Search results for: rights for council

Authors: Michael Adedotun Oke

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This paper, therefore, under study the various multiplier usages of the different Animal Dungs, from the animals such as Rabbits, Cows, Fishes, Sheep, and Poultry manure in the areas council of the Federal Capital Territory Abuja, Nigeria. Thus the various observations, with the pictorial representation, that was taken with the field survey from the different farms in Gwagawalada. Shows that the rabbits dungs are being used in some of the vegetables and crop farms, which serves as the nutrients, reduces the cost of production, ensure profitability, which also increases the different vegetative growth, early maturity, and the development of the crop and this is also applicable to some crops like maize, sweet potatoes. While the manure of the poultry products are being incorporated to fish ponds and the cows dungs are being used to serve as some manure to some certain crops, e.g. Okro, Maize, Pepper. Which provides the necessary nutritious values, but the various number of quantity of different bags of the various application are lacking, and the time of usage, it is also a life germane questions, which there are needs for further adaptive research, that will be involved and the reintroduction of new technology, that will be used in terms of the different methodology such as broadcasting and ring applications, of the dungs at large, while the seasons of the various applications. Thus the paper, therefore, suggested a training programs and production of manuals that will guide the various applications and usage and the effective dissemination of the various used of the simple technology, that will advances and teaching of a new mode of and the time of applications and the various quantity to used, during the applications.

Keywords: animals, usage, livestock, dungs, feaces, gwagawalada

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Authors: Konstantine Eristavi

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The paper will contribute to the discussion on the pitfalls, limits, and possibilities of legal and rights discourse in opposing large infrastructural projects in the context of neoliberal globalisation. To this end, the paper will analyse the struggle against the Namakhvani HPP project in Georgia. The latter has been hailed by the government as one of the largest energy projects in the history of the country, with an enormous potential impact on energy security, energy independence, economic growth, and development. This takes place against the backdrop of decades of market-led -or neoliberal- model of development in Georgia, characterised by structural adjustments, deregulation, privatisation, and Laissez-Fair approach to foreign investment. In this context, the Georgian state vies with other low and middle-income countries for foreign capital by offering to potential investors, on the one hand, exemptions from social and environmental regulations and, on the other hand, huge legal concessions and safeguards, thereby participating in what is often called a “race to the bottom.” The Namakhvani project is a good example of this. At every stage, the project has been marred with violations of laws and regulations concerning transparency, participation, social and environmental regulations, and so on. Moreover, the leaked contract between the state and the developer reveals the contractual safeguards which effectively insulate the investment throughout the duration of the contract from the changes in the national law that might adversely affect investors’ rights and returns. These clauses, aimed at preserving investors' economic position, place the contract above national law in many respects and even conflict with fundamental constitutional rights. In response to the perceived deficiencies of the project, one of the largest and most diverse social movements in the history of post-soviet Georgia has been assembled, consisting of the local population, conservative and leftist groups, human rights and environmental NGOs, etc. Crucially, the resistance movement is actively using legal tools. In order to analyse both the limitations and possibilities of legal discourse, the paper will distinguish between internal and immanent critiques. Law as internal critique, in the context of the struggles around the Namakhvani project, while potentially fruitful in hindering the project, risks neglecting and reproducing those factors -e.g., the particular model of development- that made such contractual concessions and safeguards and concomitant rights violations possible in the first place. On the other hand, the use of rights and law as part of immanent critique articulates a certain incapacity on the part of the addressee government to uphold existing laws and rights due to structural factors, hence, pointing to a need for a fundamental change. This 'ruptural' form of legal discourse that the movement employs makes it possible to go beyond the discussion around the breaches of law and enables a critical deliberation on the development model within which these violations and extraordinary contractual safeguards become necessary. It will be argued that it is this form of immanent critique that expresses the emancipatory potential of legal discourse.

Keywords: law, resistance, development, rights

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Authors: Khrukulu Khusoh

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The strategies and tactics used by governments throughout the world to counter terrorism and insurgency over the past few decades include the declaration of states of siege or martial law, enactment of anti-terrorist legislation and strengthening of judicial powers. Some of these measures taken have been more successful than the other, but some have proved counterproductive, alienating the public from the authorities and further polarizing an already fractured political environment. Such cases of alienation and polarization can be seen in the northeastern states of India. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act which was introduced to curb insurgency in the remote jungles of the far-flung areas has remained a telling tale of agony in the north east India. Grievous trauma to humans through encounter killings, custodial deaths, unwarranted torture, exploitation of women and children in several ways have been reported in Nagaland, Manipur and other northeastern states where the Indian army has been exercising powers under the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. While terrorism and the insurgency are destructive of human rights, counter-terrorism does not necessarily restore and safeguard human rights. This special law has not proven effective particularly in dealing with terrorism and insurgency. The insurgency has persisted in the state of Nagaland even after sixty years notwithstanding the presence of a good number of special laws. There is a need to fight elements that threaten the security of a nation, but the methods chosen should be measured, otherwise the fight is lost. There has been no review on the effectiveness or failure of the act to realize its intended purpose. Nor was there any attempt on the part of the state to critically look at the violation of rights of innocent citizens by the state agencies. The Indian state keeps enacting laws, but none of these could be effectively applied as there was the absence of clarity of purpose. Therefore, every new law which has been enacted time and again to deal with security threats failed to bring any solution for the last six decades. The Indian state resorts to measures which are actually not giving anything in terms of strategic benefits but are short-term victories that might result in long-term tragedies. Therefore, right thinking citizens and human rights activists across the country feel that introduction of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act was as much violation of human rights and its continuation is undesirable. What worried everyone is the arbitrary use, or rather misuse of power by the Indian armed forces particularly against the weaker sections of the society, including women. After having being subjected to indiscriminate abuse of that law, people of the north-east India have been demanding its revocation for a long time. The present paper attempts to critically examine the violation of human rights under Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. It also attempts to bring out the impact of Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act on the Naga people.

Keywords: armed forces, insurgency, special laws, violence

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Authors: A. V. Shashkova

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The aim of the present article is to analyze the position of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on the matter of restricting the constitutional rights of citizens to inviolability of professional and banking secrecy in effecting controlling activities. The methodological ground of the present Article represents the dialectic scientific method of the socio-political, legal and organizational processes with the principles of development, integrity, and consistency, etc. The consistency analysis method is used while researching the object of the analysis. Some public-private research methods are also used: the formally-logical method or the comparative legal method, are used to compare the understanding of the ‘secrecy’ concept. The aim of the present article is to find the root of the problem and to give recommendations for the solution of the problem. The result of the present research is the author’s conclusion on the necessity of the political will to improve Russian legislation with the aim of compliance with the provisions of the Constitution. It is also necessary to establish a clear balance between the constitutional rights of the individual and the limit of these rights when carrying out various control activities by public authorities. Attempts by the banks to "overdo" an anti-money laundering law under threat of severe sanctions by the regulators actually led to failures in the execution of normal economic activity. Therefore, individuals face huge problems with payments on the basis of clearing, in addition to problems with cash withdrawals. The Bank of Russia sets requirements for banks to execute Federal Law No. 115-FZ too high. It is high place to attract political will here. As well, recent changes in Russian legislation, e.g. allowing banks to refuse opening of accounts unilaterally, simplified banking activities in the country. The article focuses on different theoretical approaches towards the concept of “secrecy”. The author gives an overview of the practices of Spain, Switzerland and the United States of America on the matter of restricting the constitutional rights of citizens to inviolability of professional and banking secrecy in effecting controlling activities. The Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation basing on the Constitution of the Russian Federation has its special understanding of the issue, which should be supported by further legislative development in the Russian Federation.

Keywords: constitutional court, restriction of constitutional rights, bank secrecy, control measures, money laundering, financial control, banking information

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Authors: Ana Campina, Maria Manuela Magalhaes, Eusebio André Machado, Cristina Costa-Lobo

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Inclusive school advocates respect for differences, for equal opportunities and for a quality education for all, including for students with special educational needs. In the pursuit of educational equity, guaranteeing equality in access and results, it becomes the responsibility of the school to recognize students' needs, adapting to the various styles and rhythms of learning, ensuring the adequacy of curricula, strategies and resources, materials and humans. This paper presents a set of theoretical reflections in the disciplinary interface between legal and education sciences, school administration and management, with the aim of understand the real inclusion characteristics in a balance with the inclusion policies and the need(s) of an education for Human Rights, especially for diversity. Considering the actual social complexity but the important education instruments and strategies, mostly patented in the policies, this paper aims expose the existing contexts opposed to the laws, policies and inclusion educational needs. More than a single study, this research aims to develop a map of the reality and the guidelines to implement the action. The results point to the usefulness and pertinence of a school in which educational managers, teachers, parents, and students, are involved in the creation, implementation and monitoring of flexible curricula and adapted to the educational needs of students, promoting a collaborative work among teachers. We are then faced with a scenario that points to the need to reflect on the legislation and curricular management of inclusive classes and to operationalize the processes of elaboration of curricular adaptations and differentiation in the classroom. The transdisciplinary is a pedagogic and social education perfect approach using the Human Rights binomio – teaching and learning – supported by the inclusion laws according to the realistic needs for an effective successful society construction.

Keywords: rights, transdisciplinary, inclusion policies, education for diversity

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Authors: Laura Lee Prather

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A functioning democracy is defined by various characteristics, including freedom of speech, equality, human rights, rule of law and many more. Lawsuits brought to intimidate speakers, drain the resources of community members, and silence journalists and others who speak out in support of matters of public concern are an abuse of the legal system and an encroachment of human rights. The impact can have a broad chilling effect, deterring others from speaking out against abuse. This article aims to suggest ways to address this form of judicial harassment. In 1988, University of Denver professors George Pring and Penelope Canan coined the term “SLAPP” when they brought to light a troubling trend of people getting sued for speaking out about matters of public concern. Their research demonstrated that thousands of people engaging in public debate and citizen involvement in government have been and will be the targets of multi-million-dollar lawsuits for the purpose of silencing them and dissuading others from speaking out in the future. SLAPP actions chill information and harm the public at large. Professors Pring and Canan catalogued a tsunami of SLAPP suits filed by public officials, real estate developers and businessmen against environmentalists, consumers, women’s rights advocates and more. SLAPPs are now seen in every region of the world as a means to intimidate people into silence and are viewed as a global affront to human rights. Anti-SLAPP laws are the antidote to SLAPP suits and while commonplace in the United States are only recently being considered in the EU and the UK. This researcher studied more than thirty years of Anti-SLAPP legislative policy in the U.S., the call for evidence and resultant EU Commission’s Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member States Recommendations, the call for evidence by the UK Ministry of Justice, response and Model Anti-SLAPP law presented to UK Parliament, as well as, conducted dozens of interviews with NGO’s throughout the EU, UK, and US to identify varying approaches to SLAPP lawsuits, public policy, and support for SLAPP victims. This paper identifies best practices taken from the US, EU and UK that can be implemented globally to help combat SLAPPs by: (1) raising awareness about SLAPPs, how to identify them, and recognizing habitual abusers of the court system; (2) engaging governments in the policy discussion in combatting SLAPPs and supporting SLAPP victims; (3) educating judges in recognizing SLAPPs an general training on encroachment of human rights; (4) and holding lawyers accountable for ravaging the rule of law.

Keywords: Anti-SLAPP Laws and Policy, Comparative media law and policy, EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member Recommendations, International Human Rights of Freedom of Expression

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Authors: Odewumi Olatunde, Adegun Sunday

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Linguistic diversity is seen to complicate attempts to build a stable and cohesive political community. Hence, the challenge of integration is enormous in a multi-ethno-lingual country like Nigeria. In the same vein, justification for minority language rights claims in relation to broader political theories of justice, freedom and democracy cannot be ignored. It is in the light of the fore-going that this paper explores Nigeria’s experiments at language policy and planning(LPP) and the long drawn agitations for self-determination and linguistic freedom by the minority ethnic groups in the polity which has been exacerbated by the National Policy on Education language provisions. The paper succinctly reviews Nigeria’s LPP efforts and its attendant theater of conflicts; explores international attempts at evolving normative principles of freedom and equality for language policy and finally evaluates the position of the Nigerian LPP in the light of evolving international conventions. On this premise, it is concluded that giving a conscientious and honest implementation of the Nigerian language provisions as assessed from their face validity, the nation’s efforts could be exonerated from running afoul of any known civilized values and best practices. It is, therefore, recommended that an effectual and consistent commitment to implementation driven by a renewed political will is what is required for the nation to succeed in this direction.

Keywords: integration, rights, challenge, conventions, policy

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Authors: Dana Pugach, Michal Tamir

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Most criminal cases end with a plea agreement, an issue whose many aspects have been discussed extensively in legal literature. One important feature, however, has gained little notice, and that is crime victims’ place in plea agreements following the federal Crime Victims Rights Act of 2004. This law has provided victims some meaningful and potentially revolutionary rights, including the right to be heard in the proceeding and a right to appeal against a decision made while ignoring the victim’s rights. While victims’ rights literature has always emphasized the importance of such right, references to this provision in the general literature about plea agreements are sparse, if existing at all. Furthermore, there are a few cases only mentioning this right. This article purports to bridge between these two bodies of legal thinking – the vast literature concerning plea agreements and victims’ rights research– by using behavioral economics. The article will, firstly, trace the possible structural reasons for the failure of this right to be materialized. Relevant incentives of all actors involved will be identified as well as their inherent consequential processes that lead to the victims’ rights malfunction. Secondly, the article will use nudge theory in order to suggest solutions that will enhance incentives for the repeat players in the system (prosecution, judges, defense attorneys) and lead to the strengthening of weaker group’s interests – the crime victims. Behavioral psychology literature recognizes that the framework in which an individual confronts a decision can significantly influence his decision. Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein developed the idea of ‘choice architecture’ - ‘the context in which people make decisions’ - which can be manipulated to make particular decisions more likely. Choice architectures can be changed by adjusting ‘nudges,’ influential factors that help shape human behavior, without negating their free choice. The nudges require decision makers to make choices instead of providing a familiar default option. In accordance with this theory, we suggest a rule, whereby a judge should inquire the victim’s view prior to accepting the plea. This suggestion leaves the judge’s discretion intact; while at the same time nudges her not to go directly to the default decision, i.e. automatically accepting the plea. Creating nudges that force actors to make choices is particularly significant when an actor intends to deviate from routine behaviors but experiences significant time constraints, as in the case of judges and plea bargains. The article finally recognizes some far reaching possible results of the suggestion. These include meaningful changes to the earlier stages of criminal process even before reaching court, in line with the current criticism of the plea agreements machinery.

Keywords: plea agreements, victims' rights, nudge theory, criminal justice

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Authors: Ibrahim Mamat, Wan Mohd Zaifurin Wan Nawang

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Malaysia's poverty eradication program is a long-term plan that was initially implemented by the government after the riots of the races on May 13, 1969. The incident broke out due to the huge economic gap between the majority of Malaysians,Malays and non-Malays minorities. As a result of the event, the government drafted the New Economic Policy(NEP) in 1970 to reduce the differences in economic status among races in Malaysia. At the end of this policy period (NEP) in 1990, the incidence of poverty in Malaysia was around 6.5 per cent. The incidence of poverty in Malaysia continued to decline to 0.6 per cent (2014) through some other policy after the NEP. The decline in poverty has been the result of the government's efforts to implement the New Economic Policy (1970-1990), National Development Policy (1991-2000), NationalVision Policy (2001-2010), and National Transformation Policy (2011-2020).This article also explains the meaning, concepts and measurements of poverty in order to identify the Poverty Level and measure the Poverty Index using various dimensions. This explanation is very important for a country like Malaysia who has some people living below the poverty line. In such a context, an effective poverty eradication policy can benefit the poor.Consequently, this article examines the continuing involvement of the government and non-governmental organizations through the empowerment program of the hardcore poor to change their lifestyle and culture as well as the vicious circle of poverty is indispensable to ensure that poverty eradication programs are in line with current economic and social changes. In addition, the involvement of non-governmental organizations and the State Islamic Religious Council to provide assistance to the poor is appropriate as the institution has its own distinctive interpretation of poverty to determine the type of assistance, criteria and so on to enable the rights of the poor to be ensured and protected.

Keywords: economic policy, poor, poverty eradication, poverty program

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Authors: Chenghao Ma

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This paper mainly examines and compares the primary revenue sources in the professional sports, intercollegiate sports, and sporting goods industries in the U.S. In the professional team sport, revenues may come from different resources, including broadcasting rights, ticket sales, corporate partnerships, naming rights, licensed merchandise, luxury suites, club seating, ancillary activities, and transfer fees. Many universities use university budgets and student fees to cover the cost of collegiate athletics. Other sources of revenue include ticket sales, broadcast rights, concessions, corporate partnerships, cash contributions from alumni, and others. Revenues in the sporting goods industry are very different compared with professional sports teams and collegiate athletics. Sporting goods companies mainly sell a line of products and equipment to generate revenue. Revenues are critical for sports organizations, including professional sports teams, intercollegiate athletics, and sporting goods companies. There are similarities and differences among these areas. Sports managers are looking for new ways to generate revenues, and there are many changes of sources because of the development of the internet and technology. Compared with intercollegiate athletics, professional sport and sporting goods companies will create more revenue opportunities globally.

Keywords: revenue sources, professional sports, intercollegiate athletics, sporting goods industry

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Authors: Tom Hickey

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It is difficult to conceive of a case that might more starkly bring the arguments concerning judicial review to the fore than State (Ryan) v Lennon. Small wonder that it has attracted so much scholarly attention, although the fact that almost all of it has been in an Irish setting is perhaps surprising, given the illustrative value of the case in respect of a philosophical quandary that continues to command attention in all developed constitutional democracies. Should judges have power to invalidate legislation? This article revisits Ryan v Lennon with an eye on the importance of the idea of “democracy” in the case. It assesses the meaning of democracy: what its purpose might be and what practical implications might follow, specifically in respect of judicial review. Based on this assessment, it argues for a particular institutional model for the vindication of constitutional rights. In the context of calls for the drafting of a new constitution for Ireland, however forlorn these calls might be for the moment, it makes a broad and general case for the abandonment of judicial supremacy and for the taking up of a model in which judges have a constrained rights reviewing role that informs a more robust role that legislators would play, thereby enhancing the quality of the control that citizens have over their own laws. The article is in three parts. Part I assesses the exercise of judicial power over legislation in Ireland, with the primary emphasis on Ryan v Lennon. It considers the role played by the idea of democracy in that case and relates it to certain apparently intractable dilemmas that emerged in later Irish constitutional jurisprudence. Part II considers the concept of democracy more generally, with an eye on overall implications for judicial power. It argues for an account of democracy based on the idea of equally shared popular control over government. Part III assesses how this understanding might inform a new constitutional arrangement in the Irish setting for the vindication of fundamental rights.

Keywords: constitutional rights, democracy as popular control, Ireland, judicial power, republican theory, Ryan v Lennon

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Authors: Eman Muhammad Rashwan

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The identity of the state in many Middle East countries today, between secularity and religiousness, is an important and controversial question. Specially after the sweeping repels in number of countries that put Islamic parties in power. In this paper two role model states in this respect, are under examination to answer the question of how their identity that was expressed in their constitutions influenced the allocation of power between different state authorities. In the beginning both the criteria used to define the two concepts of secularity and religiousness, and the reason why these two states are particularly chosen for comparison, are explained. The situation in Turkey is firstly indicated. The constitutional system shows that power is divided between parliament, cabinet and the president. The first two authorities have the most significant powers, and generally, the system in Turkey is similar to many other secular states in the world. But when the research moves to the system in Iran, the importance of comparison starts to appear. In this section, the nature of Islamic Shi’a of Iran Republic is discussed, and also its influence on the main and unique authorities of this religious state, which don`t only include the president and council of ministers, but also The Supreme Leader and The Council of Guardians. This paper doesn`t aim to favor a one system over another, and doesn`t discuss the influences of the two systems on the social or economic situation in the two model states. The aim of this paper is to study the influence of excluding, and applying religion in respect to allocation of power in constitutions.

Keywords: comparative law, constitutional systems, secular states, religious states

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Authors: Cita Ayeni

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Following countless violations of Human Rights in Nigeria by the various arms and agencies of government; from the Military to the Federal Police and other law enforcement agencies, Nigeria has been riddled with several reports of acts by these agencies against the citizens, ranging from illegal arrest and imprisonment, torture, disappearing, and extrajudicial killings, just to mention a few. This paper, focuses on SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad), a division of the Nigeria Police Force, and its reported threats to the people’s security, particularly the Nigerian youths, with continuous violence, extortion, illegal arrest and imprisonment, terror, and extrajudicial activities resulting in maiming and in most cases death, thus infringing on the human rights of the people it’s sworn to protect. This research further analyses how the activities of SARS has over the years instigated fear on the average Nigerian youth, preventing the free participation in daily life, education, job, and individual development, in turn impeding the realization of their full potentials for growth and participation in collective national development. This research analyzes the executive order by the then Acting President (Vice-President) of Nigeria, directing the overhauling of SARS, and its implementation by the Federal Police Force in determining if it’s enough to prevent or put a stop to the continuous Human Rights abuse and threat to the security of the individual citizen. Concluding that although the order by the Acting President was given with an intent to halt the various violations by SARS, and the Inspector General of Police’s (IGP) subsequent action by releasing a statement following the order, the bureaucracy in Nigeria, with a history of incompetency and a return to 'business as usual' after a reduced public outcry, it’s most likely that there will not be adequate follow up put in place and these violations would be slowly 'swept under the rug' with SARS officials not held accountable. It is recommended therefore that the Federal Government through the NPF, following the reforms made, in collaboration with the mentioned Independent Human Rights and civil societies organizations should periodically produce unbiased and publicly accessible reports on the implementation of these reforms and progress made. This will go a long way in assuring the public of actual fulfillment of the restructuring, reduce fear by the youths and restore some public faith in the government.

Keywords: special anti-robbery squad, youths in Nigeria, overhaul, insecurities, human rights violations

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Authors: Md. Nurul Alom Siddikqe

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The purpose of this intervention was to describe how the marginalized people protect their rights and increase their self-dignity and self-esteem among brothel-based sex workers in 6 cities which are the victim of trafficked who came from different periphery areas Bangladesh. Eventually the sex workers are tortured by the pimp, clients, Msahi (so called guardian of bonded sex workers), Babu (So called husband) highly discriminated, vulnerable and stigmatized due to their occupation, movement, behavior and activities, which has got social disapproval. However, stigma, discrimination and violation of human rights not only bar them to access legal services, education of their kids, health, movement of outside of brothel, deprived of funeral after death, but also make them inaccessible due to their invisibility. Conducted an assessment among brothel-based sex workers setup to know their knowledge on human rights and find out their harassment and violence in their community. Inspired them to think about to be united and also assisted them to formation of self help group (SHG). Developed capacity of the SHG and developed leadership of its members through different trainings like administrative, financial management, public speaking and resource mobilization. Developed strategy to enhance the capacity of SHG so that they can collectively claim their rights and develop strategic partnership and network with the relevant service provider’s for restoring all sorts of rights. Conducted meeting with stakeholder including duty bearers, civil society organizations, media people and local government initiatives. Developed Networking with human rights commission, local elite, religious leaders and form human right watch committees at community level. Organized rally and observed national and international days along with government counterparts. By utilizing the project resources the members of SHG became capable to raise their collective voices against violence, discrimination and stigma as well as protected them from insecurity. The members of SHG have been participating in social program/event the SHG got membership of district level NGO coordination meeting through invitation from Deputy Commissioner, Civil Surgeon and Social welfare office of Government of Bangladesh. The Law Enforcement Agency is ensuring safety and security and the education department of government enrolled their children in primary level education. The Government provided land for grave yard after death for the Muslim sex workers and same for the other religious group. The SHGs are registered with government respective authorities. The SHGs are working with support from different development partners and implementing different projects sometime as consortium leaders. Opportunity created to take the vocational training from the government reputed department. The harassment by the clients reduced remarkably, babu, Mashi and other counterparts recognized the sex workers rights and ensure security with government counterpart access increased in legal, health and education. Indications are that the brothel based sex workers understood about their rights and became capable of ensuring their security through working under the self-help groups meaningfully.

Keywords: brothel, discrimination, harassment, stigma

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Authors: Ronel Solis, Leonardo Collado

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Migration law in the Republic of Panama has been regulated mainly by the executive branch. This has created a crisis not only institutional but also social because the evolution of these norms has rested greatly from the discretion of the government in office. This has created instability in immigration regulation and more now, with the migration crisis of which Panama is also part. Different migration policies have been established. The most recent is that of the controlled migration flow, in which, for humanitarian reasons, migrants move from the border with Colombia to the border with Costa Rica. Unfortunately, such control is not enough, and in some cases, unprotected migrants have been confined for months, their passports have been withheld, and no recognition of their rights is offered. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights has condemned Panama for the unfair detention of an irregular migrant, who was detained for two years in Panamanian prisons, without having committed a crime and without accessing a just defense. This is the case Vélez Loor vs. the Republic of Panama. Uncontrollable migration has been putting pressure on Panamanian public health services. The recent denunciation of HIV-related NGOs that warns that there are hundreds of foreigners who receive expensive antiretroviral therapy in Panama is serious, and several of them are irregular migrants. On the other hand, there are no border control posts with the Republic of Colombia, because it is a jungle area and migrants are exposed to arms and drug trafficking, and unfortunately, also to prostitution. Government entities such as the border police service have provided humanitarian support to migrants on the border with Colombia, although it is not their administrative function, and various entities discuss who should address this crisis. However, few economic resources are allocated by the government to solve this problem, especially with the recent mass migration of Venezuelans who have fled their country. The establishment of a migratory normative code is necessary to establish uniformity in the recognition and application of migratory rights. In this way, dependence on the changing migration policies of the different Panamanian governments would be eliminated, and the rights of migrants and nationals would be guaranteed.

Keywords: executive branch, irregular migration, migration code, Republic of Panama

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Authors: Mufizur Rahman

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This thesis argues that by the citizenship policies of the Myanmar government, the rights of Rohingya have been taken away and the identity of Rohingya has been marginalized. An emphasis is made on the history, ancestors, homeland, and ideal when an individual seeks recognition for ethnic identity. Ethnic groups hold on to their unique culture, cultural heritage, language, homeland, and historical past not only to act in solidarity but also to reinforce the consciousness of national identity. Rohingya ethnic group in Rakhine state (formerly Arakan state) is in seek for identity and citizenship rights in the country. Even though Rohingya people have been living in Arakan for centuries, they are being marginalized and have been deprived of their rights by the 1982 citizenship law, which was created by the authoritarian leader after the military coup in 1962. This study elaborated marginalized and persecuted life of Rohingyas for decades by the Government of Myanmar (GOM) in their homeland and after the enactment of the 1982 Citizenship Law and citizenship policies enforced by the government. Thereby, every right was deprived systematically from the Rohingya by the GOM. By this circumstance of the country, many Rohingyas have fled from the country and sought asylum in other countries. This study primarily used the qualitative research data of in-depth personal interviews by conducting 18 Rohingya participants from the diaspora community, including male and female participants. The study examined the narrative of the Rohingya identity and citizenship policies of their homeland from the personal experience of the diaspora community.

Keywords: Rohingya, identity, citizenship policies, Diaspora community, homeland, Myanmar

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Authors: Ilona Bontenbal

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In this research, the potential for societal change is researched through the idea of migrants as change agents. The viewpoint is on the potential that migrants have for affecting societal change in their country of origin through transmitting transnational peer-to-peer information. The focus is on the information that Russian migrants living in Finland transmit about their experiences and attitudes regarding the Nordic welfare state, its democratic foundation and the social rights embedded in it, to their family and friends in their country of origin. The welfare provision and level of democracy are very different in the two neighbouring countries of Finland and Russia. Finland is a Nordic welfare state with strong democratic institutions and a comprehensive actualizing of civil and social rights. In Russia, the state of democracy has on the other hand been declining, and the social and civil rights of its citizens are constantly undermined. Due to improvements in communications and travel technology, migrants can easily and relatively cheaply stay in contact with their family and friends in their country of origin. This is why it is possible for migrants to act as change agents. By telling about their experiences and attitudes about living in a democratic welfare state, migrants can affect what people in the country or origin know and think about welfare, democracy, and social rights. This phenomenon is approached through the concept of social remittances. Social remittances broadly stand for the ideas, know-how, world views, attitudes, norms of behavior, and social capital that flows through transnational networks from receiving- to sending- country communities and the other way around. The viewpoint is that historically and culturally formed democratic welfare models cannot be copied entirely nor that each country should achieve identical development paths, but rather that migrants themselves choose which aspects they see as important to remit to their acquaintances in their country of origin. This way the potential for social change and the agency of the migrants is accentuated. The empirical research material of this study is based on 30 qualitative interviews with Russian migrants living in Finland. Russians are the largest migrant group in Finland and Finland is a popular migration destination especially for individuals living in North-West Russia including the St. Petersburg region. The interviews are carried out in 2018-2019. The preliminary results indicate that Russian migrants discuss social rights and welfare a lot with their family members and acquaintances living in Russia. In general, the migrants feel that they have had an effect on the way that their friends and family think about Finland, the West, social rights and welfare provision. Democracy, on the other hand, is seen as a more difficult and less discussed topic. The transformative potential that the transmitted information and attitudes could have outside of the immediate circle of acquaintances on larger societal change is seen as ambiguous although not negligible.

Keywords: migrants as change agents, Russian migrants, social remittances, welfare and democracy

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Authors: Taner Cindik, Ferya Tas Ciftci

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Mobbing in the public sector and specific issues (i.e., the demand for non-pecuniary damages) regarding mobbing have become very important in the light of the precedents constituted by the Turkish Council of State in 2010. The legal scope of mobbing is not able to be determined since the concept of mobbing is not defined in Turkish law system. This study aims to reveal three major problems caused by the lack of laws related to mobbing in the Turkish legal system. First, the absence of an arrangement for disciplinary penalties leads that general provisions in the disciplinary law are implemented. This situation, therefore, causes difficulties in practice. Second, not being drawn of the lines in the topic concerning mobbing in public sector leads confusions in being direction of hostility. Third, the fact that there is a legal gap on seeking non-pecuniary compensation when employees in public sector are exposed to mobbing might make it difficult to obtain non-pecuniary compensation. Within the context of these major problems, civil servants in Turkey do not have enough protection mechanism. However, some possible legal arrangements will help civil servants to protect against mobbing. This study may be considered important because of the fact that mobbing in the public sector is at a significant level and has not been evaluated in this context before. This research is mainly a study of Turkish legal system and evaluates critically law case to determine legal problems. As a result of this study, three main problems might be identified because there is legal gap regarding mobbing in the public sector. In conclusion, the introduction of the major problems related to mobbing in this study might shed light on making the proper regulations of this subject in Turkish law system. In this respect, the plaintiff will be provided convenience in the point of non-pecuniary damages and this study will guide the assessment of legal liability of those who implement mobbing.

Keywords: human rights violations, mobbing, public sector, direction of hostility, non-pecuniary compensation, disciplinary law

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Authors: Umeda Junaydova

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Legal aid is a key element of access to justice. According to UN Principles and Guidelines on Access to Legal Aid in Criminal Justice Systems, state members bear the obligation to put in place accessible, effective, sustainable, and credible legal aid systems. Regarding this obligation, developing countries, such as Tajikistan, faced challenges in terms of financing this system. Thus, many developed nations have launched rule-of-law programs to support these states and ensure access to justice for all. Following independence from the Soviet Union, Tajikistan committed to introducing the rule of law and providing access to justice. This newly established country was weak, and the sudden outbreak of civil war aggravated the situation even more. The country needed external support and opened its door to attract foreign donors to assist it in its way to development. In 2015, Tajikistan, with the financial support of development partners, was able to establish a state-funded legal aid system that provides legal assistance to vulnerable and marginalized populations, including in criminal cases. In the beginning, almost the whole system was financed from donor funds; by that time, the contribution of the government gradually increased, and currently, it covers 80% of the total budget. All these governments' actions toward ensuring access to criminal legal aid for disadvantaged groups look promising; however, the reality is completely different. Currently, not all disadvantaged people are covered by these services, and their cases are most of the time considered without appropriate defense, which leads to violation of fundamental human rights. This research presents a comprehensive exploration of the interplay between donor assistance and the effectiveness of legal aid services in Tajikistan, with a specific focus on criminal cases involving vulnerable groups, such as women and children. In the context of Tajikistan, this study addresses a pressing concern: despite substantial financial support from international donors, state-funded legal aid services often fall short of meeting the needs of poor and vulnerable populations. The study delves into the underlying complexities of this issue and examines the structural, operational, and systemic challenges faced by legal aid providers, shedding light on the factors contributing to the ineffectiveness of legal aid services. Furthermore, it seeks to identify the root causes of these issues, revealing the barriers that hinder the delivery of adequate legal aid services. The research adopts a socio-legal methodology to ensure an appropriate combination of multiple methodologies. The findings of this research hold significant implications for both policymakers and practitioners, offering insights into the enhancement of legal aid services and access to justice for disadvantaged and marginalized populations in Tajikistan. By addressing these pressing questions, this study aims to fill the gap in legal literature and contribute to the development of a more equitable and efficient legal aid system that better serves the needs of the most vulnerable members of society.

Keywords: access to justice, legal aid, rule of law, rights for council

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Authors: Ebru Nergiz

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The world is facing one of the biggest refugee crisis’ in history as hundred thousands of refugees who run away from the battle and genocide in the Middle East are travelling illegally to reach Europe over the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea. The number of refugees has reached huge numbers due to the civil war that was caused by the Arab Spring. The number of asylum applications to the European Union has also increased in parallel with the increase in the number of refugees. The conflict in Syria between the government of Bashar Al-Assad and various other forces, which started in the spring of 2011, continues to cause displacement within the country and across the region. The refugee situation caused by the Syrian conflict has placed enormous strain on neighboring countries Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, and especially Turkey. Turkey hosts massive numbers of Syrian refugees, almost 3 million and Syrians have been seeking protection in increasing numbers. The refugee crisis has affected the relationships between Turkey and the European Union deeply. President of the European Council Donald Tusk chaired a meeting of EU heads of state or government with Turkey on 29 November 2015. The meeting opened a new era in the relationships between Turkey and the European Union in terms of the migration crisis. The EU and Turkey agreed to negotiate Turkey's accession process to the European Union and to hold regular summits on Turkey-EU relations and discuss these issues. This paper looks at the reasons and consequences of the European refugee crisis and its effects on Turkey- European Union relationships. This paper also argues that the European Union has not sufficiently contributed toward alleviating the burden caused by the refugee influx, in terms of both financial assistance and refugee resettlement. The European Union’s priority is to guarantee that the lowest possible number of refugees reach Europe rather than to ensure the security of the refugees.

Keywords: European Union, human rights, refugee crisis, Turkey-European union relationships

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Authors: Dmytro D. Buiadzhy

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The modern psychiatric discourse proves the existence of the direct ties between the children's mental health and their success in life as adults. The unresolved mental health problems in childhood are likely to lead individuals to poverty, isolation, and social exclusion as stated by Marcus Richards. Such an approach justifies the involvement of children in the view of supervision and control of power. The discourse, related to the mental health of children, provides a tight impact of family, educational institutions and medical authorities on the child through any manifestations of his psychic, having signs of "abnormality.” Throughout the adult life, the individual continues to feel the pressure of power through legal, political, and economic institutions that also appeal to the mental health regulation. The juvenile law declares the equality of a child and an adult, but in fact simply delegates the powers of parents to impersonal social institutions of the guardianship, education, and social protection. The psychiatric power in this study is considered in accordance with the Michel Foucault’s concept of power as a manifestation of "positive" technologies of power, which include various manifestations of subjectivity, in particular children’s one, in a view of supervision and control of the state power. The main issue disclosed in this paper is how weakening of the parental authority, in the context of legislative ratification of the child rights, strengthens the other forms of power over children, especially the psychiatric power, which justifies and affects the children mancipation.

Keywords: child rights, psychiatric power, discourse, parental authority

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Authors: Vicky Khasandi-Telewa, Sinfree Makoni

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Barrenness is a fundamentally agonizing condition that leads to identity disruption in its victims. In Africa, women are usually referred to as ‘Mother of X,’ and this causes grief to one who does not have a child to be identified with. This paper is an examination and critical appraisal of the impact of barrenness on the self-perception of women and the underlying power relations in how they are discursively constructed in the Bible and Traditional African Society (TAS). It is an analysis of expressive practices to examine how barrenness is constructed in Christianity and TAS with the aim of understanding the intersecting power systems. We approach this from an integrationism and Critical Discourse Analysis perspective that takes seriously both the radical harassment of barren women and the possibilities offered by the ensuing desperation calling for inclusive reinterpretation. We also seek to understand barren women’s coping mechanisms and suggestions on how best to improve their lives. The purpose of this study is to explain how discursive construction of barrenness affects the fundamental rights and freedoms of women and what linguistic strategies they adopt to navigate through the maze of stigma. It seeks to illustrate a more nuanced complexity of barren women's lives through women's own exegesis of the Biblical accounts of barrenness and their traditions and to explore alternative narratives. We explore the linguistic strategies the barren women employ to communicate their coping with limitations imposed upon their rights by the negative constructions.

Keywords: integrationism, critical discourse analysis, barrenness, communication strategies, women rights

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Authors: Natany Rodrigues De Carvalho, Denise Bomtempo Birche De Carvalho

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the Special Testimony as a methodology for social workers to ensure the rights of children and adolescents who are victims of sexual violence. The specific objectives are: a) to contextualize, through the specialized literature, the social history of childhood and adolescence; b) to investigate, in the scientific literature, the sexual violence against children and adolescents as an analytical category; c) identify, with the social workers, if there is any defense of children and adolescents in the special testimony. To answer the research objectives we use qualitative research, in three axes that complement each other: a) participant observation through the insertion in the research field (supervised internship I and II); b) survey of literature on the subject; c) semi-structured interviews with social workers of the TJDFT. We used content analysis to systematize and interpret the collected data. The results of the research were organized into three chapters with the following contents: a) literature review, contextualizing the social history of childhood and adolescence to the present; b) sexual violence against children and adolescents and their categories of analysis; c) understanding of the special testimony in the Federal District and Territories in guaranteeing the rights of children and adolescents, identifying their main points from the perspective of social workers. The results showed how the lack of interdisciplinarity in the Special Testimony can lead to the non-integral protection of children and adolescents victims of sexual violence.

Keywords: childhood and adolescence, sexual violence, special testimony, social work

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Authors: Rocio Murad, Juan Carlos Rivillas, Nury Alejandra Rodriguez, Daniela Roldán

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In Colombia, around 5 million women have suffered forced displacement and all forms of gender-based violence, mostly adolescents and young women, single mothers, or widows with children affected by the war. After the signing of the peace agreements, the department of Antioquia has been one of the most affected by the armed conflict, from a territorial and gender perspective in the period. The objective of the research was to analyze the situation of sexual and reproductive rights in the department of Antioquia from a territorial and gender perspective in the period after the signing of the Peace Agreement. A mixed methodology was developed. The quantitative component conducted a cross-sectional descriptive study of barriers to access to contraceptive methods, safe abortion and gender-based violence based on microdata from the 2015 National Demographic and Health Survey. In the qualitative component, a case study was developed in Dabeiba, a municipality of Antioquia prioritized in order to deepen the experiences before, during and after the armed conflict in sexual and reproductive rights; using three research techniques: Focused observation, Semi-structured interviews, and Documentary review. The results showed that there is a gradient of greater vulnerability to greater effects of the conflict and that the subregion of Urabá Antioqueño, to which Dabeiba belongs, has the highest levels of vulnerability in relation to departmental data. In this subregion, the percentage of women with an unmet need for contraceptive methods (9%), women with unintended pregnancies (31%), of women between 15 and 19 years of age who are already mothers or are pregnant with their first child (32%) and the percentage of women victims of physical violence (42%) and sexual violence (13%) by their partners are significantly higher. Women, particularly rural and indigenous women, were doubly affected due to the existence of violence that is specifically directed at them or that has a greater impact on their life projects. There was evidence of insufficient, fragmented and disjointed social and institutional action in relation to women's rights and the existence of androcentric and patriarchal social imaginaries through which women and the feminine are undervalued. These results provide evidence of violations of sexual and reproductive rights in contexts of armed conflict and make it possible to identify mechanisms to guarantee the re-establishment of the rights of the victims, particularly women and girls. Among the mechanisms evidenced are: working for the elimination of gender stereotypes; supporting the formation and strengthening of women's social organizations; working for the concerted definition and articulated implementation of actions necessary to respond to sexual and reproductive health needs; and working for the recognition of reproductive violence as specific and different from sexual violence in the context of armed conflict. Also, it was evidenced that it is necessary to implement prevention, attention and reparation actions.

Keywords: sexual and reproductive rights, Colombia, armed conflict, violence against women

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Authors: Ida Madieha Abdul Ghani Azmi, Heng Gee Lim, Adlan Abdul Razak, Nasaruddin Abdul Rahman

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The objective of competition law is to maximise consumer welfare through the regulation of anti-competitive behaviour that results in the distortion of the market. Intellectual property law also seeks to enhance consumer welfare in the long run by encouraging the development of useful devices and processes. Nevertheless, in some circumstances, the IP owners behave in such a way that makes it difficult for rival companies to sell substitute products and technology in the market. Intellectual property owners may also reach a dominant position in the market such that they are able to dictate unfair terms and conditions on other market players. Among the two major categories of anti-competitive behavior is the use of horizontal and vertical agreement to constrain effective competition and abuse of dominant position. As a result, many countries have regulated the conduct of the IP owners that are considered as anti-competitive including the US, Canada, and Singapore. This paper visits the proposed IP Guidelines recently drafted by the Malaysian Competition Commission and investigates to what extent it resolves most of the anti-competitive behavior of the IP owners. The paper concludes by suggesting some of the rules that could be prescribed by the Competition Commission in order to maintain the relevancy of competition law as the main check against the abuse of rights by the intellectual property owners.

Keywords: abuse of dominant position, consumer welfare, intellectual property rights, vertical and horizontal agreements

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Authors: Saeid Rabiei Majd, Motahareh Alvandi, Bahareh Asefi

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Extraction of maximum natural resources is one of the common policies of governments, especially petroleum resources that have high economic and strategic value. The incentive to access and maintain profitable oil markets for governments or international oil companies, causing neglects them to pay attention to environmental principles and sustainable development, which in turn drives up environmental and climate change. Significant damage to the environment can cause severe damage to citizens and indigenous people, such as the compulsory evacuation of their zone due to contamination of water and air resources, destruction of animals and plants. Hawizeh Marshes is a common aquatic and environmental ecosystem along the Iran-Iraq border that also has oil resources. This marsh has been very rich in animal, vegetative, and oil resources. Since 1990, the political motives, the strategic importance of oil extraction, and the disregard for the environmental rights of the Iraqi and Iranian governments in the region have caused 90% of the marshes and forced migration of indigenous people. In this paper, we examine the environmental degradation factors resulting from the adoption of policies and practices of governments in this region based on the principles of environmental rights and sustainable development. Revision of the implementation of the government’s policies and natural resource utilization systems can prevent the spread of climate change, which is a serious international challenge today.

Keywords: climate change, indigenous rights, petroleum operation, sustainable development principles, sovereignty on resources

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Authors: Lisa Tragbar

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In post-war scenarios, reconstruction is a principle towards creating a Just Peace in order to restore a stable post-war society. Just peace theorists explore normative behaviour after war, including the duties and responsibilities of different actors and peacebuilding strategies to achieve a lasting, positive peace. Environmental peace ethicists have argued for including the role of nature in the Ethics of War and Peace. This text explores the question of why and how to rethink the value of nature in post-war scenarios. The aim is to include the rights of nature within a maximalist account of reconstruction by highlighting sumak kawsay in the post-war period. Destruction of nature is usually considered collateral damage in war scenarios. Common universal standards for post-war reconstruction are restitution, compensation and reparation programmes, which is mostly anthropocentric approach. The problem of reconstruction in the aftermath of war is the instrumental value of nature. The responsibility to rebuild needs to be revisited within a non-anthropocentric context. There is an ongoing debate about a minimalist or maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction. While Michael Walzer argues for minimalist in-and-out interventions, Alex Bellamy argues for maximalist strategies such as the responsibility to protect, a UN-concept on how face mass atrocity crimes and how to reconstruct peace. While supporting the tradition of maximalist responsibility to rebuild, these normative post-Bellum concepts do not yet sufficiently consider the rights of nature in the aftermath of war. While reconstruction of infrastructures seems important and necessary, concepts that strengthen the intrinsic value of nature in post-bellum measures must also be included. Peace is not Just Peace without a thriving nature that provides the conditions and resources to live and guarantee human rights. Ecuador's indigenous philosophy of life can contribute to the restoration of nature after war by changing the perspective on the value of nature. The sumak kawsay includes the de-hierarchisation of humans and nature and the principle of reciprocity towards nature. Transferring this idea of life and interconnectedness to post-war reconstruction practices, post bellum perpetrators have restorative obligations not only to people but also to nature. This maximalist approach would include both a restitutive principle, by restoring the balance between humans and nature, and a retributive principle, by punishing the perpetrators through compensatory duties to nature. A maximalist approach to post-war reconstruction that takes into account the rights of nature expands the normative post-war questions to include a more complex field of responsibilities. After a war, Just Peace is restored once not only human rights but also the rights of nature are secured. A minimalist post-bellum approach to reconstruction does not locate future problems at their source and does not offer a solution for the inclusion of obligations to nature. There is a lack of obligations towards nature after a war, which can be changed through a different perspective: The indigenous philosophy of life provides the necessary principles for a comprehensive reconstruction of Just Peace.

Keywords: normative ethics, peace, post-war, sumak kawsay, applied ethics

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Authors: Alapa Peters Odugbo

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The remarkable but fascinatingly intricate book 'The Lives of Jessie Sampter', by Sarah Imhoff, which describes Jessie Sampter's three different lives as a queer, a disabled person, and a Zionist, served as the main inspiration for this work. Her second chapter of Imhoff, which covers disability in-depth, inspired the focus of my study. This paper critically explores how culture, religion, and medicine contribute to and sustain discriminatory practices against people with disabilities in Nigeria. These practices include continued and often unchallenged stigmatization, unequal treatment, and denial of basic social services, employment prospects, and fundamental human rights. The paper makes crucial recommendations to help combat and eliminate these practices and negative perceptions toward people with disabilities in Nigeria, as well as to safeguard and promote their interests and rights.

Keywords: disability, culture, religion, medicine

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Glaucia Maricato

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Our research deals with specific use of DNA tests in Brazil – aimed at financial reparation for the institutionalized and otherwise scattered offspring of leprosy patients who, from the 1920s up through the 1980s, were subjected to compulsory internment in the 'hospital-colonies', specialized in the containment of Hansen’s disease. Through a social movement, the ex-patients themselves gained the right, in 2007, to financial compensations. At the moment, the movement is seeking reparation for the (now adult) children of these people as well. Many of these children grew up in orphanages, in adopted families, or do not have official documents to prove their family belonging. In 2011, a team of Brazilian geneticists had volunteered their services, applying DNA tests in order to ascertain the connection of certain individuals to an ex-internee of the leprosarium. We have accompanied the activities in four different ex-colonies in order to understand how the DNA test was being signified by those being tested, and how the test fit into already existent notions of family. Inspired in the writings of scholars such as Sheila Jasanoff and Helena Machado, we examine the possibility of a 'geneticization of family ties' when people are obliged to back their claim for human rights by producing legal proof based on blood tests. However, in like fashion to other ethnographic studies on this theme, we encountered among tested adults a number of creative strategies that allow for the co-existence of the idea of 'scientifically-based' blood ties alongside other more traditional ways of signifying kinship.

Keywords: human rights, social movements, DNA tests, Hansen's disease

Procedia PDF Downloads 111