not new. Thus, various scholars have over the years developed conceptual frameworks for evaluating it. Adopting and adapting some of these frameworks this paper begins from a purely theoretical perspective exploring the concept and content of social protest within the specific context of Nigeria. It proceeds to build a typology of the phenomenon in terms of form, actors, origin, character, organisation, goal, dynamics, outcome and a whole lot of other variables that are context relevant for evaluating it in an operationally useful manner. The centrality of the context in which protest evolves is demonstrated. Adopting Easton’s systems theory, the paper builds on the assumption that protests emerge whenever and wherever political institutions and structures prove unable or unwilling to transform inputs in form of basic demands into outputs in form of responsive policies. It argues that protests in Nigeria are simply the crystallisation of opposition in the streets. Protests are thus extra-institutional politics. This is usually the case, as elsewhere, where there is no functional institutionalised opposition. Noting that protest, disruptive or otherwise, is an influence strategy, it argues that every single protest is a new opportunity for reform, for reorganisation of state capacities, for modifying rights and obligation of citizens and government to each other. Each reform outcome is, however, only a temporal antecedent. Its extensity gives signal for the next similar protest event. Through providing evidence on how protests in Nigeria create opportunity for reform, for more accountable, more effective governance, the paper shows the positive impact of protests and its importance even in the consolidation effort for the nation’s nascent democracy. Data on protest events will be based on media reports, especially print media.

Keywords: democracy, dialectics, social protest, reform

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Authors: Süleyman Hakan Yilmaz, Yasemin Gülsen Yilmaz

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The Gezi Park protests of 2013 have significantly changed the Turkish agenda and its effects have been felt historically. The protests, which rapidly spread throughout the country, were triggered by the proposal to recreate the Ottoman Army Barracks to function as a shopping mall on Gezi Park located in Istanbul’s Taksim neighbourhood despite the oppositions of several NGOs and when trees were cut in the park for this purpose. Once the news that construction vehicles entered the park on May 27 spread on social media, activists moved into the park to stop the demolition, against whom the police used disproportioned force. With this police intervention and the then prime-minister Tayyip Erdoğan's insistent statements about the construction plans, the protests turned into anti-government demonstrations, which then spread to the rest of the country, mainly in big cities like Ankara and Izmir. According to the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ June 23rd reports, 2.5 million people joined the demonstrations in 79 provinces, that is all of them, except for the provinces of Bayburt and Bingöl, while even more people shared their opinions via social networks. As a result of these events, 8 civilians and 2 security personnel lost their lives, namely police chief Mustafa Sarı, police officer Ahmet Küçükdağ, citizens Mehmet Ayvalıtaş, Abdullah Cömert, Ethem Sarısülük, Ali İsmail Korkmaz, Ahmet Atakan, Berkin Elvan, Burak Can Karamanoğlu, Mehmet İstif, and Elif Çermik, and 8163 more were injured. Besides being a turning point in Turkish history, the Gezi Park protests also had broad repercussions in both in Turkish and in global media, which focused on Turkey throughout the events. Our study conducts content analysis of three Turkish reporting newspapers with varying ideological standpoints, Hürriyet, Cumhuriyet ve Yeni Şafak, in order to reveal their basic approach to columns casting in context of the Gezi Park protests. Columns content relating to the Gezi protests were treated and analysed for this purpose. The aim of this study is to understand the social effects of the Gezi Park protests through media samples with varying political attitudes towards news casting.

Keywords: Gezi Park, media, news casting, columns

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Authors: Charlotte-Rose Kennedy

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In a political climate divided by Brexit, it is crucial to be critical of the press, as it is the apparatus which political authorities use to impose their laws and shape public opinion. Although large protests have the power to shake and disrupt policy-making by making it difficult for governments to ignore their goals, the British press historically constructs protesters as delegitimate, deviant, and criminal, which could limit protests’ credibility and democratic power. This paper explores how the remain supporting daily UK press (The Mirror, Financial Times, The Independent, The Guardian) and the leave supporting daily UK press (The Daily Mail, The Daily Star, The Sun, The Express, The Telegraph) discursively constructed every pro- and anti-Brexit demonstration from 2016 to 2019. 702 instances of the terms ‘protester’, ‘protesters’, ‘protestor’ and ‘protestors’ were analyzed through both transitivity analysis and critical discourse analysis. This mixed-methods approach allowed for the analysis of how the UK press perpetuated and upheld social ideologies about protests through their specific grammatical and language choices. The results of this analysis found that both remain and leave supporting press utilized the same discourses to report on protests they oppose and protests they support. For example, the remain backing The Mirror used water metaphors regularly associated with influxes of refugees and asylum seekers to support the protesters on the remain protest ‘Final Say’, and oppose the protesters on the leave protest ‘March to Leave’. Discourses of war, violence, and victimhood are also taken on by both sides of the press Brexit debate and are again used to support and oppose the same arguments. Finally, the paper concludes that these analogous discourses do nothing to help the already marginalized social positions of protesters in the UK and could potentially lead to reduced public support for demonstrations. This could, in turn, facilitate the government in introducing increasingly restrictive legislation in relation to freedom of assembly rights, which could be detrimental to British democracy.

Keywords: Brexit, critical discourse analysis, protests, transitivity analysis, UK press

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Authors: Zi Zhu

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The last decade has witnessed increasing urban environmental uprisings in China, as thousands of citizens swarmed into streets to express their deep concerns about the environmental threat and public health through various collective actions. The prevalent western approaches to collective actions, which usually treat urban riots and social movements as distinct phenomenon, have plagued an adequate analysis of the urban environmental uprisings in China. The increasing urban environmental contention can neither be categorized into riots nor social movements, as they carry the features of both: at first sight, they are spontaneous, disorganized and disruptive with an absence of observable mobilization process; however, unlike riots in the west, these collective actions conveyed explicit demand in a mostly non-destructive way rather than a pure expression of frustration. This article proposes a different approach to urban environmental uprisings in China which concerns the diminishing boundaries between riots and social movements and points to the underlying structural causes to the unique forms of urban environmental contention. Taking the urban anti-PX protests as examples, this article analyzes the societal and political structural environment faced by the Chinese environmental protesters and its influence on the origin and development of their contention.

Keywords: urban environmental uprisings, China, anti-PX protests, opportunity structure

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Authors: Priyanka Joshi

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The paper traces the evolving relationship between women, public spaces, and citizenship and dissent by analyzing acts of dissent led by women. The paper outlines this relationship in the context of the protests held in Shaheen Bagh, Delhi against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), National Registry of Citizens (NRC), and National Population Register (NPR) in 2019. Additionally, the paper aims to explore how the multiple identities of the protestors in Shaheen Bagh affected the nature, implications, and responses to the protests. To do so, the paper will analyze three key areas in relationship with women, namely, public spaces, citizenship, and dissent. In doing so, it will examine the gendered access to public spaces and its implications on the realization of one’s citizenship rights. Moreover, it will explore the historical notions of citizenship, its contemporary understanding, the exclusionary nature of citizenship, and the conflict between community rights and individual rights with respect to women’s rights. In context of dissent, it will evaluate the understanding of dissent and trace the difference in the experience of dissent based on gender by reviewing social movements led and maintained by women. This paper will utilize secondary data to explore the questions it poses. This includes a study of books and journal articles in conjunction with media reports concerning gender, public spaces, citizenship, and dissent. It will apply an intersectional lens in its analysis.

Keywords: citizenship, dissent, public spaces, Shaheen Bagh, women

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Rachel Matteau-Matsha, Felix Awung

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In recent times, the issue of gender-based violence against women in South Africa is prevalent in headlines due to the high rate of attacks directed towards women. Ranging from teenagers to adults, women are continuously targeted indiscriminately in what is seemingly becoming a prolonged cycle in the country. To this end, human rights activists, organisations, and political leaders have managed to somewhat verbally condemn the atrocious acts. Further, interested people in South Africa, through walks and protests, have continued to speak against the swinging violence against women in the country. The thrust in this study is to explore and analyse how discourse (language) has been employed as a resounding voice against gender violence in the country. Through a purposive sampling of materials employed during walks and protests, collected from online sources, we examine how language is being used to combat and confront the issue of gender violence viz-a-viz how it continues to serve as a crucial tool in repelling gender violence.

Keywords: gender, violence, language, discourse, resistance

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Authors: Marcya Burden, Savonna Greer

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In the wake of social unrest around the world, protest movements have been captured like never before. As protest movements have evolved, so too have their visibility and sources of coverage. Long gone are the days of print media as our only glimpse into the action surrounding a protest. Now, with social networks such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat, we have access to real-time video footage of protest movements and human rights activism that can reach millions of people within seconds. This research paper investigated various social media network platforms’ statistical usage data in the areas of human rights activism and protest movements, paralleling with other past forms of media coverage. This research demonstrates that social networks are extremely important to protest movements and human rights activism. With over 2.9 billion users across social media networks globally, these platforms are the heart of most recent protests and human rights activism. This research shows the paradigm shift from the Selma March of 1965 to the more recent protests of Ferguson in 2014, Ni Una Menos in 2015, and End Sars in 2018. The research findings demonstrate that today, almost anyone may use their social networks to protest movement leaders and human rights activists. From a student to an 80-year-old professor, the possibility of reaching billions of people all over the world is limitless. Findings show that 82% of the world’s internet population is on social networks 1 in every 5 minutes. Over 65% of Americans believe social media highlights important issues. Thus, there is no need to have a formalized group of people or even be known online. A person simply needs to be engaged on their respective social media networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Snapchat) regarding any cause they are passionate about. Information may be exchanged in real time around the world and a successful protest can begin.

Keywords: activism, protests, human rights, networks

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Authors: Naziema B. Jappie

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Over the last 23 years leaders in government, political parties and universities have been spending much time on identifying and discussing various gaps in the system that impact systematically on students especially those from historically Black communities. Equity and access to higher education were two critical aspects that featured in achieving the transformation goals together with a funding model for those previously disadvantaged. Free education was not a feasible option for the government. Institutional leaders in higher education face many demands on their time and resources. Often, the time for crisis management planning or consideration of being proactive and preventative is not a standing agenda item. With many issues being priority in academia, people become complacent and think that crisis may not affect them or they will cross the bridge when they get to it. Historically South Africa has proven to be a country of militancy, strikes and protests in most industries, some leading to disastrous outcomes. Higher education was not different between October 2015 and late 2016 when the #Rhodes Must Fall which morphed into the # Fees Must Fall protest challenged the establishment, changed the social fabric of universities, bringing the sector to a standstill. Some institutional leaders and administrators were better at handling unexpected, high-consequence situations than others. At most crisis leadership is viewed as a situation more than a style of leadership which is usually characterized by crisis management. The objective of this paper is to show how institutions managed catastrophes of disastrous proportions, down through unexpected incidents of 2015/2016. The content draws on the vast past crisis management experience of the presenter and includes the occurrences of the recent protests giving an event timeline. Using responses from interviews with institutional leaders and administrators as well as students will ensure first-hand information on their experiences and the outcomes. Students have tasted the power of organized action and they demand immediate change, if not the revolt will continue. This paper will examine the approaches that guided institutional leaders and their crisis teams and sector crisis response. It will further expand on whether the solutions effectively changed governance in higher education or has it minimized the need for more protests. The conclusion will give an insight into the future of higher education in South Africa from a leadership perspective.

Keywords: crisis, governance, intervention, leadership, strategies, protests

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Authors: Alisa Sheppental

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The focus of this paper is the impact of coronavirus-related restrictions on the legitimacy and efficacy of subaltern counter publics and political resistance. Both difficulties and alterations of strategies needed to be considered by modern political movements within the counter-public sphere will be illustrated based on recent examples of protests in Hong Kong, Thailand, Belarus, Poland, and France. The dynamics of the modern globalized world have previously required a high level of adaptability, which resulted in a number of new features of modern political resistance in contrast with previous decades, including digitalization of protests and higher involvement of previously fewer active citizens (women, elderly, people with disabilities, etc.) However, a global pandemic situation, along with massive restrictions of daily lives, provide new input for both theoretical and empirical analysis. The following paper represents an attempt to summarize coping and adapting strategies of subaltern counter publics and activist groups under coronavirus-related restrictions.

Keywords: citizenship, political activism, subaltern counterpublics, discourse ethics

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Authors: Akanksha Lohmore, Devanshu Arya, Preeti Kapur

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Rarely does the human mind look at the positive fallout of highly negative events. Positive psychology attempts to emphasize on the strengths and positives for human well-being. The present study examines the underpinning socio-cognitive factors of the protest movements regarding the gang rape case of December 16th, 2012 through the lens of positive psychology. A gamut of negative emotions came to the forum globally: of anger, shame, hatred, violence, death penalty for the perpetrators, amongst other equally strong. In relation to this incident, a number of questions can be raised. Can such a heinous crime have some positive inputs for contemporary society? What is it that has held people to protests for long even when they see faded lines of success in view? This paper explains the constant feeding of protests and continuation of movements by the robust model of Collective Hope by Snyder, a phenomenon unexplored by social psychologists. In this paper, mixed method approach was undertaken. Results confirmed the interaction of various socio-psychological factors that imitated the Snyders model of collective hope. Emergence of major themes was: Sense of Agency, Sense of Worthiness, Social Sharing and Common Grievances and Hope of Collective Efficacy. Statistical analysis (correlation and regression) showed significant relationship between media usage and occurrence of these themes among participants. Media-communication processes and educational theories for development of citizenship behavior can find implications from these results. Theory development as indicated by theorists working in the area of Social Psychology of Protests can be furthered by the direction of research.

Keywords: agency, collective, hope, positive psychology, protest, social media

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Authors: Lee Artz

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Based on content analyses of major US media, immediately following the George Floyd killing in May 2020, some mayors and local, state, and national officials offered favorable representations of protests against police violence. As the protest movement grew to historic proportions with 26 million joining actions in large cities and small towns, dominant representations of racism by elected officials and leading media shifted—replacing both the voices and demands of protestors with representations by elected officials. Major media quoted Black mayors and Congressional representatives who emphasized concerns about looting and the disruption of public safety. Media coverage privileged elected officials who criticized movement demands for defunding police and deplored isolated instances of property damaged by protestors. Subsequently, public opinion polls saw an increase in concern for law and order tropes and a decrease in support for protests against police violence. Black Lives Matter and local organizations had no coordinated response and no effective means of communication to counter dominant representations voiced by politicians and globally disseminated by major media. Politician and media-instigated public opinion shifts indicate that social movements need their own means of communication and collective decision-making--both of which were largely missing from Black Lives Matter leaders, leading to disaffection and a political split by more than 20 local affiliates. By itself, social media by myriad individuals and groups had limited purchase as a means for social movement communication and organization. Lacking a collaborative, coordinated strategy, organization, and independent media, the loose network of Black Lives Matter groups was unable to offer more accurate, democratic, and favorable representations of protests and their demands for more justice and equality. The fight for equality was diverted by the fight for representation.

Keywords: black lives matter, public opinion, racism, representations, social movements

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Authors: Sibonakaliso Shadrack Nhlabathi

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In South Africa local governments which are charged with the provision of services and amenities, frequently, face challenges of public protests against what the public perceives to be poor services. Public protests are common, even though the Integrated Development Plan, a central public participation document, which informs local government planning and resources management, ought to be a reflection of the voices of the beneficiary communities. The Integrated Development Plan concept –which evolved from the international discourse on governance, planning, and urban management of the 1990s, and, which bears similarities to the UK’s approaches to urban management and planning– is a significant concept in the planning practice in South Africa. Against this backdrop of the spread of public protests and the supposedly public participation in IDP formulation, this study investigated the extent to which residents of the city of uMhlathuze municipality, South Africa, could use Geographical Information Systems (GIS) Story Maps to enhance public participation in the provision of services and amenities. To this effect, this study collected and analysed data obtained through interactive web maps or hard copy maps; this map data was accompanied by research participants’ attributes data. Research participants identified positive or negative service delivery areas. Positive places were the places which the residents represented as good infrastructural, and amenities areas and weak places were marked as poor amenities. Participants then located each of their identified strong or weak places as points on the GIS Story Maps or on hard copy maps of the city. The information which participants provided was subsequently analysed to produce maps of patterns of service provision. In this way, the study succeeded to identify places that needed attention regarding delivery of services and amenities. Thus, this study advanced service provision through GIS Story Maps.

Keywords: GIS, IPD, South Africa, story maps

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Authors: Summer Isaacson

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Research on gender differences in environmental behavior has long claimed that women engage less than men in environmental political participation (EPP) (protests, petitions), despite their higher levels of environmental concern and vulnerability. Using recent data from the ISSP’s 2020 Environment module including 28 countries, we revisit the gender gap in EPP. Arguing that increasing gender equality and socio-economic development can allow women to voice their environmental grievances, we use multi-level models to examine the effects of macro-level gender equality on gender differences in environmental protests, petitions, and boycotts. By distinguishing individual from collective and non-confrontational from confrontational engagement forms, this study offers an encompassing understanding of gendered patterns of participation. Women do participate more than men, but mainly in individual and non-confrontational EPP forms (petitions, boycotts) and with substantial variation across countries. Moreover, considering how women have historically been restrained from participating in politics, we argue that structural gender inequality remains an important limitation to women’s engagement. Cross-level interactions indicate that in more egalitarian countries, women are more likely to engage in several types of EPP than men. The study offers new perspectives and findings on gender differences in EPP, highlighting the impact of gender inequality on women’s participation.

Keywords: environmental activism, political participation, gender equality, pro-environmental behavior

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Authors: Khaled Ali Soltan

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Iran can be considered a triangle that is affected by 3 forces: the government, the elite, and the people. Over the last 100 years, these three forces have been at odds with each other. This lack of coordination and sometimes antagonism among these three forces has led to lawlessness in Iran (both the government and the people have entered the cycle of lawlessness) and the spread of destructive processes in the country and the destruction of resources, both natural and human resources. The direct and negative impact of this issue on people's lives as well as the environment highlights the importance of this article. This article descriptively deals with the issue and suggests solutions and examines possible problems and obstacles. There seems to be a way to establish a connection’ closeness and coordination among these three forces and put them on the path of development. ELITE RAIN is a scientific-popular process that can create coordination and cooperation between these forces, prevent destructive processes in the country and put it on the path of sustainable development and a better life. This solution is a more advanced model of brainstorming technique introduced by Alex Osborn in 1953. Given that people have tried different types of protests to improve the status quo, such as the change of government in 1979 which led to the establishment of the theocracy, participating in elections that resulted in more frustration and corruption due to the lack of real parties, and sporadic street protests that resulted in nothing more than repression, it seems that this solution can be successful.

Keywords: corruption, destruction of resources, elite rain, Iran, legal complaints, sustainable development, the elite

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Authors: M. Sohrabi Narciss

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Urban spaces of Tehran, the capital of Iran, have witnessed many revolts, movements, and protests during the past few decades. After the Iranian Constitutional Revolution, the 1979 Revolution has had a profound impact on Tehran’s urban space. In 1979, the world watched as Iranians demonstrated en masse against the Pahlavi dynastdy which eventually led to its overthrow. Tehran’s public space is replete with images and artwork that depict the overthrow of the Pahlavi regime and the establishment of an Islamic government in Iran. The public artworks related to the 1979 Islamic Revolution reflect the riots, protests, and strikes that the Iranians underwent during the revolution. Many of these artworks try to revitalize the events that occurred in the 1970s by means of collective memory. Almost 4 decades have passed since the revolution and ever since the public artwork has been affected either directly or indirectly by the Iran-Iraq War, the Green Movement, and the rise and fall of various political forces. The present study is an attempt to investigate Tehran’s urban artwork such as urban sculptures and mural paintings organized and supervised by the government and the graffiti drawn by the critics or the opposition groups. To this end, in addition to the available documents, field research and questionnaires were used to qulaitatively analyze the data. This paper tries to address the following questions: 1) what changes have occurred in Tehran’s urban art? 2) Does the public, revolution-related artwork have an effect on people’s vitality? 3) do Iranians find these artworks appealing or not?

Keywords: public space, Tehran, public art, movement, Islamic revolution

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Authors: Nane Giloyan

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The rapid development of social networks in the 21st century increases the interests towards the role and impact of social media on the success or failure of a revolution. Even though studies are investigating the role of social media on the outcome of a revolution, still, the conclusions on this matter are ambiguous so far. Hence, this research aims to investigate the role of social media in the success or failure of a revolution and make a contribution to the literature gap. The study aims to examine the research question whether the use of social media explains the success or failure of revolutions in 2008 and 2018 in Armenia. The research question is investigated through content analysis of two cases; failed revolution in 2008 and the successful revolution in 2018 in Armenia. The secondary data analysis was based on information devoted to two revolutions using local and major international news articles, journal and critical articles, in Armenian, Russian and English, also videos, posts and live streams of the revolutionary leaders. There can be many factors explaining the success or failure of a revolution. However, the investigation of the factors and their role to explain the outcome of a revolution other than the use of social media is beyond the scope of this research study. The study holds other variables constant and concludes that in the cases of 2008 and 2018 revolutions in Armenia the mobilization of society through social media explains the differences in the outcomes (failed or successful). The comparative case study of the revolutions in 2008 and 2018 in Armenia emphasizes the important role and impact of the use of social media on the success or failure of a revolution. The results highlight that the use of the Internet, particularly social media and live streams, by the opposition was the essential difference between two revolutions. Social media platforms, live streams, and communication apps that were absent in the revolutionary situation in 2008 were fundamental to the Armenian Velvet Revolution in 2018. The changes in the situation in favor of the opposition, so the outcome of the protests, were mainly based on the Internet-based mobilization of the society. It is also important to take into consideration that the country experienced a great increase in penetration rates over the decade. The percentage of access to the Internet drastically increased between 2008 and 2018. This fact may help to have a clearer understanding of the use of the Internet and social media by the opposition and the reliance on social media by society. According to the results of the continent analysis, the use of social media to direct the protests and to mobilize the society, have a vital role and positive impact on the outcome of a revolution. Thus the study concludes that it is the use of social media to initiate, organize, and direct the protests that explain the success or failure of two Armenian revolutions.

Keywords: social media, revolution, Armenia, success, failure

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Authors: Govind Ji Pandey

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The divergent opinions in the society are important for its development but with reasonable restrictions. The world recently witnessed one of the most violent protests by a group against the editor and publisher of the magazine ‘Charlie Hebdo’ for publishing cartoon of their religious leader. The supporter of freedom of speech and expression around the world were in shock and termed it the strongest attack against the free speech. People all around the world condemned the killing of the journalists but many soft voices from several corners were also coming for reasonable restrictions on the freedom of speech and expression. Of late, Indian society has witnessed many protests and supports of films with controversial content. It is the beauty of the Indian democracy which gives an opportunity to all for discussion and debate on any issue that challenges established social norms. However, many organizations as well as individuals misuse it for their personal benefits. There have been many film directors who faced protest from several quarters for their controversial themes. This research aims at analyzing the controversial contents published in print media and shown in films. To understand the nature and frequency of such media reports, content analysis technique is used. The research also highlights the perception of the public regarding the controversies. For getting the popular opinion on the coverage of controversial content in cinema and print media, five hundred people from Lucknow, UP, India were randomly selected. The findings of this research are important to understand the response of media and society towards the controversial content presented in cinema and print media. The research highlights that how a handful of people curb free speech in a democratic country like India.

Keywords: cinema, censor board, free speech, liberty, social-religious beliefs

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Authors: Natsuda Rattamanee

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Like other countries, Thailand continually experiences strong protests against dam and reservoir proposals, especially large-scale projects. The protestors are constantly worried about the potential significant adverse impacts of the projects on the environment and society. Although project proponents are required by laws to assess the environmental and social impacts of the dam proposals by making environmental impact assessment (EIA) reports and finding mitigation measures before implementing the plans, the outcomes of the assessments often do not lessen the affected people and public’s concerns about the potential negative effects of the projects. One of the main reasons is that Thailand does not have a proper and efficient law to regulate project proponents when determining the scope of environmental impact assessments. Scoping is the crucial second stage of the preparation of an EIA report. The appropriate scope of assessments will allow EIA studies to focus only on the significant effects of the proposed project on particular resources, areas, and communities. It will offer crucial and sufficient information to the decision-makers and the public. The decision to implement the dam and reservoir projects considered based on the assessments with a proper scoping will eventually be more widely accepted by the public and reduce community opposition. The research work seeks to identify flaws in the current requirements of scoping steps under Thai laws and regulations and proposes recommendations to improve the legal scheme. The paper explores the well-established United States laws and relevant rules regulating how lead agencies determine the scope of their environmental impact assessments and some guidelines concerning scoping published by dominant institutions. Policymakers and legislature will find the results of studies helpful in improving the scoping-step requirements of EIA for dam and reservoir projects and reducing the level of anti-dam protests in Thailand.

Keywords: dam and reservoir, EIA, environmental impact assessment, law, scoping, Thailand

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Authors: Naghmeh Sadat Nabavi

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Women´s role in political participation, despite its limitations, is undoubtedly the most essential and effective part of Iran. In all political events throughout Iran's history, women have been pioneers, although they have been limited from getting political positions, even in the parliament. In recent years, movements and protests have been formed by Iranian women to respect natural human rights, especially for women. These movements are accompanied and sometimes guided by female celebrities, the most important of which are actresses. In 2017, this cooperation reached its highest level compared to the past, and the political participation of actresses in support of Hassan Rouhani in the presidential elections brought people who were hesitant to vote to the polls. This type of participation of actresses is seen in the recent protest of #Woman_Life_Freedom in 2022 and 2023 that still continues.

Keywords: political participation, presidential election, actresses, celebrities, social media, women, Iran

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Authors: Maryam Sheikhzadeh Noshabadi

Abstract:

There is no doubt that the Internet has connected the entire world. As a result of this flexible environment, virtual businesses have grown in importance and become one of the most important types of businesses. Although many governments use the internet and have free access to it, some are not happy with the free space and wide accessibility. As a result of recent events and civil protests in Iran, the country's government leaders have decided to once again cut off and filter its free and global Internet. Several issues were impacted by this decision; this includes the lives of businesses that were formed in virtual spaces platform. In this study, we explored the definitive impact of the Internet in Iran in September 1401, using semi-structured interviews with 20 digital marketing activists. This group was discussed in detail in terms of their financial and psychological damages. As a result of these conditions, this group has experienced a crisis of livelihood.

Keywords: internet, Iran, filtering, digital marketing.

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Authors: Mohammadali Mokhtari

Abstract:

Developing countries increasingly recognize the need to reduce energy subsidies. Cash transfers are proposed instead of subsidies to mitigate the negative effects of energy subsidy reforms. However, there is little evidence about the redistribution effect of these subsidy-to-cash reforms. We study the redistribution impact of the largest subsidy-to-cash reform in the history of developing countries in Iran in 2010. We find a strong pro-poor impact of the reform using five inequality measures, including the Gini index and the ratio of rich to poor expenditures. Finally, we show this pro-poor impact is on average and discuss other possible mechanisms by which low-income groups objected to these pro-poor reforms in the next round, which took place in November 2019 and led to wide and large protests.

Keywords: energy economics, subsidy reform, inequality, Middle East, Iran

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Authors: Andre Bechuke

Abstract:

The years of 2015-2017 witnessed a huge campaign, and in some instances, violent protests in South Africa by students and some groups of academics advocating the decolonisation of the curriculum of universities. These protests have forced through high expectations for universities to teach a curriculum relevant to the country, and the continent as well as enabled South Africa to participate in the globalised world. To realise this purpose, most universities are currently undertaking steps to transform and decolonise their curriculum. However, the transformation process is challenged and delayed by lack of a collective understanding of the concepts ‘decolonisation’ and ‘africanisation’ that should guide its application. Even more challenging is lack of a contextual understanding of these concepts across different university disciplines. Against this background, and underpinned in a qualitative research paradigm, the perspectives of these concepts as applied by different university disciplines were examined in order to understand and establish their implementation in the curriculum transformation agenda. Data were collected by reviewing the teaching and learning plans of 8 faculties of an institution of higher learning in South Africa and analysed through content and textual analysis. The findings revealed varied understanding and use of these concepts in the transformation of the curriculum across faculties. Decolonisation, according to the faculties of Law and Humanities, is perceived as the eradication of the Eurocentric positioning in curriculum content and the constitutive rules and norms that control thinking. This is not done by ignoring other knowledge traditions but does call for an affirmation and validation of African views of the world and systems of thought, mixing it with current knowledge. For the Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences, decolonisation is seen as making the content of the curriculum relevant to students, fulfilling the needs of industry and equipping students for job opportunities. This means the use of teaching strategies and methods that are inclusive of students from diverse cultures, and to structure the learning experience in ways that are not alien to the cultures of the students. For the Health Sciences, decolonisation of the curriculum refers to the need for a shift in Western thinking towards being more sensitive to all cultural beliefs and thoughts. Collectively, decolonisation of education thus entails that a nation must become independent with regard to the acquisition of knowledge, skills, values, beliefs, and habits. Based on the findings, for universities to successfully transform their curriculum and integrate the concepts of decolonisation and Africanisation, there is a need to contextually determine the meaning of the concepts generally and narrow them down to what they should mean to specific disciplines. Universities should refrain from considering an umbrella approach to these concepts. Decolonisation should be seen as a means and not an end. A decolonised curriculum should equally be developed based on the finest knowledge skills, values, beliefs and habits around the world and not limited to one country or continent.

Keywords: Africanisation, curriculum, transformation, decolonisation, multidisciplinary perspectives, South Africa’s higher education

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Authors: Shirin Arefi

Abstract:

In Iran, women and girls are treated as second class citizens and suffer from many discrimination and inequality such as compulsory Hejab, a phenomena which has required all women to wear the hijab head-covering since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Now, the crackdown of new government has caused a massive uproar in the country. The morality police also continue to curb the choices of women, and the latest unfortunate incidents accelerate the hardened rules. The author is going to survey the views and of women against compulsory Hejab and morality and chastity police arrests. The methodology is a qualitative one in which narratives of them are coded based on grounded theory and horizons of the process is explained by phenomenological research as well. The findings and results will show the current attitudes of women of Hejab and their reactions against morality police behaviors.

Keywords: compulsory hejab, morality police, people, arrest

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Authors: Jason Salim, Zhouyang Lu

Abstract:

Private sector involvement in Public Private Partnership (PPP) projects may raise public suspicion, as PPP is often mistaken as merely a partnership between private and government agencies without consideration for greater “public” (community). This public marginalization is crucial to be dealt with because undermining opinion of majority may cause problems such as protests and/ or low demand. Game theory approach applied in this paper shows that probability of public acceptance towards a project is affected by overall public’s perception on Private sectors’ possible profit accumulation from the project. On the contrary, goodwill of the government and private coalition alone is not enough to minimize the probability of public opposition towards a PPP project. Additionally, the threat of loss or damage raised from public opposition does not affect the profit-maximization behavior of Private sectors.

Keywords: community satisfaction, game theory, non-cooperative, PPP, public policy

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Authors: Lee Kar Heng

Abstract:

Activists are people who use strong actions such as public protests or social media accusations in support of or opposition to controversial issues. While activism is the act of using such vigorous campaigns and actions to achieve political or social changes by the activists, today, the pressure and stresses from activism do not only grow in terms of civil rights but also in racial justice, labour reforms, and environmental change, to name a few. Some activism acts are constructive, but many are destructive, and they affect businesses as activists direct their sights on corporations, business entities, and organizations to achieve their supporting objectives beyond reasonable means. The paper attempts to share experiences of businesses being attacked by activists and how the attacks are mitigated. In sharing, this paper will discuss the effectiveness of the activist action and ways to react to them. The positive and negative impacts caused by activists' support action against corporations are also discussed.

Keywords: activism, conflicts, business, social responsibility

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