Search results for: insurgency

Authors: Yagnik Patel

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This paper will analyze and explain two main objectives. First, it will examine the emergence of the insurgency in the state of Tripura. The State of Tripura was facing the full blow of insurgency problem since 1978 after the formation of Tripura National Volunteers (TNV). But, the roots of this insurgency were found even before 1978. This study will analyze the roots and trajectory of insurgency in the Tripura. Second, it will examine the role played by the police in counterinsurgency in the State of Tripura. Even though state police are mandated for the maintenance of the law and order and public order (like every police), the state police of Tripura have played a significant role in curbing the insurgency by enhancing their counterinsurgency (COIN) capabilities and re-structuring the new comprehensive COIN doctrine. And by the end of May 2015, the State Government has lifted The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) from the State of Tripura, as declaiming of the violence. The fight against the insurgency, usually done by the military or para-military, but nowadays the police organization is also becoming a vital state apparatus. After Punjab police and Andhra Pradesh police, Tripura police have also successfully curbed the insurgency from the state. This was the third time when successful counterinsurgency did by the state police in India. This has shown the importance of the police in the fight against the insurgency. In this regard, this paper will use both quantitative and qualitative research methods for an explanatory case study to analyze and explain the roots, causes and the trajectory of insurgency in the state of Tripura and the role played by the police in COIN in Tripura. Along with this, the paper will also examine the successful ‘Police Model of Tripura’.

Keywords: counterinsurgency, insurgency, police, Tripura state rifles

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Authors: Spyridon Plakoudas

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After the capture of Al-Raqqah and the defeat of the short-lived Islamic Caliphate in 2017, everyone predicted the end of ISIS. However, ISIS proved far more resilient than initially thought. The militant group quickly regrouped from its defeat and started a low-intensity guerrilla campaign in central Iraq (near Kirkuk and Mosul) and north-eastern Syria (near Deir ez-Zorr). At the same time, ISIS doubled down on its cyber-campaign; actually, ISIS is as active on the cyber-domain as during the peak of its power in 2015. This paper, a spin-off paper from a co-authored book on the Syrian Civil War (due to be published by Rowman and Littlefield), intends to examine how ISIS operates in the cyber-domain and how this "Cyber-Caliphate" under re-construction is associated with its post-2017 strategy. This paper will draw on the discipline of War Studies (with an emphasis on Cyber-Security and Insurgency / Counter-Insurgency) and will benefit from the insights of interviewed experts on the field (e.g., Hassan Hasssan). This paper will explain how the successful operation of ISIS in the cyber-space preserves the myth of the “caliphate” amongst its worldwide followers (against the odds) and sustains the group’s ongoing insurgency in Syria and Iraq; in addition, this paper will suggest how this cyber-threat can be countered best.

Keywords: ISIS, cyber-jihad, Syrian Civil War, cyber-terrorism, insurgency and counter-insurgency

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Authors: Godiya Atsiya Pius

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The recent dimension of terrorist attacks and violence in West Africa and Nigeria in particular has attracted both academic and global concerns. Children, young girls and women are now victims of violent attacks and insurgency in their own country. Today, we have a reverse situation where women and children were spared during violence in the past. Empirical evidence shows that millions of children, young girls and women are caught up in violent attacks in which they are not merely spectatorial, but victims of circumstance. Some fall victims of a general onslaught against civilians by the drivers of such conflicts. Others die as part of a calculated genocide. Still others are taken as hostages as part of a deliberate attack on them. With particular reference to over 200 Chibok school girls that were abducted by the Boko Haram Islamic sect in Maiduguri, Borno state, Nigeria, this study shall attempt a theoretical exploration of the circumstances surrounding the insurgency attacks on these categories of vulnerable groups in Nigeria. This paper also intends to examine the nature, dimensions, causes, effects as well as implications of these attacks on women and children in West Africa. The paper shall sum up with conclusion and possible recommendations that could help the region in the 21st century and beyond.

Keywords: insurgency, gender, violence, security, vulnerable groups

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Authors: Uche Lucy Onyekwelu, Uche B. Ugwuanyi

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Suffice to say that socio-economic disruptions of any form is likely to affect the wellbeing of the citizenry. The upsurge of social disequilibrium caused by the incessant disruptive tendencies exhibited by youths and some others in Nigeria are not helping matters. In Nigeria the social unrest has caused different forms of draw backs in Socio Economic Development. This study has empirically evaluated the impact of insecurity and insurgency on the Economic Development of Nigeria. The paper noted that the different forms of insecurity in Nigeria are namely: Insurgency and Banditry as witnessed in Northern Nigeria; Militancy: Niger Delta area and self-determination groups pursuing various forms of agenda such as Sit –at- Home Syndrome in the South Eastern Nigeria and other secessionist movements. All these have in one way or the other hampered Economic development in Nigeria. Data for this study were collected through primary and secondary sources using questionnaire and some existing documentations. Cost of investment in different aspects of security outfits in Nigeria represents the independent variable while the differentials in the Gross Domestic Product(GDP) and Human Development Index(HDI) are the measures of the dependent variable. Descriptive statistics and Simple Linear Regression analytical tool were employed in the data analysis. The result revealed that Insurgency/Insecurity negatively affect the economic development of the different parts of Nigeria. Following the findings, a model to analyse the effect of insecurity and insurgency was developed, named INSECUREDEVNIG. It implies that the economic development of Nigeria will continue to deteriorate if insurgency and insecurity continue. The study therefore recommends that the government should do all it could to nurture its human capital, adequately fund the state security apparatus and employ individuals of high integrity to manage the various security outfits in Nigeria. The government should also as a matter of urgency train the security personnel in intelligence cum Information and Communications Technology to enable them ensure the effectiveness of implementation of security policies needed to sustain Gross Domestic Product and Human Capital Index of Nigeria.

Keywords: insecurity, insurgency, gross domestic product, human development index, Nigeria

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Authors: Ayoola Adediran Amos

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Nigeria as a secular state that is characterized with various religions namely: Christianity, Islam and African Religion. Each of the religion adherents often claim that their religion is the only means of gaining eternity while others who do not belong to their sect may not be opportuned. Religious doctrine within those religious sects is another source of insurgency which serves as a threat to the unity of Nigeria. Similarly, Boko Haram Religious group has become a threat to the unity of the country in which its root has both political and religious undertones. Primary and secondary sources of collecting data were used. Historical method allowed enquiry into the past events and improvement to the current experience. Both published and unpublished theses were used. Interview was also conducted as part of the secondary sources. It was observed that all aspects of the system in Nigeria were affected with this scourge of religious unrest. i.e. education, political, economic and a host of others. Finally, it was recommended that religious leaders should be given adequate orientation on the needs not to preach against other religious groups. Government of Nigeria should not give priority to one religion at the expense of others.

Keywords: insurgency, national unity, religious, threat

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Authors: David Chapola Nggada

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This is a survey designed to find out the impact of the ongoing insurgency in north eastern Nigeria on educational attainment. It is a mixture of both qualitative and quantitative research work on a sample size of 71 secondary school students currently displaced from Baga Biu and Monguno areas of Borno State, now residing as internally displaced persons(IDPs) in Gombe and Yola IDP camps. This was done through both semi structured interview and questionnaire administration. Statistical methods used include percentage and cross tables to gain specific insight into different dimensions of what this implies. Two major aspects of the impact covered were impact on individual student and impact on societal development. These two dimensions were measured against national development variables and analyzed against reviewed literature and findings across the globe. A combination of theories from different fields led to a deeper and better insight. The results confirm a significant relationship between educational attainment and the development of the north east region and Nigeria as a whole. Recommendations were made on ways of reintegrating this group back to the educational system.

Keywords: education, insurgency, national development, threat

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Authors: Priscilla Marcus

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The mass media was a force to reckon with in the struggle and attainment of Nigeria’s independence in 1960 and since then, the Nigerian media has carved a niche for itself in performing its traditional role of education, information, entertainment, shaping of opinions and swinging of views of the society on knotty national issues. Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria which emerged from an unnoticed, negligible and quiet beginning, has turned out daring, monstrous and unstoppable. This paper examines The Media and Reportage of Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria and to suggest strategies the mass media could adopt in combating this form of terrorism. Data for the study were collected from a variety of sources including the print and electronic media. The major observation of this study is that the mass media have an enormous role to play if Boko Haram’s activities are to be combated. It argued that even though the media houses are just doing their job – reporting the incident(s) as they occur, thus keeping the citizens abreast of facts; the rate at which news keeps coming regarding the activities of the sect has portrayed the media as information dissemination and terror campaign spread. It also argued that the ceaseless reporting has not translated to a decrease in the activities of the sect or increase in the level of government actions to check the insurgency. However, the information being disseminated is enlightening the populace and also creating an atmosphere of panic and insecurity. It further argued that the media should move beyond mere recitation of events to providing the public with knowledge needed to make things better. This is because the sect has been accorded too much undeserved and unnecessary publicity while the government on the other hand has been portrayed, albeit indirectly as a weak organization incapable of handling the ‘more organized’ Boko Haram. The study, concluded that, to effectively address the problem of this form of terrorism in Nigeria, the media have to brace up to the task of uncovering activities of the sect in appreciation of their watch-dog role.

Keywords: Boko Haram, insurgency, mass media, Nigeria

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Authors: Arshad Ali

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The Taliban insurgency in Swat which started apparently as a social movement in 2004 transformed into an anti-Pakistan Islamist insurgency by joining hands with the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) upon its formation in 2007. It quickly spread beyond Swat by 2009 making Swat the second stronghold of TTP after FATA. It prompted the Pakistan military to launch a full-scale counterinsurgency military operation code named Rah-i-Rast to regain the control of Swat. Operation Rah-i-Rast was successful not only in restoring the writ of the State but more importantly in creating a consensus against the spread of Taliban insurgency in Pakistan at political, social and military levels. This operation became a test case for civilian government and military to seek for a sustainable solution combating the TTP insurgency in the north-west of Pakistan. This study analyzes why the counterinsurgency operation Rah-i-Rast was successful and why the previous ones came into failure. The study also explores factors which created consensus against the Taliban insurgency at political and social level as well as reasons which hindered such a consensual approach in the past. The study argues that the previous initiatives failed due to various factors including Pakistan army’s lack of comprehensive counterinsurgency model, weak political will and public support, and states negligence. Also, the initial counterinsurgency policies were ad-hoc in nature fluctuating between military operations and peace deals. After continuous failure, the military revisited its approach to counterinsurgency in the operation Rah-i-Rast. The security forces learnt from their past experiences and developed a pragmatic counterinsurgency model: ‘clear, hold, build, and transfer.’ The military also adopted the population-centric approach to provide security to the local people. This case Study of Swat evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of the Pakistan's counterinsurgency operations as well as peace agreements. It will analyze operation Rah-i-Rast in the light of David Galula’s model of counterinsurgency. Unlike existing literature, the study underscores the bottom up approach adopted by the Pakistan’s military and government by engaging the local population to sustain the post-operation stability in Swat. More specifically, the study emphasizes on the hybrid counterinsurgency model “clear, hold, and build and Transfer” in Swat.

Keywords: Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, clear, hold, build, transfer

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Authors: Grace Modupe Adebo, Ayodeji Oluwamuyiwa Adedapo

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Women are key actors in ensuring food security in terms of food availability, food access, and food utilization in the developing economy, however, they suffer mostly during violent conflicts due to their feminist nature of rearing and caring for their children and relatives. The study was embarked upon to access the effects of violent conflicts posed by Boko Haram insurgency on women and food security in the Northeast of Nigeria. The study made use of secondary data. A time series data collected over a 22 years period were used. The data collected were subjected to descriptive statistics and t-test analysis. The findings of the study established a significant difference in food production (availability) before and after the Boko Haram insurgency at the 1% level of significance. The high level of Internally Displaced Person (IDP) with a high proportion of women depicts a very low level of food accessibility as the men and women has fled and uninhabited their place of abode for over a period of four to five years, thus diminishing their economic power, and the means of acquiring food which invariably endanger food stability and utilization. The study confirmed the abduction and changing roles of women as cooks, porters, spies, partners, and sex slaves to Boko Haram troop members, thus affecting their livelihoods and food security. The study recommends hands-on interventions by the governmental, non-governmental and international agencies to terminate the activities of Boko Haram in the area and restore the food production for enhanced food security.

Keywords: Boko Haram insurgency, food accessibility, food production, food utilization, women’s livelihoods

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Authors: Ehosa Peter Ogbeni

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Religious conflict and insurgency are staying as growing phenomena globally especially within the West African region: this 'new wars’ in this part of the globe has brought many of its economies to the brink of collapse, creating humanitarian casualties and concerns for the visitors and international community. This ‘ugly’ trend has also affected the social, economic and political life of the West African region. Over the years, various religious and insurgency groups have raised arms against civilians and the government, the most recent extremist group, Boko Haram continues to expand and commit violent acts, such as sporadic suicide bombings and killing of innocent citizens and foreigners within the West African region especially in countries like Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad etc. It would have been expected that academic research focus on investigating the West African region; this is not the situation as most of the research on religious conflict and insurgencies have focused more on other parts of the World. Insurgencies and Religious Conflict studies in West Africa have fallen short of literature and very limited literature covers the activities of Boko Haram arm struggle. This research therefore, aims to fill the gap by investigating the role of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in managing the growing trend of religious conflicts and insurgency in West African States, by using Boko Haram as a case to review. This research adopted the critical theory paradigm using aspects of qualitative research techniques in carrying out its investigation. The findings of this research will help develop a framework that will aid the (ECOWAS) amongst other stakeholders in managing religious and insurgency motivated conflict.

Keywords: religious conflict, insurgencies, Boko haram, ECOWAS (economics community of West African states), peace building, conflict resolution

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Authors: Saheed Ahmad Rufai

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The growing nature of insurgencies in their various forms in the Muslim world is now of great concern to both the leadership and the citizenry. The high sense of insecurity occasioned by the unpleasant experience has in fact attained an alarming rate in the estimation of both Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Consequently, the situation began to attract contributions from scholars and researchers in security-related fields of humanities and social sciences. However, there is little evidence of contribution to the discourse and the scholarship involved by scholars in the field of education. The purpose of this proposed study is to contribute an education dimension to the growing scholarship on the subject. The study which is situated in the broad scholarship of curriculum making and grounded in both the philosophical and sociological foundations of the curriculum, employs a combination of curriculum criticism and creative synthesis, as methods, in reconstructing Muslim schools’ educational blueprint. The significance of the proposed study lies in its potential to contribute a useful addition to the scholarship of curriculum construction in the context of the Muslim world. The significance also lies in its potential to offer an ameliorative proposal over unnecessary insurgency or militancy thereby paving the way for the enthronement of a regime characterized by peaceful, harmonious and tranquil co-existence among people of diverse orientations and ideological persuasions in the Muslim world. The study is restricted to only the first two stages of curriculum making namely the formulation of philosophy which concerns the articulation of objectives, aims, purposes, goals, and principles, as well as the second stage which covers the translation of such principles to an anti-insurgency secondary school curriculum for the Muslim world.

Keywords: education for conflict resolution, anti-insurgency curriculum principles, peace education, anti-terrorist curriculum framework, curriculum for Muslim secondary schools

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Authors: Sunaina Sunaina

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The emergence of Thailand as a modern nation was amalgamation of several minority groups. Eventually, the nation tried to mitigate these diversities in the name of nationalism in the backdrop of colonial powers presence in neighboring nations. However, the continued imposition of modern nation building processes (which is a western concept) in the post-colonial era deepen the feelings of alienation among the minority groups and leads to separatist conflicts. It is significant that whatever form these conflicts take, will impact the security of nation as well as the region of Southeast Asia. This paper tries to explore the possible factors behind the state policies adopted by the government of Thailand to manage the insurgency in Southern provinces in the south. The protracted insurgency in the South has historical roots as Pattani kingdom had glorious period whether it was trade or commerce or education and its assimilation was never accepted by the leaders of these areas. But after assimilation of southern provinces in the state, it has been the state policy as an important factor in promoting or mitigating the insurgency. Initial protests from the elite class of southern provinces inflated into a more organized and violent uprising after Second World War. It was only the decade of 1990s that a relative peace could prevail for some time. The violence reemerged in 2004 with more intensity and till today this area is suffering with violence. Period of different Prime Ministers dealt this insurgency in different ways sometimes very hard line approach had been adopted especially under Primeminstership of Thaksin Shinawatra. Recently, the peace talks which were started during the period of Yinglunck Shinawatra and were carried forward by Junta government also halted. And again, the region stays in a very volatile state. Violence in these provinces not only questions the capability of government to provide political solution to the problem, but also emerges as a major threat to the internal security of the state. The current era where global terrorism is spreading fast, such vulnerable areas may work as a new ground for its proliferation in Southeast Asia. The paper attempts to understand how Thailand’s historical experience of security determines a different approach to national unity which limits the prospects for autonomy in the South. In conjunction with this experience it is nature of national politics and leadership that influences the nature of policies on the ground in Southern Thailand. The paper also tries to bring out conflict between state sovereignty and self-determination as demanded by many in the southern provinces.

Keywords: insurgency, southern Thailand, security, nation building

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Authors: Khrukulu Khusoh

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The strategies and tactics used by governments throughout the world to counter terrorism and insurgency over the past few decades include the declaration of states of siege or martial law, enactment of anti-terrorist legislation and strengthening of judicial powers. Some of these measures taken have been more successful than the other, but some have proved counterproductive, alienating the public from the authorities and further polarizing an already fractured political environment. Such cases of alienation and polarization can be seen in the northeastern states of India. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act which was introduced to curb insurgency in the remote jungles of the far-flung areas has remained a telling tale of agony in the north east India. Grievous trauma to humans through encounter killings, custodial deaths, unwarranted torture, exploitation of women and children in several ways have been reported in Nagaland, Manipur and other northeastern states where the Indian army has been exercising powers under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. While terrorism and the insurgency are destructive of human rights, counter-terrorism does not necessarily restore and safeguard human rights. This special law has not proven effective particularly in dealing with terrorism and insurgency. The insurgency has persisted in the state of Nagaland even after sixty years notwithstanding the presence of a good number of special laws. There is a need to fight elements that threaten the security of a nation, but the methods chosen should be measured, otherwise the fight is lost. There has been no review on the effectiveness or failure of the act to realize its intended purpose. Nor was there any attempt on the part of the state to critically look at the violation of rights of innocent citizens by the state agencies. The Indian state keeps enacting laws, but none of these could be effectively applied as there was the absence of clarity of purpose. Therefore, every new law which has been enacted time and again to deal with security threats failed to bring any solution for the last six decades. The Indian state resorts to measures which are actually not giving anything in terms of strategic benefits but are short-term victories that might result in long-term tragedies. Therefore, right thinking citizens and human rights activists across the country feel that introduction of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act was as much violation of human rights and its continuation is undesirable. What worried everyone is the arbitrary use, or rather misuse of power by the Indian armed forces particularly against the weaker sections of the society, including women. After having being subjected to indiscriminate abuse of that law, people of the north-east India have been demanding its revocation for a long time. The present paper attempts to critically examine the violation of human rights under Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It also attempts to bring out the impact of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act on the Naga people.

Keywords: armed forces, insurgency, special laws, violence

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Authors: Sogo Angel Olofinbiyi

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There have been widespread assumptions across the globe that the root cause of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria is religious rather than socio-economic. An investigation into this dichotomy allowed this study to fully demonstrate that the root cause of Boko Haram’s terrorist actions emanates from the non-fulfillment of socio-economic goals that are prompted by the violation of fundamental human rights, corruption, poverty, unconstitutional and undemocratic practices in the northern part of the Nigerian state. To achieve its aim of establishing the root cause of the terrorism crisis in the latter country, the study critically appraised the socio-economic context of the insurgency by adopting one-on-one in-depth interviews involving forty (40) participants to interrogate the phenomenon. Empirical evidence from the study demonstrated that the evolution of Boko Haram terrorism was a response to socio-economic phlebotomy, political and moral putrescence, and the dehumanization of people that stem from a combination of decades of mismanagement and pervasive corruption by various Nigerian leaders. The study concludes that, as long as the endemic socio-economic problems caused by global capitalism vis-a-vis unequal hegemonic power exchange as expressed in socio-political, ethno-religious and cultural forms persist in the Nigerian society, the terrorism insurgency will recur and remain an inevitable enterprise and indeed a normal social reaction to every undesirable state of affairs. Based on the findings, the study urges the need for the amelioration of the conditions of the vast majority of the Nigerian populace by making socio-economic facilities available to them through the political state.

Keywords: Boko Haram Terrorism, insurgency, socio-economic, religious injunctions

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Authors: Francesco Saverio Angiò

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The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant / Syria (ISIL/S), Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad, also known as ‘Boko Haram’ (BH), have fought successfully against Syria and Iraq, Mali, Nigeria’s government, respectively. According to Napoleoni, the ‘shell-state’ concept can explain the economic dimension and the financing model of the ISIL insurgency. However, she argues that AQIM and BH did not properly plan their financial model. Consequently, her idea would not be suitable to these groups. Nevertheless, AQIM and BH’s economic performances and their (short) territorialisation suggest that their financing models respond to a well-defined strategy, which they were able to adapt to new circumstances. Therefore, Napoleoni’s idea of ‘shell-state’ can be applied to the three jihadist armed groups. In the last five years, together with other similar entities, ISIL/S, AQIM and BH have been fighting against governments with insurgent tactics and terrorism acts, conquering and ruling a quasi-state; a physical space they presented as legitimate territorial entity, thanks to a puritan version of the Islamic law. In these territories, they have exploited the traditional local economic networks. In addition, they have contributed to the development of legal and illegal transnational business activities. They have also established a justice system and created an administrative structure to supply services. Napoleoni’s ‘shell-state’ can describe the evolution of ISIL/S, AQIM and BH, which has switched from an insurgency to a proto or a quasi-state entity, enjoying a significant share of power over territories and populations. Napoleoni first developed and applied the ‘Shell-state’ concept to describe the nature of groups such as the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), before using it to explain the expansion of ISIL. However, her original conceptualisation emphasises on the economic dimension of the rise of the insurgency, focusing on the ‘business’ model and the insurgents’ financing management skills, which permits them to turn into an organisation. However, the idea of groups which use, coordinate and grab some territorial economic activities (at the same time, encouraging new criminal ones), can also be applied to administrative, social, infrastructural, legal and military levels of their insurgency, since they contribute to transform the insurgency to the same extent the economic dimension does. In addition, according to Napoleoni’s view, the ‘shell-state’ prism is valid to understand the ISIL/S phenomenon, because the group has carefully planned their financial steps. Napoleoni affirmed that ISIL/S carries out activities in order to promote their conversion from a group relying on external sponsors to an entity that can penetrate and condition local economies. On the contrary, ‘shell-state’ could not be applied to AQIM or BH, which are acting more like smugglers. Nevertheless, despite its failure to control territories, as ISIL has been able to do, AQIM and BH have responded strategically to their economic circumstances and have defined specific dynamics to ensure a flow of stable funds. Therefore, Napoleoni’s theory is applicable.

Keywords: shell-state, jihadist insurgency, proto or quasi-state entity economic planning, strategic financing

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Authors: John Hardy

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The early twenty-first century national security environment has been characterized by political coercion. Despite an abundance of political commentary on the various forms of non-state coercion leveraged against the state, there is a lack of literature which distinguishes between the mechanisms and the mediums of coercion. Frequently non-state movements seeking to coerce the state are labelled by their tactics, not their strategies. Terrorists, insurgencies and social movements are largely defined by the ways in which they seek to influence the state, rather than by their political aims. This study examines the strategies of coercion used by non-state actors against states. This approach includes terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements who seek to coerce state politics. Not all non-state actors seek political coercion, so not all examples of different group types are considered. This approach also excludes political coercion by states, focusing on the non-state actor as the primary unit of analysis. The study applies a general theory of political coercion, which is defined as attempts to change the policies or action of a polity against its will, to the strategies employed by terrorist groups, insurgencies, and social movements. This distinguishes non-state actors’ strategic objectives from their actions and motives, which are variables that are often used to differentiate between types of non-state actors and the labels commonly used to describe them. It also allows for a comparative analysis of theoretical perspectives from the disciplines of terrorism, insurgency and counterinsurgency, and social movements. The study finds that there is a significant degree of overlap in the way that different disciplines conceptualize the mechanism of political coercion by non-state actors. Studies of terrorism and counterterrorism focus more on the notions of cost tolerance and collective punishment, while studies of insurgency focus on a contest of legitimacy between actors, and social movement theory tend to link political objectives, social capital, and a mechanism of influence to leverage against the state. Each discipline has a particular vernacular for the mechanism of coercion, which is often linked to the means of coercion, but they converge on three core theoretical components of compelling a polity to change its policies or actions: exceeding resistance to change, using political or violent punishments, and withholding legitimacy or consent from a government.

Keywords: counter terrorism, homeland security, insurgency, political coercion, social movement theory, terrorism

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Authors: P. Okoro Ugo Chigozie, P. A. Igbojekwe, E. N. Ukabuilu

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Tourism and terrorism experiences are best viewed as dynamic, complex systems with extreme diverse consequences on any nation’s economy. Tourism is one of the biggest industries in the world and one of the economical sectors which grows rapidly; tourism has positive impact on the nation’s economy. Terrorism is the method or the theory behind the method whereby an organized group or party seeks to achieve its avowed aims chiefly through the systematic use of violence; the consequences of terrorism on tourist destinations are inescapable and can be profound. Especially, it threatens the attractiveness of a tourist destination and strips the competitiveness of that destination. Destination’s vulnerability to politically motivated violence not only retracts tourists, but threatens sustainable tourism development. This paper examines the activities of the Jamaata Ahlis Sunna Liddaawati -an Islamic sect popularly known as Boko Haram – and its impact on sustainable tourism development in the Nigeria state. Possible triggers of this insurgency and potentially evolving measure against its influence on sustainable tourism including, strong image management of the tourism industry, feasible tourist safety policy, viable anti-terrorism measures, proactive respond to the challenge of terrorism, reinforcement of the legitimate frameworks and irrevocable penalty against menace of corruption; are discussed in this paper, as limiting the effects of insurgency on the attractiveness of Nigeria as safe tourists destination.

Keywords: Nigeria, terrorism, sustainable tourism development, corruption and competitiveness

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Authors: Anisah Ari

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Effects of organized crime permeate all facets of life, including public health, socio-economic endeavors, and human security. If any element of this is affected, it impacts large-scale national and global interest. Seeking to address terrorist networks through technical thinking is like trying to kill a weed by just cutting off its branches. It will re-develop and expand in proportions beyond one’s imagination, even in horrific ways that threaten human security. The continent of Africa has been bedeviled by this menace, with little or no solution to the problem. Nigeria is dealing with a protracted insurgency that is perpetrated by a sect against any form of westernization. Reimagining approaches to dealing with pressing issues like terrorism may require engaging the right set of people in the conversation for any sustainable change. These are people who have lived through the daily effects of the violence that ensues from the activities of terrorist activities. Effective leadership is required for an inclusive process, where spaces are created for diverse voices to be heard, and multiple perspectives are listened to, and not just heard, that supports a determination of the realistic outcome. Addressing insurgency in Nigeria has experienced a lot of disinformation and uncertainty. This may be in part due to poor leadership or an iteration of technical solutions to adaptive challenge peacemaking efforts in Nigeria has focused on behaviors, attitudes and practices that contribute to violence. However, it is important to consider the underlying issues that build-up, ignite and fan the flames of violence—looking at conflict as a complex system, issues like climate change, low employment rates, corruption and the impunity of discrimination due to ethnicity and religion. This article will be looking at an option of the more relational way of addressing insurgency through adaptive approaches that embody engagement and solutions with the people rather than for the people. The construction of a local turn in peacebuilding is informed by the need to create a locally driven and sustained peace process that embodies the culture and practices of the people in enacting an everyday peace beyond just a perennial and universalist outlook. A critical analysis that explores the socially identified individuals and situations will be made, considering the more adaptive approach to a complex existential challenge rather than a universalist frame. Case Study and Ethnographic research approach to understand what other scholars have documented on the matter and also a first-hand understanding of the experiences and viewpoints of the participants.

Keywords: terrorism, adaptive, peace, culture

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Authors: Abara Onu, Augustine Mina Ephraim, Emmanuel Teidi

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Terrorism has been a major challenge and is so dare to the Nigerian government in recent times. The actions and activities of the Islamic sect known as Boko Haram had led to enormous loss of lives and properties in the country, mostly the Northern part of Nigeria. Some of these activities entails bombings, suicide attacks, intimidations, sporadic gunfire of the unarmed, blameless and innocent Nigerians, burning of police stations and churches, kidnappings, raping of school girls and women. Nigeria has also been included amongst one of the terrorist countries of the world. This has serious implications for the development of Nigerian economy. Although, Nigeria had made several worried hard work to deal with these challenges masqueraded by terrorism and insecurity in the country but the rate of insurgency and insecurity is still worrisome. The study looks at exploring the determinants of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigerian security systems and economy. Data used for the study work was from questionnaire administered, using Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) method to analyse the data. The result shows that Ideology and funding are significant basic factors that propelled the Boko Haram group in Nigeria. The Boko Haram disaster poses a significant threat to Nigeria’s economy and the military is the best option and solution in tackling the Boko Haram menace in Nigeria. The work x-rayed the following recommendations; government should declare war on terrorism and as well seek support and cooperation from international communities who in time or the other might have faced with this kind ugly experience and challenge and were able to tackle it. Nigerian Military needs to be more empowered with high dangerous weapons to combat the insurgency as well as beef up security across the Country to curb the threats.

Keywords: terrorism, economy, Boko Haram, Nigeria

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Authors: Chinwe Juliana Abara, Dayo Keshi

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Through cultural heritage materials, nations witness significant boom in the world of art and tourism as well as attract foreign investors and tourists to the benefit of the regions and countries where they are located. There are notable heritage sites which record visits by tourists in their thousands annually. According to UNESCO the cultural heritage reflects the life of the community, its history and its identity. Its preservation helps to rebuild broken communities, re-establish their identities, and link their past with their present and future. During any form of conflict or war, a lot happen. People die, houses destroyed and every other thing in the society suffers. Wars and conflicts in various countries have claimed antiquities, heritage materials, contemporary Arts, Galleries, Museums, Archives and very important Monuments and Heritage sites. My Paper deals with the effects of insurgencies and conflicts on cultural heritage and tourism industries in Nigeria and how they can be protected and restored so as to yield the desirable economic gains. Preceding from the premise that conflict of any type puts our cultural heritage at risk; this paper also explores the practical challenges and opportunities available to us in the face of incessant ethnic and Boko Haram (western education is abomination) insurgents and their wanton destruction of lives and properties. There will be a review of relevant literature and documents on the effects of violence on heritage materials and tourism industries in Nigeria particularly and other parts of the world in generally .My paper also highlights the activities the National Council for Arts and Culture as well as other Cultural Agencies in Nigeria have employed to sensitize the stakeholders, the youth, the elderly, and the community at large on the need for peaceful co-existence so as to collectively strive to safeguard and secure our cultural heritage in the face of all these challenges for posterity and desirable economic gains.

Keywords: cultural heritage, conflict, tourism, insurgency, challenges

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Authors: Lawrence Emah

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Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation is undoubtedly, currently going through one of the most difficult phases in her 55 years of existence as an independent nation. At no other time in her history is she under so much pressure of social unrest and unacceptable rate of crime and criminality than it is today. From the North where there is an insurgency to contend with, then to the South where kidnapping and armed robbery hold sway. These issues did not just sprout from nowhere; they have a root somewhere. This is why this paper seeks to bring to the fore poverty and illiteracy as leading causes of these twin social ills– crime and social restiveness as well as suggest practical solutions to the problems.

Keywords: crime, illiteracy, poverty, unrest

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Authors: Abdullahi Yahaya Musa, Harun Rann Bakari

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The study examined the determinants of food security among households in Maiduguri, Metropolis, Borno State, Nigeria. The objectives of the study are to: examine the determinants of food security among households; identify the coping strategies employed by food-insecure households in Maiduguri, Metropolis, Borno State, Nigeria. The population of the study is 843,964 respondents out of which 400 respondents were sampled. The study used a self-developed questionnaire to collect data from four hundred (400) respondents. Four hundred (400) copies of questionnaires were administered and all were retrieved, making 100% return rate. The study employed descriptive and inferential statistics for data analysis. Descriptive statistics (frequency counts and percentages) was used to analyze the socio-economic characteristics of the respondents and objective four, while inferential statistics (logit regression analysis) was used to analyze one. Four hundred (400) copies of questionnaires were administered and all the four hundred (400) were retrieved, making a 100% return rate. The results were presented in tables and discussed according to the research objectives. The study revealed that HHA, HHE, HHSZ, HHSX, HHAS, HHI, HHFS, HHFE, HHAC and HHCDR were the determinants of food security in Maiduguri Metropolis. Relying on less preferred foods, purchasing food on credit, limiting food intake to ensure children get enough, borrowing money to buy foodstuffs, relying on help from relatives or friends outside the household, adult family members skipping or reducing a meal because of insufficient finances and ration money to household members to buy street food were the coping strategies employed by food-insecure households in Maiduguri metropolis. The study recommended that Nigeria Government should intensify the fight against the Boko haram insurgency. This will put an end to Boko Haram Insurgency and enable farmers to return to farming in Borno state.

Keywords: internally displaced persons, food security, coping strategies, descriptive statistics, logistics regression model, odd ratio

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Authors: Moksha Singh

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The proponents of deinstitutionalization, including Goffman and others, in their works, have regarded institutions (orphanages to be specific) as regulated social arrangements that negatively impinge upon a resident’s development. They, therefore, propose alternative forms of care. However, even after five decades of this critique institutionalization remains the only hope for children with social, physical and mental disabilities in larger parts of the developing world such as the conflict affected state of Jammu and Kashmir in India. This paper is based on the experiences of children who lost their parents to insurgency and counter-insurgency operations and the rehabilitation process. This study is qualitative in nature and adopts descriptive-cum-exploratory research design. Using theoretical sampling, six orphanages and thirty one child residents who lost their parent(s) in the course of the armed conflict in the state of Jammu and Kashmir in India were studied in the year 2009-2010. It included interviews, observation, life histories and introspective accounts of the orphans and the management. The results were drawn through the qualitative examination, understanding, and interpretation of the primary and secondary data. The findings suggested that rehabilitation of these conflict-affected children is taking place mainly through residential child care facilities run by non-governmental bodies. Alternative forms of rehabilitation are not functional in the state because of various geopolitical and socio-cultural complexities. Even after five years of arriving at these conclusions and more, the state of Jammu and Kashmir still lacks a comprehensive rehabilitation plan for these children. This has further encouraged a mushroomed growth of legal and illegal institutions. Some of these institutions compromise the standard norms of functioning and yet remain the only hope for thousands rendered orphan. These institutions, therefore, are there to stay as other alternative forms of care are not available in the state. A comprehensive intervention policy is needed based on the cultural specifics of the state and incorporation of views of institutions offering aid, the state and the children. The paper introduces Small Group Residential Care Model through which it is expected that the restoration process can be made smooth and effective.

Keywords: armed conflict, children's rights, institutionalization, orphanages, rehabilitation

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Authors: Shamsu Abdu Dauda

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Mass Media have come to be identified as important agents of development all over the world, especially in conflict situations. In the North-eastern Nigeria, where the insurgency has plagued the population for more than a decade now, mass media as important stakeholders are also expected to showcase a high level of social responsibility in reconstructing, rebuilding, and reengineering the crises-ravaged people in the region. However, the intuition of the mass media can only discharge such important responsibility if they upheld professionalism and responsible journalism. This paper observes that professionalism and responsible journalism practice cannot be attained where there is no responsible media education, which is a basic requirement for transforming the region.

Keywords: media education, professionalism, responsible journalism, North-eastern Nigeria

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Authors: Danielle Jablanski

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This article addresses the use of drone strikes under international law and the intersection between Islamic law and current terrorist trends worldwide. It breaks down the legality of drone strikes under international law and dissects certain aspects of their usage in modern warfare; i.e. concepts of directly participating in hostilities and the role of CIA operators. The article then looks at international paradigms of law enforcement versus the use of military force in relation to terrorism. Lastly, it describes traditional aspects of Islamic law and several interpretations of the law today as applied to widespread campaigns of terrorism, namely that of the recent group ISIS or ISIL operating between the battlegrounds of Iraq and Syria. The piece concludes with appraisals for moving forward on the basis of honing in on reasons for terrorism and negative opinions of solely military campaigns to dismantle or disrupt terror organizations and breeding grounds.

Keywords: international law, terrorism, ISIS, islamic law

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Authors: Luna Shamieh

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Various players are part of the game in an asymmetric war, all making efforts to provide human security to their own adherents. Although a fragile state is not able to provide sufficient and comprehensive services, it still provides special services and security to the elite; the insurgents as well provide services and security to their associates. The humanitarian organisations, on the other hand, provide some fundamental elements of human security, but only in the regions, they are able to access when possible (if possible). The counterinsurgents (security forces of the state and intervention forces) operate within a narrow band defined by the vision of the responsibility to protect and the perspective of the resolution of the conflict through combat; hence, the possibility to provide human security is shaken at this end. This article examines how each player provides human security from the perspective of freedom from want in order to secure basic and strategic needs, freedom from fear through providing protection against all kinds of violence, and the freedom to live in dignity. It identifies a vicious cycle caused by the intervention of the different players causing a centrifugal force that may lead to disintegration of the nation under war.

Keywords: asymmetric war, counterinsurgency, fragile state, human security, insurgency

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Authors: Shola Abidemi Olabode

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Nigeria as a country has been plagued by numerous conflicts since the British colonialists gave in to the advocacy of Nigerian dissents for independence and relinquished power in 1960. These conflicts are often motivated by different issues, from socio-political and economic issues to struggles of ethnic and religious orientation. The Niger Delta region which accounts for the country’s economic mainstay has been at the epicentre of such conflicts. Over the years, peaceful protests, and radical insurgency and resistance movements too numerous to mention have emerged in the region. The Niger Delta Avengers is an example of a recent conflict movement in the region. Using a case study approach, and looking through a cyberconflict perspective, this paper offers a discussion on the intersection between digital and social media and framing in the Niger Delta Avengers conflict. It advocates that the Niger Delta Avengers use digital and social media to legitimise and give credence to their struggle.

Keywords: digital and social media, framing, Niger delta avengers, cyberconflict, conflict

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Authors: Jessica Kate Simonds

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The last successful hijacking perpetrated by Somali pirates in 2012 represented a critical turning point for the identity and brand of Indian Ocean (IO) insecurity, coined in this paper as the era of the post-piratical. This paper explores the broadening of the PMSC business model to account and contribute to the design of a new IO security environment that prioritises foreign and insurgency drone activity and Houthi rebel operations as the main threat to merchant shipping in the post-2012 era. This study is situated within a longer history of analysing maritime insecurity and also contributes a bespoke conceptual framework that understands the sea as a space that is produced and reproduced relative to existing and emerging threats to merchant shipping based on bespoke models of information sharing and intelligence acquisition. This paper also makes a prominent empirical contribution by drawing on a post-positivist methodology, data drawn from original semi-structured interviews with senior maritime insurers and active merchant seafarers that is triangulated with industry-produced guidance such as the BMP series as primary data sources. Each set is analysed through qualitative discourse and content analysis and supported by the quantitative data sets provided by the IMB Piracy Reporting center and intelligence networks. This analysis reveals that mechanisms such as the IGP&I Maritime Security Committee and intelligence divisions of PMSC’s have driven the exchanges of knowledge between land and sea and thus the reproduction of the maritime security environment through new regulations and guidance to account dones, rebels and bombs as the key challenges in the IO, beyond piracy. A contribution of this paper is the argument that experts who may not be in the highest-profile jobs are the architects of maritime insecurity based on their detailed knowledge and connections to vessels in transit. This paper shares the original insights of those who have served in critical decision making spaces to demonstrate that the development and refinement of industry produced deterrence guidance that has been accredited to the mitigation of piracy, have shaped new editions such as BMP 5 that now serve to frame a new security environment that prioritises the mitigation of risks from drones and WBEID’s from both state and insurgency risk groups. By highlighting the experiences and perspectives of key players on both land and at sea, the key finding of this paper is outlining that as pirates experienced a financial boom by profiteering from their bespoke business model during the peak of successful hijackings, the private security market encountered a similar level of financial success and guaranteed risk environment in which to prospect business. Thus, the reproduction of the Indian Ocean as a maritime security environment reflects a new found purpose for PMSC’s as part of the broader conglomerate of maritime insurers, regulators, shipowners and managers who continue to redirect the security consciousness and IO brand of insecurity.

Keywords: maritime security, private security, risk intelligence, political geography, international relations, political economy, maritime law, security studies

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Authors: Andrew D. Henshaw

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The research examines the influence of familial and kinship based leadership on the resilience of politically violent organizations. Organizations of this type frequently fight in the same conflicts though are called 'terrorist' or 'insurgent' depending on political foci of the time, and thus different approaches are used to combat them. The research considers them correlated phenomena with significant overlap and identifies strengths and vulnerabilities in resilience processes. The research employs paired case studies to examine resilience in organizations under significant external pressure, and achieves this by measuring three variables. 1: Organizational robustness in terms of leadership and governance. 2. Bounce-back response efficiency to external pressures and adaptation to endogenous and exogenous shock. 3. Perpetuity of operational and attack capability, and political legitimacy. The research makes three hypotheses. First, familial/kinship leadership groups have a significant effect on organizational resilience in terms of informal operations. Second, non-familial/kinship organizations suffer in terms of heightened security transaction costs and social economics surrounding recruitment, retention, and replacement. Third, resilience in non-familial organizations likely stems from critical external supports like state sponsorship or powerful patrons, rather than organic resilience dynamics. The case studies pair familial organizations with non-familial organizations. Set 1: The Haqqani Network (HQN) - Pair: Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT). Set 2: Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) - Pair: The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). Case studies were selected based on three requirements, being: contrasting governance types, exposure to significant external pressures and, geographical similarity. The case study sets were examined over 24 months following periods of significantly heightened operational activities. This enabled empirical measurement of the variables as substantial external pressures came into force. The rationale for the research is obvious. Nearly all organizations have some nexus of familial interconnectedness. Examining familial leadership networks does not provide further understanding of how terrorism and insurgency originate, however, the central focus of the research does address how they persist. The sparse attention to this in existing literature presents an unexplored yet important area of security studies. Furthermore, social capital in familial systems is largely automatic and organic, given at birth or through kinship. It reduces security vetting cost for recruits, fighters and supporters which lowers liabilities and entry costs, while raising organizational efficiency and exit costs. Better understanding of these process is needed to exploit strengths into weaknesses. Outcomes and implications of the research have critical relevance to future operational policy development. Increased clarity of internal trust dynamics, social capital and power flows are essential to fracturing and manipulating kinship nexus. This is highly valuable to external pressure mechanisms such as counter-terrorism, counterinsurgency, and strategic intelligence methods to penetrate, manipulate, degrade or destroy the resilience of politically violent organizations.

Keywords: Counterinsurgency (COIN), counter-terrorism, familial influence, insurgency, intelligence, kinship, resilience, terrorism

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Authors: Sachoiba Inkah

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The Northeast region has not been a major factor in India’s foreign policy calculation since independence. Instead, the region was ignored and marginalized even to the extent of using force and repressive Acts such as AFSPA(Armed Forces Special Powers Act) to suppress the voices of both states and non-state actors. The liberalization of the economy in the 90s in the wake of globalization gave India a new outlook and the Look East Policy (LEP) was a paradigm shift in India’s engagement with the Southeast Asian nations as it seeks to explore the benefits of the ASEAN. The reorienting of India’s foreign policy to ‘Neighborhood First” is attributed to the present political dispensation, which is further widened to include ‘Extended Neighborhood.’ As a result, the Northeastern states have become key players in India’s participation in regional groupings such as SAARC, BIMSTEC, and BCIM. The need for external balancing, diplomacy and development has reset India’s foreign policy priorities as the Northeast states lie in the confluence of South Asia, Southeast and East Asia, and a stakeholder in Act East Policy. The paper will explore the role of Northeastern states in the framework of Indian foreign policy as it shares international boundaries with China, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar and most importantly, study the case of Nagas who are spread across Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh bordering Myanmar. The Indo-Myanmar border is an area of conflict and various illegal activities such as arms trafficking, illegal migrants, drug, and human trafficking are still being carried out and in order to address this issue, both India and Myanmar need to take into consideration the various communities living across the border. And conflict and insurgency should not be a yardstick to curtailed development of infrastructures such as roads, health facilities, transport, and communication in the contested region. The realities, perceptions, and contentions of the Northeastern states and the different communities living in the border areas need a wider discourse as the region the potential to drive India’s diplomatic relations with its neighbors and extended neighborhood. The methods employed are analytical and more of a descriptive analysis on India’s foreign policy framework with a focus on Nagas in Myanmar, drawing from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official documents, data, and statistics released by various governmental agencies, parliamentary debates, political speeches, press releases, treaties and agreements, historical biographies and organizational policy papers, protocols and procedures of government conferences, regional organization study reports etc. The paper concludes that the recent proactive engagement between India and Myanmar on trade, defense, economic, and infrastructure development are positive signs cementing bilateral ties, but there is not much room for the people-to-people connect, especially for people living in the borderland. The Freedom of Movement Regime that is in place is limited and there is more scope for improvement as people in the borderland looks towards trade and commerce to not only uplift the border economy but also act as a catalyst for robust engagement between the two countries, albeit with more infrastructure such as road, healthcare, education, a tourist hotspot, trade centers, mobile connectivity, etc.

Keywords: foreign policy, infrastructure development, insurgency, people to people connect

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