Search results for: politics and political stability

Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Fahimeh Ghorbani, Alam Saleh

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Ideology, politics and art have always been omnipresent patterns of Islam since its early age. The Islamic empire, expanded from China to Andalusia, has instrumentalized art and architecture to enhance political legitimacy of different dynasties or states throughout its history. Quranic verses utilized to convey ideological messages in the major mosques and mausoleums. Iranians had already been employing art and architecture to propagate their political legitimacy prior to Islam. The land of Iran and its art with strong civilizational pre-Islamic history has been profoundly politicized since the rise of Islam in the region. Early Islamic period in Iran has witnessed introduction of a new architectural language, new formulas for spatial configuration in built spaces, as well as new system of architectural decoration. Studying Iran’s Early Islamic architecture helps in better understanding the process of socio-political identity making of Iranian-Islamic culture, and thus art and architecture. This period also set the stage for formation of glorious architectural movements through Persianate world in later periods. During the Early Islamic period in Iran, the innovative combination of Islamic ideology and Iranian Architecture created formidable ideological tools in politicizing art in the region and beyond. As such, this paper aims to investigate the political history and architectural legacy from late Sassanid to Early Islamic period, delves into the ways in which Early Islamic architecture played role in transforming Persian concepts of kingship, administration, and social organization. In so doing, the study focuses on the Perso-Islamic architectural synthesis under the Samanids and Seljuk dynasty as case studies. The paper also explores how the newly introduced Islamic architecture has been employed to address the question of political legitimacy and to propagate states’ political agenda in early Islamic Iran (650-1250). As for the existing literature, despite its uniqueness and significance, Early Islamic architecture of Iran has received little scholarly attention. However, there exists a sizeable body of scholarship on socio-historic condition of the land of Iran during Early Islamic period which provide a solid base for the project. Methodologically speaking, the authors look into the subject through various lenses. They will conduct historic and archival research in libraries, private collections, and archives in Iran and the related neighbouring countries in Persian, Arabic and English. The methods of visual and formal analysis are applied to examine architectural features of the period. There are also a high number of intriguing, yet poorly examined, published and unpublished documents, old plans, drawings and photos of monuments preserved in Cultural Heritage of Iran Organization which will be consulted.

Keywords: Iran, Islamic architecture, early Islamic Iran, early Islamic architecture, politicized art, political legitimacy, propaganda, aesthetics

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Authors: Rosyidah Muhamad

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New media is facilitating collective action in ways never thought possible. Although the broader political climate may have a powerful influence on the success or failure of emerging social movement organizations, the Internet is enabling groups previously incapable of political action to find their voices Whether this shift is offering greater relative benefit to previously underrepresented or incumbent political fixtures is subject to debate, but it is clear that like-minded people are now able to better locate and converse with each other via many Internet. The recent social movement in Malaysia – the BERSIH Movement had attracted demonstrators from countries all over the world. The movement with an unforeseen mixture of nationalities became world news. Interestingly, the new media seemed to play a crucial role in the organization of the protests around the world. This article maps this movement via an analysis of their websites. It examines the contribution of these websites based on the collective identity, actual mobilization and a network of organizations. This research indicates signs of an integration of different organizations that contributed to an important role of the new media.

Keywords: Bersih Movement, Malaysian politics, new media, social movement

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Authors: Luisa Peirano

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What began as a middle-class insurgent political movement whose slogan was 'Words divide us. Action unites us!' ultimately mutated into an underground terrorist group that staged a series of armed robberies, kidnappings and even executions in the 1960s and early 1970s. One of the most memorable was the kidnapping of the British ambassador, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, in January 1971, who was held captive for eight months. The episode, which triggered a massive government response and resulted in the capture of the Tupamaros leaders, continued to have political repercussions decades later when Tupamaros leaders emerged from prison to re-enter mainstream Uruguayan politics. The kidnapping and its aftermath attracted intense media coverage in Uruguay and Britain, coverage that affected public opinion profoundly. The treatment by the Uruguayan and British medias’ diverged, however. Uruguayan newspapers focused on political issues, mirrored the positions of various political parties, and showed the larger context of social, cultural and political forces that rocked Latin America in the 1960s and early 1970s. By contrast, the British press limited its attention mainly to the human drama. On the 30th anniversary of Sir Geoffrey Jackson's death, this study compares over one hundred major newspaper articles and suggests some reasons for the differences between Uruguayan and British media treatment in terms of the volume, content, and perspective as well in the effect on readers. The differences have persisted and continue to matter in present day coverage of terrorism and its victims.

Keywords: British Ambassador, Churchill Archives Centre, Sir Geoffrey Jackson, political kidnapping, Latin America in the 1960's, Tupamaro guerrillas, Uruguay

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Authors: Abdulrahman Al Lily

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This article spans the domains of education, technology and geo-politics. It uses as an instance the Arab scholarship of education and technology, viewing its scholarly community through the geographical lens of regionalism. It enquires into the power relations among scholars in the Arab region and between scholars in the Arab region and their fellows from outside the region. It addresses the research question: to what extent have region-informed factors affected the scholarly community of education and technology in the Arab region? This question was answered by both qualitative and numerical enquiry, analysing documents, interviews and a survey of native Arabic-speaking scholars. Having analysed the data using the grounded theory approach, two categories of power relations among scholars were identified: power relations within a particular region and power relations across regions. Considering these two categories, a theoretical proposition could be posited that there could be power relationships among scholars that exist on a regional basis. The recommendation is therefore that research should further shed light upon the regionalistic (and thus geographically informed political) dynamics of scholarly communities.

Keywords: education, technology, politics, geography, regionalism, Arab

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Authors: B. Gültekin, T. Gültekin

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Peace diplomacy is the most important international tool to maintain peace all over the World. This study consists of three parts. In the first part, the leadership of Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the Nationalist Movement Party, will be introduced as a tool of peace communication and peace management. Also, in this part, peace communication will be explained by the peace leadership traits of Devlet Bahçeli, who is one of the efficient political leaders representing the concepts of compromise and agreement on different sides of politics. In the second part of study, it is aimed to analyze Devlet Bahçeli’s leadership within the frame of peace communication and the final part of this study is about creating an original public communication model for public diplomacy based on Devlet Bahçeli as an example. As a result, the main purpose of this study is to develop an original peace communication model including peace modules, peace management projects, original dialogue procedures and protocols exhibited in the policies of Devlet Bahçeli. The political leadership represented by Devlet Bahçeli inspires political leaders to provide peace communication. In this study, principles and policies of peace leadership of Devlet Bahçeli will be explained as an original model on a peace communication platform.

Keywords: public diplomacy, dialogue management, peace leadership, peace diplomacy

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Sabry A. El Azazy

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Tourism plays an essential role in supporting the National Economy. Egypt was ranked as one of the most attractive touristic destinations worldwide. Tourism as a service sector affects political events and unstable conditions. Within the revolution of January 25th, 2011, tourism became below standards, and the archeological heritage sites were subject to threat. Because of the political tension and social instability, Egypt's tourism sector has drastically dropped. Currently, Egypt is working on overcoming the crisis caused by political unrest. However, it is expected to take a long time to get back to where it was, especially in terms of regaining the confidence of travelers in the country's ability to guarantee and maintain security and stability. Recently, many great projects have been done, such as; New Administrative Cairo Capital, New Suez Canal logistic project, New City of Al Alamin, New Grand Egyptian Museum, as well as other great projects that reflect positively on the tourism industry and archaeological heritage development in Egypt.

Keywords: archaeology, archaeological heritage, attractions, national economy, political events, touristic destinations, tourism industry

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Authors: S. Opadere Olaolu

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Religion, as a belief-system, has been with humanity for a long time. It has been recognised to impact the lives of individuals, groups, and communities that hold it dear. Whether the impact is regarded as positive or not depends on the assessor. Thus, for reasons of likely subjectiveness, possible irrationality, and even outright deliberate abuse, most emerging economies seek to follow the pattern of separating the State from religion; yet it is certain that the influence of religion on the State is incontrovertible. Corruption, on the other hand, though difficult to define in precise terms, is clearly perceptible. It could manifest in very diverse ways, including the abuse of a position of trust for the gain of an individual, or of a group with shared ulterior motive. Religion has been perceived, among others, as a means to societal stability, marital stability, infusion of moral rectitude, and conscience with regards to right and wrong. In time past, credible and dependable characters reposed largely and almost exclusively with those bearing deep religious conviction. Even in the political circle, it was thought that the involvement of those committed to religion would bring about positive changes, for the benefit of the society at large. On the contrary, in recent times, religion has failed in these lofty expectations. The level of corruption in most developing economies, and the increase of religion seem to be advancing pari passu. For instance, religion has encroached into political space, and vice versa, without any differentiable posture to the issue of corruption. Worse still, religion appears to be aiding and abetting corruption, overtly and/or covertly. Therefore, this discourse examined from the Nigerian perspective—as a developing economy—, and from a multidisciplinary stand-point of Law and Religion, the issue of religion; secularism; corruption; romance of religion and politics; inability of religion to exemplify moral rectitude; indulgence of corruption by religion; and the need to keep religion in private sphere, with proper checks. The study employed primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; judicial decisions; and the Bible. The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study include the breach of constitutional provisions to keep religion out of State affairs; failure of religion to curb corruption; outright indulgence of corruption by religion; and religion having become a political tool. In conclusion, it is considered apposite still to keep the State out of religion, and to seek enforcement of the constitutional provisions in this respect. The stamp of legality placed on overt and covert corruption by religion should be removed by all means.

Keywords: corruption, complicity, legalizing, religion

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Authors: Lucile Richard

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Contemporary thinkers studying biopolitics and its lethal logic find little interest in Foucault's "vague sketch of the pastorate.” Despite pastoral power being depicted as the matrix of governmentality in the genealogy of biopower, most post-Foucauldian theorists disregard its study. Sovereign power takes precedence in the examination of the governmental connection between care, violence, and death. Questioning this recurring motif, this article advocates for a feminist exploration of pastoral power. It argues that giving attention to the genealogy of the pastorate is essential to account for the carelessness that runs today's politics. Examining Foucault's understanding of this "power to care" uncovers the link between care work and politics, a facet of governmentality often overlooked in sovereignty-centered perspectives. His description of “pastoral insurrections”, in so far as it highlights that caring, far from being excluded from politics, is the object of competing problematizations, also calls for a more nuanced and complex comprehension of the politicization of care and care work than the ones developed by feminist theorists. As such, it provides an opportunity to delve into under-theorized dimensions of the "care crisis" in feminist accounts. On one hand, it reveals how populations are disciplined and controlled, not only through caregiving obligations, but also through being assigned or excluded from receiving care. On the other, it stresses that the organization of the public sphere is just as important as the organization of the private sphere, which is the main focus for most feminists, in preventing marginalized perspectives on caring from gaining political momentum.

Keywords: Foucault, feminist theory, resistance, pastoral power, crisis of care, biopolitics

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Authors: Francesco Pisano

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Islam has been an important topic in Turkey’s institutional identity. Since the dawn of the Turkish Republic, at the end of the First World War, the new Turkish leadership was urged to deal with the religious heritage of the Sultanate. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Turkey’s first President, led the country in a process of internal change, substantially modifying not merely the democratic stance of it, but also the way politics was addressing the Muslim faith. Islam was banned from the public sector of the society and was drastically marginalized to the mere private sphere of citizens’ lives. Headscarves were banned from institutional buildings together with any other religious practice, while the country was proceeding down a path of secularism and Westernization. This issue is demonstrated by the fact that even a new elected Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, was initially barred from taking the institutional position, because of allegations that he had read a religious text while campaigning. Over the years, thanks to this initial internal shift, Turkey has often been seen by Western partners as one of the few countries that had managed to find a perfect balance between a democratic stance and an Islamic inherent nature. In the early 2000s, this led many academics to believe that Ankara could eventually have become the next European capital. Since then, the internal and external landscape of Turkey has drastically changed. Today, religion has returned to be an important point of reference for Turkish politics, considering also the failure of the European negotiations and the always more unstable external environment of the country. This paper wants to address this issue, looking at the important role religion has covered in the Turkish society and the way it has been politicized since the early years of the Republic. It will evolve from a more theoretical debate on secularism and the path of political westernization of Turkey under Ataturk’s rule to a more practical analysis of today’s situation, passing through the failure of Ankara’s accession into the EU and the current tense political relation with its traditional NATO allies. The final objective of this research, therefore, is not to offer a meticulous opinion on Turkey’s current international stance. This issue will be left entirely to the personal consideration of the reader. Rather, it will supplement the existing literature with a comprehensive and more structured analysis on the role Islam has played on Turkish politics since the early 1920s up until the political domestic revolution of the early 2000s, after the first electoral win of the Justice and Development Party (AKP).

Keywords: democracy, Islam, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Turkey

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Authors: Arcady Ponosov., Ramazan Kadiev

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The work studies the global moment stability of solutions of systems of nonlinear differential Itô equations with delays. A modified regularization method (W-method) for the analysis of various types of stability of such systems, based on the choice of the auxiliaryequations and applications of the theory of positive invertible matrices, is proposed and justified. Development of this method for deterministic functional differential equations is due to N.V. Azbelev and his students. Sufficient conditions for the moment stability of solutions in terms of the coefficients for sufficiently general as well as specific classes of Itô equations are given.

Keywords: asymptotic stability, delay equations, operator methods, stochastic noise

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Authors: Ismail Sualman, Mohd Khairuddin Othman

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General Election has been the backbone of democracy that permits people to choose their representatives as they deem fit. The support preferences of the voter differ from one to another, particularly in a plural society like Malaysia. The turning up of high numbers of young voters during the Malaysia 14th General Election has been said to have been caused by social media including Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, Instagram, YouTube and Telegram, WeChat and SMS/MMs. It has been observed that, besides using social media as an interaction tool among social friends, it is also an important source of information to know about issues, politics and politicians. This paper exhibits the role of social media in providing political information to young voters, before an election and during the election campaign. This study examines how this information is being translated into election support. A total of 799 Malay young respondents in Selangor have been surveyed and interviewed. This study revealed that social media has become the source of political information among Malay young voters. This research suggested that social media had a significant effect on the support during the election. Social media plays an important role in carrying information such as current issues, voting trends, candidate imagery and matters that may influence the view of young voters. The information obtained from social media has been translated into a voting decision.

Keywords: social media, political behaviour, voters’ choice, election.

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Authors: Kenneth Azaigba

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The history of post-colonial African States has been dubbed a history of endemic warfare in existing literature. Indeed, Africa political environment is characterized by a multiplicity of threats to peace and security. Africa's leading drivers of conflict include abundant (especially mineral) resources, personal rule and attendant political authoritarianism, manipulation of identity politics across ethnicity, marginalization of communities, as well as electoral mal-practices resulting in contested legitimacy and resultant violence. However, the character of armed conflicts in Africa is changing. This paper attempts to reconstruct the trajectory of armed conflicts in Africa and explain the changing pattern of armed conflict. The paper contends that large scale political violence in Africa is on the decline rendering the endemic thesis an inappropriate paradigm in explaining political conflicts in Africa. The paper also posits that though small scale conflicts are springing up and exhibiting trans-border dimensions, these patterns of armed conflicts are not peculiar to Africa but emerging waves of global conflicts. The paper explains that the shift in the scale of warfare in Africa is a function of a multiplicity of post-cold war global contradictions. Inclusive governance, social justice and economic security are articulated as workable panaceas for mitigating warfare in Africa.

Keywords: Africa, conflicts, pattern, war

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Authors: Israel Ekanade, Richard Molapo, Patrick Dzimiri, Isaac Ndlovu

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This study aims to unravel the myth behind animosity towards foreign nationals in South Africa. Systemic violence against foreign African nationals since 2008 to date necessitates critical research with regards to migration issues connected to social upheavals. Extensive research ubiquitously tagged black-on-black violence as xenophobia or Afrophobia. In all, escalation of violence indicates a connotation of belonging. With unemployment rates approaching a crescendo, other vices have also soared in the same regard. As a result, this present generation seems cynical as the South African state has not fulfilled her obligations towards the indigent population; a situation pitching locals against foreigners. Locals have repeatedly blamed African foreign nationals for the economic downturn, using service delivery strikes to express their grievances. These strikes have continued unabatedly over the years but February 2017 marked a turning point in ‘insider-outsider’ relations as the strike was now turned to an anti-immigrant march resulting into widespread violence as the police failed to restore normalcy at some point. Over time, migration has been a harbinger of violence against the foreign black population in South Africa. Our paper encourages the state and civil society to invent new peace-building mechanisms to reduce xenophobic orchestrated violence. Our paper also contends that since the political class has hijacked the situation by using the youths for political propaganda during crises periods, a re-education of the political class and a culture of tolerance is inevitable for peace and harmony between locals and foreigners in post-apartheid South Africa.

Keywords: anti-immigrant march, politics of belonging, service delivery strikes, South Africa

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Authors: Xabier Barandiaran, Igone Guerra

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The economic and financial crisis that hit European countries in 2008 revealed the inability of governments to respond unilaterally to the so-called “wicked” problems that affect our societies. Closely linked to this, the increasing disaffection of citizens towards politics has resulted in growing distrust of the citizenry not only in the institutions in general but also in the political system, in particular. Precisely, these two factors provoked the action of the local government of Gipuzkoa (Basque Country) to move from old ways of “doing politics” to a new way of “thinking politics” based on a collaborative approach, in which innovative modes of public decision making are prominent. In this context, in 2015, the initiative Etorkizuna Eraikiz (Building the Future), a contemporary form of networked governance, was launched by the Provincial Government. The paper focuses on the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, a sound commitment from a local government to build jointly with the citizens the future of the territory. This paper will present preliminary results obtained from three different experiences of co-creation developed within Etorkizuna Eraikiz in which the formulation of networked governance is a mandatory pre-requisite. These experiences show how the network building approach among the different agents of the territory as well as the co-creation of public policies is the cornerstone of this challenging mission. Through the analysis of the information and documentation gathered during the four years of Etorkizuna-Eraikiz, and, specifically by delving into the strategy promoted by the initiative, some emerging analytical conclusions resulting from the promotion of this collaborative culture will be presented. For example, some preliminary results have shown a significant positive relationship between shared leadership and the formulation of the public good. In the period 2016-2018, a total of 73 projects were launched and funding by the Provincial Government of Gipuzkoa within the Etorkizuna Eraikiz initiative, that indicates greater engagement of the citizenry in the process of policy-making and therefore improving, somehow, the quality of the public policies. These statements have been supported by the last survey about the perspectives of the citizens toward politics and policies. Some of the more prominent results show us that there is still a high level of distrust in Politics (78,9% of respondents) but a greater trust in institutions such the Political Government of Gipuzkoa (40,8% of respondents declared as “good” the performance of this provincial institution). Regarding the Etorkizuna Eraikiz Initiative, it is being more readily recognized by citizens over this period of time (25,4% of the respondents in June 2018 agreed to know about the initiative giving it a mark of 5,89 ) and thus build trust and a sense of ownership. Although, there is a clear requirement for further research on the linkages between collaborative governance and level of trust, the paper, based on these findings, will provide some managerial and theoretical implications for collaborative governance in the territory.

Keywords: network governance, collaborative governance, public sector innovation, citizen participation, trust

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Authors: Banu Baybars Hawks

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To date, academic attention in social sciences remains inadequate with regard to research and analysis of public opinion in Turkey. Most of the existing research has assessed the public opinion during political election periods. Therefore, it is of great interest to find out what the public thinks about current issues in Turkey, and how to interpret the results to be able to reveal whether they may have any reflections on social, political, and cultural structure of the country. Accordingly, the current study seeks to fill the gap in the social sciences literature in English regarding Turkey’s social and political stand which may be perceived to be very different by other nations. Without timely feedback from public surveys, various programs for improving different services and institutions functioning in the country might not achieve their expected goal, nor can decisions about which programs to implement be made rationally. Additionally, the information gathered may not only yield important insights into public’s opinion regarding current agenda in Turkey, but also into the correlates shaping public policies. Agenda-setting studies including agenda-building, agenda melding, reversed agenda-setting and information diffusion studies will be used to explain the roles of factors and actors in the formation of public opinion in Turkey. Knowing the importance of public agenda in the agenda setting and building process, this paper aims to reveal the social and political tendencies of the Turkish public. For that purpose, a survey will be carried out in December of 2014 to determine the social and political trends in Turkey for that same year. The subjects for the study, which utilize a questionairre in one-on-one interviews, will include 1,000 individuals aged 18 years and older from 26 cities representing general population. A stratified random sampling frame will be used. The topics covered by the survey include: The most important current problem in Turkey; the Economy; Terror; Approaches to the Kurdish Issue; Evaluations of the Government and Opposition Parties; Evaluations of Institutional Efficiency; Foreign Policy; the Judicial System/Constitution; Democracy and the Media; and, Social Relations/Life in Turkey. Since the beginning of the 21st century, Turkey has been undergoing a rapid transformation. The reflections of the changes can be seen in all areas from economics to politics. It is my hope that findings of this study may shed light on the important aspects of institutions, variables setting the agenda, and formation process of public opinion in Turkey.

Keywords: public opinion, media, agenda setting, information diffusion, government, freedom, Turkey

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Authors: Vesile Evrim, Aliyu Awwal

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By the evolvement in technology, the way of expressing opinions switched the direction to the digital world. The domain of politics as one of the hottest topics of opinion mining research merged together with the behavior analysis for affiliation determination in text which constitutes the subject of this paper. This study aims to classify the text in news/blogs either as Republican or Democrat with the minimum number of features. As an initial set, 68 features which 64 are constituted by Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count (LIWC) features are tested against 14 benchmark classification algorithms. In the later experiments, the dimensions of the feature vector reduced based on the 7 feature selection algorithms. The results show that Decision Tree, Rule Induction and M5 Rule classifiers when used with SVM and IGR feature selection algorithms performed the best up to 82.5% accuracy on a given dataset. Further tests on a single feature and the linguistic based feature sets showed the similar results. The feature “function” as an aggregate feature of the linguistic category, is obtained as the most differentiating feature among the 68 features with 81% accuracy by itself in classifying articles either as Republican or Democrat.

Keywords: feature selection, LIWC, machine learning, politics

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Authors: Edward Y. W. Chu

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This paper exemplifies how the political and educational considerations have shaped the heavy-handed MOI policy in Hong Kong after its handover to China in 1997. Its result, a significant degeneration of English standard among the non-elite students, will be reported based on a detailed analysis of the public exam statistics available and other empirical studies. The remedial action taken by the Education Bureau out of the economic and educational considerations will be reported with reference to the official documents. The political, economic and educational considerations exemplified in different stages of Mother-tongue MOI policy in Hong Kong are found to be influential in the MOI policy in other Asian countries as well. For example, out of rapid internationalization and marketization, there has been increasing adoption of English as the MOI in post-secondary institutions in China, Japan & South Korea. On the other hand, while colonial languages were firmly made as the MOI in former colonies such as Vietnam and India, they were greatly retrieved upon independence for political and educational reasons. Malaysia also followed the same pattern upon independence but re-introduced partial English MOI policy in late 90s hoping to capitalize favourable globalization benefits. The short-lived policy was abandoned in 2009 because of the perceived political threat of national identity as well as the lack of educational effectiveness. Based on the great majority of Asian countries studied, this paper argues that MOI policy in Asia is much more than an educational issue, and that there is a clear pattern of how decisions of MOI matters are made. Studying the history and development of MOI in Hong Kong and other Asian countries provides a unique angle to view of how Asian countries prepare for the political, economic and educational challenges nowadays.

Keywords: economics, Hong Kong, medium of instruction, politics

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Authors: Michael A. Genovese

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The struggle for LGBTQ rights in the United States began in Greenwich Village, New York, in 1967, when police tried to break up a gathering of mostly gay men who were partying at the Stonewall Bar in NYC. As unlikely as it may sound, this “riot” proved to be consequential in raising the political consciousness of gay men in America. From that point on, gays engaged in a political battle to achieve the rights to which they were entitled. This essay examines changes in popular opinion regarding LGBTQ rights from the late 1960s through the Trump administration, and examines the role public pressure played on presidential politics. For most of this period, presidents “followed” public opinion. This was true even during the administration of Barack Obama when gay Americans finally achieved some clearly spelled out rights (e.g. same-sex marriage). The findings of this paper call into question certain assumptions about presidential leadership, and underline the power of public opinion in shaping policy.

Keywords: presidential leadership, gay rights, LGBTQ, popular opinion

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Authors: Fakhreddin Abedi, Wah June Leong

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Exponential stability of stochastic differential equations with non trivial solutions is provided in terms of Lyapunov functions. The main result of this paper establishes that, under certain hypotheses for the dynamics f(.) and g(.), practical exponential stability in probability at the small neighborhood of the origin is equivalent to the existence of an appropriate Lyapunov function. Indeed, we establish exponential stability of stochastic differential equation when almost all the state trajectories are bounded and approach a sufficiently small neighborhood of the origin. We derive sufficient conditions for exponential stability of stochastic differential equations. Finally, we give a numerical example illustrating our results.

Keywords: exponential stability in probability, stochastic differential equations, Lyapunov technique, Ito's formula

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: Ikenna Emmanuel Idoko

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Evolution and evolutionary processes are phenomena that have come to stay in the fabrics of the universal living, hence expressions such as universal evolution. These evolutions in the universe cut across all facets of human accomplishments, which architecture is a part of. There is a notion in political sciences that politics and the act of politicking are local, meaning that politics and political processes are unique and peculiar to a people, all dependent on their sociocultural makeup. The notion is also applicable in architecture because the architecture of a people is mostly dependent on several factors such as climatic conditions, material availability, socio-cultural beliefs and religious inclinations. Stemming from the cultural dimension, it is of course common knowledge that every society is driven by its own unique culture. The fusion of architecture and culture creates the actual uniqueness which underlines the “archi-cultural” representation of a people’s material culture. This paper is aimed at appraising architectural evolution as it affects the representation of the material culture of a people. For effective systemization of the aim, various spectacular kinds of literature were reviewed, coupled with the visitation and study of existing buildings in Nigeria to properly understand the live peculiarity in the architecture of the selected area. Since architecture needs a lot of pictorial pieces of evidence, pictures and graphical representations were extensively utilized, and channelled to aid a better understanding of the study. Amongst all, an important part of this paper is that it adds to the body of existing knowledge in the Arts and Humanities by speaking extensively to the tenets of cultural representation on buildings. Similarly, the field of architecture, specifically, traditional architecture, would be gaining some extra knowledge owing to the study of some important almost-neglected or forgotten architectural elements of various traditional buildings.

Keywords: evolution, architecture, material, culture

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Authors: Rana Mohamed Abd El Aal

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This is an exploratory study that aims to answer the question of whether and to what extent the prevailing political culture with a special focus to the factor of political awareness for Egyptian university students is influential in shaping their participatory behavior; more precisely in four main Universities ;(Cairo University- BaniSwif University- BUE University- Suez Canal University). To ensure the validity of my results, I deployed a number of different data collection methods: the collection, analysis, integration of both quantitative and qualitative methods; for investigating two main hypothesis H1: There is a positive relation between the political awareness level and political participation for university students, H2: There is a positive relation between political values in the society and the level of political participation of university students. The study reveals that though the sample represented the portion of political science students in different Universities, the level of political awareness and political participation was low with a statistically significant relationship; also, the patterns of values in Egyptian culture affects significantly the level of participation in the different universities. Therefore; the study using SWOT analysis recommends some policies for increasing the level of awareness and integrating youth in the political process.

Keywords: political awareness, political participation, civic culture, citizenship, egyptian universities, political knowledge

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Authors: Dani Karmakar

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In India, the journey of street theatre was started with Indian peoples Theatre Association (IPTA) as a tool for anti-establishment that was categorized as by the people and for the people. It has expressed common people’s feelings, problems, day to day life. It has brought a social change that is downtrodden. By its nature, it is based on communist ideology. Street theatre is a theatre of protest. In India, many folk theatres translate directly ‘Street Theatre’, those are Veedhi Natakam in Andhra Pradesh and Therukoothu in Tamil Nadu. But they do not covey to common definition of street theatre. There are different folk theatres of different regions in India. All folk theatres have individual characteristic, criteria, taste and flavor that can render distinctive each others. In festivals or special occasions, whole communities come together to enjoy collectively and express their feelings. The Veedhi Natakam means 'street theatre'. Theru koothu is a traditional street theatre in the northern districts of Tamilnadu. Folk theatre has potential to deliver strong messages. It has a socially significant role. At Veedhi Natakam, Vidhushaka takes part for social criticism. Gambhira is also a socio-political folk drama presentation in West Bengal.

Keywords: folk theatre, Gambhira, politics, street theatre

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This study aims to explore the visual roots of classical rhetoric and its implication for gender politics by the constant reference to Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of novelist time. First, it attempts to clarify the argument that “visuality always has been integral to rhetorical consciousness” by critically re-reading the rhetorical theories of roman rhetorician such as Cicero and Quintilian. Thereby, the vague clues of visuality would be realized from the so-called ‘five canons of rhetoric’ (invention, arrangement, style, memory, and delivery), which originally deriving from verbal and spoken rhetorical tradition. Drawing on Mikhail Bakhtin’s elaboration of novelist time in contrast to epic time, it addresses the specific timeline inherent in the dynamics of visual rhetoric involves the refusing the ‘absolute past’, the focusing on unfinalized contemporary reality, and the expecting for open future. Taking the primary visions of Taipei LGBT parade over the past 13 years as research cases, it mentions that visuality could not only activate the rhetorical functions of classical rhetoric, but also inspire gender politics in the contemporary era.

Keywords: classical rhetoric, gender politics, Mikhail Bakhtin, visuality

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Authors: JoVontae Butts

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A central and enduring theme in the study of American politics is political participation, which indicates the health of a democracy, citizen buy-in, and fair political representation. Though voting push factors have been thoroughly researched and are becoming better understood, the effect of those same push factors often varies for marginalized people. Black voters begun to cast votes at a steadily increasing rate following the 1996 election, gradually growing to its highest level in the 2012 presidential election, even surpassing white voter participation rates. The thirty-year growth period of Black voter engagement concluded in the 2016 election, with the number of participating Black voters stumbling by approximately 7% while other demographics remained roughly the same. Theories for the shift in Black voter behavior range from vote suppression to discouragement due to Barack Obama’s concluding tenure in office. Furthermore, Black voter engagement rebounded in the 2020 election, leaving turnout and race scholars to speculate even further, predicting that disapproval of Trump energized the Black voter bloc. Though there is much conjecture regarding the changes in Black voter behavior, there is truly little empirical evidence to vet those suppositions. This study engages and quantifies speculations for the changes in Black voter engagement in recent elections using 2016 and 2020 American National Election Studies Pilot Study data. Additionally, this study expands upon McGregor’s theory of political hypervigilance by exploring differences in political engagement for church-attending Black voters and those that do not.

Keywords: race, religion, evangelicalism, political engagement

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Authors: Su-Lin Yu

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Coalition politics has been one of feminists’ persistent concerns. Following recent feminist discussion on new modes of affiliation across difference, she will explore how the process of female subject formation depends on alliances across different cultural locations. First, she will examine how coalition politics is reformulated across difference in contemporary feminist literature. In particular, the paper will identify the particular contexts and locations in which coalition building both enables and constrains the female subject. She will attempt to explore how contemporary feminist literature highlights the possibilities and limitations for solidarity and affiliations. To understand coalition politics in contemporary feminist works, she will engage in close readings of two texts: Rebecca Walker’s Black, White and Jewish: Memoir of a Shifting Self and Danzy Senna’s Caucasia. Both Walker and Senna have articulated the complex nodes of identity that are staged by a politics of location as they refuse to be boxed into simplistic essentialist positions. Their texts are characterized by the characters’ racial ambiguity and their social and geographical mobility of life in the contemporary United States. Their experiences of living through conflictual and contradictory relationships never fully fit the boundaries of racial categorization. Each of these texts demonstrates the limits as well as the possibilities of working with diversity among and within persons and groups, thus, laying the ground for complex alliance formation. Because each of the protagonists must negotiate a set of contradictions, they will have to constantly shift their affiliations. Rather than construct a static alliance, they describe a process of moving ‘beyond boundaries,’ an embracing of multiple locations. As self-identified third wavers, Rebecca Walker and Danzy Senna have been identified and marked with the status of ‘leader’ by the feminist establishment and by mainstream U.S. media. Their texts have captured both mass popularity and critical attention in the feminist and, often, the non-feminist literary community. By analyzing these texts, she will show how contemporary American feminist literature reveals coalition politics which is fraught with complications and unintended consequences. Taken as a whole, then, these works provide an important examination not only of coalition politics of American feminism, but also a snapshot of a central debate among feminist critique of coalition politics as a whole.

Keywords: coalition politics, contemporary women’s literature, identity, female subject

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Authors: Lisa Mockli, Chelsea Sambells

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By combining the methodologies of history and translation studies, this study will explore the interplay between humanitarian action, politics, and translation within the advertising for a lesser-known Swiss child evacuation project of some 60.000 Belgium and French children to Switzerland for three month periods from 1940 to 1945. Inspired by Descriptive-Explanatory Translation Studies, this project compares Swiss speeches published between May and September 1942 (the termination of the evacuations). Radio broadcasts, leaflets and newspapers will triangulate the data. First, linguistic and content-related differences will be identified and described. Second, based on findings from the Swiss Federal Archives, the evidence from the comparative textual analysis will then be evaluated in order to explore how the speeches were modified, for what purpose, and which key issues were raised during their modification. By exploring these questions, this paper provides new insights into (I) Switzerland’s understanding of Swiss neutrality and humanitarianism during the Second World War, (II) the role of children in war and (III) the role of translation in shaping political discourse and humanitarian action. Moreover, this interdisciplinary approach also demonstrates how scholarly collaboration may help to make some elements of humanitarian action more self-reflexive and effective.

Keywords: children, history, humanitarianism, politics, translation

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