Search results for: political context

Authors: Maria Barriga

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The article focuses on the analysis of three images of the last five years that represent different visions of social groups in the context of the so call “Conflicto Mapuche” in la Araucanía, Chile. Using a multimodal social semiotic approach, we analyze the meaning making of these images and the social groups strategies to achieve visibility and recognition in political contexts. We explore the making and appropriation of symbols and concepts and analyze the different strategies that groups use to built hegemonic views. Among these strategies, we compare the use of digital technologies in design these images and the influence of Chilean Estate's vision on the Mapuche political conflict. Finally, we propose visual strategies to improve basic conditions for dialogue and recognition among these groups.

Keywords: visual culture, power, conflict, indigenous people

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Authors: Olivia Martina Dalla Torre

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The aim of this paper is to describe and analyse some urban writings that emerge in politically disputed areas, namely the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and more specifically in Deheishe refugee camp. These graffiti are visible on the walls of houses, all around the camp, and they convey messages of protest but also of hope or claim about the complex political situation in the occupied territories. These graffiti can be then interpreted as political and politicized semiotic resources. In this paper, after having introduced the political situation of the Palestinian Territories in a historical perspective, we will question a specific dimension of these writings, i.e., their multilingual and ideological aspect. To do this, we will focus on ethnographic fieldwork on Deheishe refugee camp and we will draw on the theoretical framework of the critical communication studies which assert that language practices are not neutral and that they need to be understood through the lens of the historical context of production, crossing space and time. By analysing the relationship between the discursive constructions of the messages and the languages used, we will point out some of the possible reasons and functions of the presence of these multilingual discursive productions. We will show that if, on the one hand, these graffiti confirm the huge presence of Western actors in the region, on the other hand, they attest the presence of an international movement against the Israeli occupation and against other struggles as well. Concluding, we will argue that multilingualism certainly represents a diversification of the linguistic landscape and that it gives a transnational and political dimension to the graffiti.

Keywords: communication, graffiti, multilingualism, Palestine, transnationalism

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Authors: Ali Akbar

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The main purpose of this essay is to examine whether or not the earthly punishments in regards to apostates that are often found in classical Islamic sources are applicable in the present context. The paper indeed addresses how Muslims should understand the question of apostasy in the contemporary context. To do so, the paper first argues that an accurate understanding of the way the Quranic verses and prophetic hadiths deal with the concept of apostasy could help us rethink and re-examine the classical Islamic laws on apostasy in the present context. In addition, building on Abdolkarim Soroush’s theory of contraction and expansion of religious knowledge, this article argues that approaches to apostasy in the present context can move away from what prescribed by classical Islamic laws. Finally, it argues that instances of persecution of apostates in the early days of Islam during the Medinan period of Muhammad’s prophetic mission should be interpreted in their own socio-historical context. Rereading these reports within our modern context supports the mutability of the traditional corporal punishments of apostasy.

Keywords: apostasy, Islam, Quran, hadith, Abdolkarim Soroush, contextualization

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Authors: Mariam Begadze

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Separation of Powers (SOP) has often been the most frequently posed objection against the judicial enforcement of socio-economic rights. Although a lot has been written to refute those, very rarely has it been assessed what effect the current practice of social rights adjudication has had on the construction of SOP doctrine in specific jurisdictions. Colombia is an appropriate case-study on this question. The notion of collaborative SOP in the 1991 Constitution has affected the court’s conception of its role. On the other hand, the trends in the jurisprudence have further shaped the collaborative notion of SOP. Other institutional characteristics of the Colombian constitutional law have played its share role as well. Tutela action, particularly flexible and fast judicial action for individuals has placed the judiciary in a more confrontational relation vis-à-vis the political branches. Later interventions through abstract review of austerity measures further contributed to that development. Logically, the court’s activism in this sphere has attracted attacks from political branches, which have turned out to be unsuccessful precisely due to court’s outreach to the middle-class, whose direct reliance on the court has turned into its direct democratic legitimacy. Only later have the structural judgments attempted to revive the collaborative notion behind SOP doctrine. However, the court-supervised monitoring process of implementation has itself manifested fluctuations in the mode of collaboration, moving into more managerial supervision recently. This is not surprising considering the highly dysfunctional political system in Colombia, where distrust seems to be the default starting point in the interaction of the branches. The paper aims to answer the question, what the appropriate judicial tools are to realize the collaborative notion of SOP in a context where the court has to strike a balance between the strong executive and the weak and largely dysfunctional legislative branch. If the recurrent abuse lies in the indifference and inaction of legislative branches to engage with political issues seriously, what are the tools in the court’s hands to activate the political process? The answer to this question partly lies in the court’s other strand of jurisprudence, in which it combines substantive objections with procedural ones concerning the operation of the legislative branch. The primary example is the decision on value-added tax on basic goods, in which the court invalidated the law based on the absence of sufficient deliberation in Congress on the question of the bills’ implications on the equity and progressiveness of the entire taxing system. The decision led to Congressional rejection of an identical bill based on the arguments put forward by the court. The case perhaps is the best illustration of the collaborative notion of SOP, in which the court refrains from categorical pronouncements, while does its bit for activating political process. This also legitimizes the court’s activism based on its role to counter the most perilous abuse in the Colombian context – failure of the political system to seriously engage with serious political questions.

Keywords: Colombian constitutional court, judicial review, separation of powers, social rights

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

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The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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Authors: Abdulmalik Adamu

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This study is premised on the assumption that language, particularly, English plays a significant role in the acquisition of power in Nigeria. This is against the backdrop of the fact that for the first time in the political history of Nigeria, an opposition party succeeded in dethroning an incumbent President and ruling political party in an election. Therefore the main objective was to investigate the role of language, particularly English in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria. The corpus generated for this study consisted of excerpts from the media exchange between the spokespersons of the two dominant political parties at the time of the elections in 2015; Olisa Metuh of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and Lai Mohammed of the All Progressive Party (APC). The excerpts were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a research tool. The findings revealed the acceptance of the first proposition that English facilitates the acquisition of political power in Nigeria and the rejection of the second proposition that English is an instrument for the exclusion of the populist from political events in Nigeria. The study, therefore, concluded that language, particularly English played a significant role in the acquisition of political power in Nigeria.

Keywords: language, power, politics, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA)

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Authors: Karun Karki

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The Lhotshampa are Bhutanese people of Nepali origin who have been in Bhutan since the early 1600s. A significant number of these people migrated to Bhutan in the nineteenth century. The 1958 Nationality Law of Bhutan granted citizenship to many Lhotshampa people; however, in the late 1970s, the government of Bhutan introduced a series of laws and policies intended for the socio-political and cultural exclusion of the Lhotshampa due to their ancestry. These exclusionary policies and ethnic and racial injustices not only removed the rights and citizenship of the Lhotshampa but also forcibly displaced thousands of families with no choice but to seek refuge in Nepal. In this context, racism becomes a biopolitical tool designed to govern and regulate populations in a way that determines who may live and who must die. The governance and the management of the population, what Stephan Scheel terms as biopolitical bordering, depends on boundaries between residents and non-residents, citizens and non-citizens, and emigrants and immigrants. Drawing on Foucault’s biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics, this paper argues that the concept of racism should be examined within the context of political discourses because it is intertwined with the colonial project, enslavement, and diaspora. This paper critically explores ethnic and racial injustices the Lhotshampa people experienced and the ways in which they negotiated and resisted such injustices in their resettlement processes, including before displacement, in refugee camps, and after the third-country resettlement. Critical examination of these issues helps shed light on the notion of racial difference that justifies dehumanization, discrimination, and racist attitudes against the Lhotshampa people. The study's findings are critical in promoting human rights, social justice, and the health and well-being of the Lhotshampa community in the context of trauma and stressors in their resettlement processes.

Keywords: lhotshampa people, bhutanese refugees, racism, dehumanization, social justice, biopower, necropower

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Authors: Pinqiao Wang

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Mindfulness, derived from Buddhism, has been developed to improve individuals' well-being, first in the West and then gaining growing popularity in Asia. Numerous research studies have proven the effectiveness of mindfulness among clinical groups and the public all over the world. However, as enthusiasm surges, reflections on mindfulness and its commodification and instrumentalization arise. Hong Kong was seen as the model of a free market by neoliberal economists. The relationships between its socioeconomic neoliberalism, Western-inspired democracy aspiration, and political harmonization with China Mainland have been fraught with tensions, which have been further exacerbated by socio-political changes since the 2010s. Under such circumstances, mental health problems have come into the spotlight in Hong Kong recently. Mindfulness has gained growing popularity in Hong Kong, with its influence reaching from primary schools to corporate settings. A more comprehensive socio-political analysis of mindfulness within the Hong Kong context warrants further exploration. Drawing on interview responses from mindfulness practitioners, we examine the connections between the ideologies underlying mindfulness and contemporary capitalist society. On the one hand, mindfulness focuses on the present moment and self-improvement, representing neoliberal capitalist spirituality and reinforcing existing power relations. On the other hand, mindfulness fosters the acceptance of difference, which is argued to demonstrate the potential for advancing democracy at both the individual and community levels. Academically, this research provides empirical evidence to advance the current discussions and debates surrounding the socio-political potential of mindfulness. Practically, it serves as a reflection on mindfulness practices to optimize their impact on individuals and society.

Keywords: neoliberal subjectivity, qualitative analysis, social construction, technologies of the self, therapeutic culture

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Authors: Abdullahi Mohammed Auwal

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Formation and change or decamping from one political party to another have now become a common trend in Nigeria. Many of the parties’ members who could not secure positions and or win elections in their parties or are not very much satisfied with the trends occurring in the party’s internal democratic principles and mechanisms, change their respective parties. This paper developed/presented and analyzed the used of non linear mathematical model for defections between two political parties using epidemiological approach. The whole population was assumed to be a constant and homogeneously mixed. Equilibria have been analytically obtained and their local and global stability discussed. Conditions for the co-existence of both the political parties have been determined, in the study of defections between People Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) in Nigeria using numerical simulations to support the analytical results.

Keywords: model, political parties, deffection, stability, equilibrium, epidemiology

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Authors: Vitalijus Leibenka

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After 2014 the world of Russia’s actions in annexing Crimea has seen a hybrid war that has helped Russia achieve its goals. The world and NATO nations have pointed out that hybrid action can help achieve not only military but also economic and political goals. One of the weapons of action in hybrid warfare is information warfare tools, the use of which helps to carry out actions in the context of hybrid warfare as a whole. In addition, information war tools can be used alone, over time and for long-term purposes. Although forms of information war, such as propaganda and disinformation, have been used in the past, in old conflicts and wars, new forms of information war have emerged as a result of technological development, making the dissemination of information faster and more efficient. The world understands that information is becoming a weapon, but not everyone understands that both information war and information warfare differ in their essence and full content. In addition, the damage and impact of the use of information war, which may have worse consequences than a brief military conflict, is underestimated. Lithuania is also facing various interpretations of the information war. Some believe that the information attack is an information war and the understanding of the information war is limited to a false message in the press. Others, however, deepen and explain the essence of the information war. Society has formed in such a way that not all people are able to assess the threats of information war, to separate information war from information attack. Recently, the Lithuanian government has been taking measures in the context of the information war, making decisions that allow the development of the activities of the state and state institutions in order to create defense mechanisms in the information war. However, this is happening rather slowly and incompletely. Every military conflict, related to Lithuania in one way or another, forces Lithuanian politicians to take up the theme of information warfare again. As a result, a national cyber security center is being set up, and Russian channels spreading lies are banned. However, there is no consistent development and continuous improvement of action against information threats. Although a sufficiently influential part of society (not a political part) helps to stop the spread of obscure information by creating social projects such as “Demaskuok” and “Laikykis ten su Andriumi tapinu”, it goes without saying that it will not become a key tool in the fight against information threats. Therefore, in order to achieve clean dissemination of information in Lithuania, full-fledged and substantial political decisions are necessary, the adoption of which would change the public perception of the information war, its damage, impact and actions that would allow to combat the spread. Political decisions should cover the educational, military, economic and political areas, which are one of the main and most important in the state, which would allow to fundamentally change the situation against the background of information war.

Keywords: information war, information warfare, hybrid war, hybrid warfare, NATO, Lithuania, Russia

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Authors: F. Agbele

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Elections are core democratic institutions. Consequently, voter participation during elections is paramount to democratic governance as it serves as a medium to legitimize authority and make the privileges of electoral democracy meaningful to citizens. To this effect, the topic of voter mobilization and subsequent turnout level have been largely studied in advanced democracies. In young and consolidating democracies, the debate has, however, revolves around the huge reliance on ethnic and regional appeals. According to the Author’s knowledge, studies on electoral mobilization especially within the African context have argued the use of ethnic linkages by political parties to mobilize voters during elections. Literature has however not differentiated between the level of democratic dispensation among African countries and the use of ethnic linkages. The question, however, is whether the state of the country’s democracy determines the strategies employed by political parties to induce voter participation. In other words, do parties simply play ethno-regional cards as strongly suggested by literature or will consider an arrayed of strategies to mobilize voters? Additionally, studies have not differentiated the impact of mobilization strategy within a country, i.e. between high to low turnout areas. They have also not distinguished between strategies employed by an incumbent or an opposition party. This paper, therefore, is a comparative analysis of voter mobilization in Ghana. It uses original survey and interview data from three constituencies in Ghana: Nanton, Assin North, and Ellembelle, which are typical cases of high, average and low turnout areas, respectively. The data were concurrently collected during fieldworks conducted in November 2016 to February 2017, and again from July to August 2017. The study found that political parties within a consolidating democracy employ a blend of strategies to ensure turnout by both parties’ faithful and swing voters. The dominant strategies used depends on whether the party is an incumbent or in opposition. While an incumbent may depend more on personalistic and clientelistic strategies, parties in opposition will largely use programmatic strategies, which entails making many campaign promises. Additionally, opposition parties do use clientelistic tactics, but not on the same level as the incumbent. Similarly, within the context of this study, the use of ethnic linkage by political parties to mobilize voters has not been found to be as strong as suggested in the literature. Further, location was key in determining the strategy to use. In all, the consolidation process of a democratic country like Ghana means the change of mobilization strategies used by political parties, which entail a gradual shift from ethnic linkages to programmatic and other forms of non-programmatic strategies.

Keywords: comparative analysis, elections, mobilization strategies, voter turnout

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Authors: Wesam Mohamed Abdel Khalek Ibrahim

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This paper examines the use of metaphors in Arabic political news discourse, focusing particularly on the headlines of the news articles relating to the Egyptian political situation in the period from June 2012 to October 2013. Metaphors are skilfully manipulated in the headlines to influence the public stance towards several events and entities including Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood (MB), Morsi, the June 30th uprising, Al-Sisi and the Armed Forces. The findings reveal that Arabic political news discourse shares basic features with its English counterpart, namely the use of metaphors as persuasive strategies and the presence of certain target domains. Insights gained from this study feed back into the conceptual metaphor theory by providing further evidence to the universality of metaphors.

Keywords: conceptual metaphor theory, political discourse, news discourse, Egyptian political situation

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Authors: Ahmad Alsolami, Darren Mundy, Manuel Hernandez-Perez

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Social media networks, such as Twitter, offer the perfect opportunity to either positively or negatively affect political attitudes on large audiences. The existence of influential users who have developed a reputation for their knowledge and experience of specific topics is a major factor contributing to this impact. Therefore, knowledge of the mechanisms to identify influential users on social media is vital for understanding their effect on their audience. The concept of the influential user is related to the concept of opinion leaders' to indicate that ideas first flow from mass media to opinion leaders and then to the rest of the population. Hence, the objective of this research was to provide reliable and accurate structural mechanisms to identify influential users, which could be applied to different platforms, places, and subjects. Twitter was selected as the platform of interest, and Saudi Arabia as the context for the investigation. These were selected because Saudi Arabia has a large number of Twitter users, some of whom are considerably active in setting agendas and disseminating ideas. The study considered the scientific methods that have been used to identify public opinion leaders before, utilizing metrics software on Twitter. The key findings propose multiple novel metrics to compare Twitter influencers, including the number of followers, social authority and the use of political hashtags, and four secondary filtering measures. Thus, using ratio and percentage calculations to classify the most influential users, Twitter accounts were filtered, analyzed and included. The structured approach is used as a mechanism to explore the top ten influencers on Twitter from the political domain in Saudi Arabia.

Keywords: Twitter, influencers, structured mechanism, Saudi Arabia

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Authors: Rafik Massoudi

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Irish identity continues to be discussed in various fields including social science, culture, literary humanities as well as political debates. In this context, Irishness had been usurped for a long time by the hegemonic power of the British Empire. That is why, Irish writers, in general, and Seamus Heaney along with William Butler Yeats, in particular, endeavored to retrieve this lost identity by shedding light on Irish history, folklore, communal traditions, landscape, indigenous people, language as well as culture. In this context, we may speak of a decolonizing attempt that allowed these writers to represent the autonomous Irish subjectivity by establishing an ethical relationship based on an extraordinary approach to the represented alterity. This article, indeed, places itself within the arena of postmodern, postcolonial discussions of the issue of identity and, particularly, of Irishness.

Keywords: identity, Irishess, narration, postcolonialism

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Authors: Manuel Iretzberger

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This paper aims to uncover the ideological aspects in the political thought of Carl Schmitt, who is enjoying an ever-increasing popularity in various academic fields, following in the wake of rising interest in questions of sovereignty and legitimacy. Given Schmitt’s biography, i.e. his role as the ‘Crown Jurist of the Third Reich’ (Gurian), an extraordinarily thorough examination is necessary; however, instead of merely ‘deconstructing’ his works, certain ontological truths he might have attained, shall be taken seriously. To this end, his notions of politics and the state of exception are scrutinized, which are indeed considered intriguing, yet prove to be enigmatic and impalpable at the core when read closely. In order to explain this conjuncture, both Schmitt’s philosophy of history and his ‘secret discussion’ (Agamben) with Walter Benjamin are depicted. As it turns out – it is argued – his concept of the Political has to be conceived of as embedded in a much broader context: In a post-transcendental, immanent age, he regards traditional modes of representation as no longer feasible and clings to authoritarianism as a surrogate – his Catholicism plays a decisive role here, forcing him to inject normatively biased assumptions into his political writings. Seeing Schmitt perform ‘rearguard action’ not only serves to disarm his work of most of its menacing aura, it also allows drawing conclusions about ways of legitimatizing democratic rule in modern times, as the paper tries to outline in its last section.

Keywords: Benjamin, history, immanence, Schmitt, sovereignty

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Authors: Raeda F. Abualrub, Amani Abdulnabi

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Aim: The aims of this study were to (a) examine the levels of nurses' political efficacy and involvement in health policy; and (b) explore the relationships between political efficacy, involvement in health policy, and participants’ background variables. Background: Nurses as citizens and health care providers have the right to express their opinions and beliefs in regard to issues that are concerned with the health care system or the public health domain. Methods: A descriptive, cross-sectional design using was utilized. A self-administered questionnaire (Political Efficacy Scale & Involvement in Health Policy Scale) was completed by a convenience sample of 302 nurses. Results: The results of this study showed low levels of involvement in health policy and political efficacy and a positive weak correlation between political efficacy and involvement in health policy. The perceived level of political efficacy was associated positively with nurses’ age and experience. Conclusions: Nurse administrators and managers may empower, support, and encourage nurses to enhance their involvement in health policy. Implications for Nursing Management: The findings have implications for nursing leaders and administrators to design appropriate strategies to enhance nurses’ involvement in health policy development.

Keywords: health policy, Jordan, nurses, political efficacy

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Authors: Soliman Rosemary

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Despite the widespread movements towards democratization in most countries, women are still largely underrepresented at most levels of governments, especially in ministerial and other executive bodies. This paper is going to focus on the status quo of women political marginalization in Japan and the role social movements, feminist groups and campaigns play in raising the number of female politicians in administrative decision making process. The paper will raise some Japanese feminist groups such as ‘WIN WIN’ and ‘Q no Kai’ and other feminist groups as case studies. The study will help in furthering the understanding of women political empowerment in Japan and the strategies of contemporary social movements in raising the awareness of the importance of gender quota in the electoral system to be able to place new items on the political agenda that reflect and address women's gender-specific concerns, values and experiences, and providing new perspectives on mainstream political issues.

Keywords: feminist, political empowerment, quota, social movements

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Authors: Kuralay Kenzhekanova, Akmaral Dalelbekkyzy

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The article is devoted to the problem of political discourse and its reflection on mass cognition. This article is dedicated to describe the myth as one of the main features of political discourse. The dominance of an expressional and emotional component in the myth is shown. Precedent phenomenon plays an important role in distinguishing the myth from the linguistic point of view. Precedent phenomena show the linguistic cognition, which is characterized by their fame and recognition. Four types of myths such as master myths, a foundation myth, sustaining myth, eschatological myths are observed. The myths about the national idea are characterized by national specificity. The main aim of the political discourse with the help of myths is to influence on the mass consciousness in order to motivate the addressee to certain actions so that the target purpose is reached owing to unity of forces.

Keywords: cognition, myth, linguistic consciousness, types of myths, political discourse, political myth, precedent phenomena

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Authors: Jaime Otavo

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Oscar del Barco, a former member of Los Montoneros, an Argentine guerrilla group of the 1970s, published a letter in 2004 that sparked a heated debate in his country about revolutionary violence. Del Barco, on the subject of «No matarás» (Thou shalt not kill) –as this debate was known– wrote to Sergio Schmucler, his addressee, the following: "There is no 'ideal' that justifies the death of a man. The founding principle of any community is 'Thou shalt not kill'. Thou shalt not kill the man because every man is sacred, and every man is all men".In this paper, the «No matarás» debate will be used to problematize two interconnected ideas that, in Colombia, underpinned the use of revolutionary violence by the guerrilla movements that emerged in the 1970s. On the one hand, an anthropological optimism; on the other, a theological scheme of converting violence into justice. Based on this, two arguments are put forward: 1) that revolutionary violence arose from an ethical-political certainty, namely: the confidence in being on the right side of history (because the violent ones were others), but 2) that its persistence over time made visible a tragic element, that is, that the bipolarity between victim and executioner, good and evil, or friend and foe that is inscribed in the class struggle is a false dilemma for in the context of revolutionary violence –as in the context of Greek tragedy–, no one ever has to make a decision, nor can he do so. For this reason, it is maintained that the fundamental aspect about guerrilla violence in Colombia is that it imposed itself as a violence of negativity which not only exceeded the capacity of the extreme left to control its revolutionary praxis but also exploited the link with the political subjectivation to which it aspired, the proletariat as the gravedigger of the bourgeoisie.

Keywords: marxism, social movements, armed struggle, debate thou shalt not kill

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Authors: G. S. Thyagaraju, U. P. Kulkarni

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Context-aware computing refers to a general class of computing systems that can sense their physical environment, and adapt their behaviour accordingly. Context aware computing makes systems aware of situations of interest, enhances services to users, automates systems and personalizes applications. Context-aware services have been introduced into mobile devices, such as PDA and mobile phones. In this paper we are presenting a novel approaches used to realize the context aware mobile. The context aware mobile phone (CAMP) proposed in this paper senses the users situation automatically and provides user context required services. The proposed system is developed by using artificial intelligence techniques like Bayesian Network, fuzzy logic and rough sets theory based decision table. Bayesian Network to classify the incoming call (high priority call, low priority call and unknown calls), fuzzy linguistic variables and membership degrees to define the context situations, the decision table based rules for service recommendation. To exemplify and demonstrate the effectiveness of the proposed methods, the context aware mobile phone is tested for college campus scenario including different locations like library, class room, meeting room, administrative building and college canteen.

Keywords: context aware mobile, fuzzy logic, decision table, Bayesian probability

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Authors: Sandiso Mahlala, Fulufhelo Netswera

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Anecdotes of corruption and clear-cut lines of patronage in political parties and the government are frequently featured in South African newspapers and news media. Such graft and favouritism have institutionalised themselves more and more, resulting in the phenomenon of governmental capture and the diversion of Covid-19 relief monies. In order to further their own interests, political elites and those working in the public and private sectors influenced government decisions in this way. This paper presents examples of state capture, Covid-19 corruption, and patronage, as well as how these have a negative impact on broader governance and society at large. The fact that such corruption and patronage are occurring at a time when the South African economy is stagnating is particularly troubling since it implies that more people are getting less and raises concerns about the country's future political stability. This article further examines how party patronage as one method by which political parties exploit the state. The conceptual nature of the study is supported by a survey of the relevant literature from a range of sources, such as government regulations, media excepts, and scholarly works.

Keywords: political corruption, political patronage, patronage, state capture, COVID-19, corruption, South Africa

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Authors: Mabrouka Immhemd Al-Werfalli

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How are political alienation and corruption related? What is the nature of relationship linking corruption and political alienation? When citizens withdraw their loyalty from their political regime and leaders, they highlight their alienation from them. The link between corruption and political alienation is that the individual would intentionally involve in corruption particularly when a state of lawlessness prevails. This paper represents a challenge- how to gauge a link between political alienation culture of corruption and corruption. It aims to highlight the political alienation related factors that determine the levels of corruption in Libya. One of the most prominent reasons for the Libyan uprising in February 2011 was the pervasiveness of corruption. Corruption in Libya remained a significant problem despite a robust anti-corruption discourse and harsh legislation undertaken by the previous regime. The long-standing political corruption in Libya has offered ample opportunity for the evolution of a structure of negative values and morals. This has formed what is termed as a ‘culture of corruption’, which has induced people to accept and justify corrupt behavior. The paper is a part of a study concerns the phenomenon of political alienation in Libya which was based on a survey conducted in 2001 in the city of Benghazi. The finding shows that abuse of power, embezzlement and misuse of public funds for personal enrichment was thought to be rife within public bodies, institutions, companies, factories, banks and enterprises owned entirely or partially by the state.

Keywords: Libya, abuse of power, anti-corruption, corruption, culture of corruption, embezzlement, participation in corruption, political alienation

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Authors: Heba Abdelmotaal, Magdy Abdel-Kader

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Purpose: This study explores whether a firm’s effective political risk management is preventing real and accrual earnings management . Design/methodology/approach: Based on a sample of 130 firms operating in Egypt during the period 2008-2013, two hypotheses are tested using the panel data regression models. Findings: The empirical findings indicate a significant relation between real and accrual earnings management and political risk. Originality/value: This paper provides a statistically evidence on the effects of the political risk management failure on the mangers’ engagement in the real and accrual earnings management practices, and its impact on the firm’s performance.

Keywords: political risk, risk management failure, real activities manipulation, accrual earnings management

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Authors: Iuliana-Erika Köpeczi

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‘Language is no longer regarded as peripheral to our grasp of the world we live in, but as central to it. Words are not mere vocal labels or communicational adjuncts superimposed upon an already given order of things. They are collective products of social interaction, essential instruments through which human beings constitute and articulate their world’, said Roy Harris. If we were to accept the above-mentioned premise, then we surely must accept that discourse, generally, - and political discourse, specifically -, bears a crucial importance to one’s perception of reality. The way in which political rhetoric constructs reality changes the relationship between the voter and his/her view of the world, which, in turn, influences greatly the future trends of political participation. In this context, our inquiry focuses on the role of populist discourses in the post 9/11 political rhetoric, and how this led to the formation, construction and reconstruction of identity within the ‘us’ vs. ‘them’ dichotomy. It is our hypothesis that anti-intellectualistic elements played a significant role in the manner in which identity construction had been carried out on a discursive level. By adopting a comparative approach, we intend to identify the similarities and differences between the use of such anti-intellectualist elements in the United States of America on one hand – within the discourse of Rick Santorum, – and France on the other – with Marine le Pen’s discourse. Our methodological approach uses close textual analysis of primary source material (discourse analysis); historical contextualization of both primary documents and broader socio-political and cultural framework through archival research and secondary sources; as well as interpretation of primary texts through theoretical frameworks (qualitative research). We hope that the output of our endeavor will be useful in better understanding the different correlations that exist between anti-intellectualism and populism and how the interactions between these two elements aids in political identity construction through discourse.

Keywords: anti-intellectualism, discourse theory, France, identity construction, populism, United States of America

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Authors: Mai Awad

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This paper aims to focus on the phenomenon of martyrdom—particularly its performative aspect—and how social and popular cultural representations address the multiple meanings of the loaded image of a Palestinian martyr. This focus will help us to explore the possible reasons that might push Palestinians to consider pursuing “martyrdom” or suicide operations. Tracing what happened in the past and what is currently happening (that is, haunting) will aid in theorizing how the act/practice of “martyrdom” is produced. It is believed that there are social and political forces, particularly in a colonial society like Palestine, that influence the subject and its experience. But what is unique about this paper is its attempt to disclose the invisible, hidden narratives and complexities of Palestinian life that we do not see. By giving “martyrs” a chance to speak and express their own narratives—since “martyrs” usually leave written letters for their families, which are published after their death—this study must broaden the whole picture and discuss what is missing. The analytic method to be used: For the methodology, the paper recruits discourse analysis as a method for tracing the emergence, circulation, and productivity of the martyrdom discourse across a range of social practices in Palestinians’ everyday life after the Nakba. The paper analyzes the letters that “martyrs” left to their families, relatives, and the Palestinian community after their death. By letting “martyrs” speak for themselves and hearing their unique discourses, the research would suggest that more explanation is needed to describe the “martyr” identity. Hence, it is not possible to study the “martyr” identity in Palestine without understanding the colonial context that governs it and shapes their subjective experience.

Keywords: martyrdom, palestine, haunting, nakba 1948

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Authors: Samaila Liman Gamba

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This paper discussed the importance of good governance and its impact on the socio-economic and political development of African countries and, conversely, its underdevelopment and consequent stagnation. The study employed the use of quantitative and descriptive methods of collecting secondary data. The system analysis approach was also adopted as the theoretical framework. It is a global system, but it is also used to analyze the place of regions and single states within it. The study showed that political leadership in Africa based on empirical observation and documented evidence since the hard-won political independence from colonial Europe has become one of Africa’s sources of problems confronting the states and their resources became the primary purpose of political contestation and the establishment of a political culture based on ethnicity and authoritarian pattern of governance. The solution is for African leaders to learn and imbibe the leadership qualities of the late Nelson Mandela, Nyerere and Kwame Nkrumah, who carried their citizens along and were devoid of ethnicity and personal aggrandizement. They sacrificed their lives for their countrymen and fought against imperialism and are counted as patriots.

Keywords: political leadership, African development, constitutional democracy, power and resource control

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Authors: Farhat Ullah

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It is very unfortunate that in Pakistani public schools political interference is on its peak. The present study tries to find out the effect of the interference of political elected members in the affairs of public schools. The objectives of the study were to find out, the degree of interference of political members in public school, the positive and negative effects of political members, influence in public schools, students, and its administrators. This study was quantitative in nature. All the public schools in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa were the population of this study. A sample of 400 teachers and 100 schools heads were selected for this study. A survey questionnaire consisted of 50 items related to objectives, was used for this study. The questionnaire consisted of five options based on Likert scale. Data were collected by the researcher himself from the respondents. Data were analyzed using chi square test. It was concluded from the analysis of data that recently the political members are involved in the process of school activities, which had badly affected the freedom and autonomy of school administrators. Mostly teachers are transferred from schools on political influence, which had created uncertainty among the schools teachers. Further, the student’s academic performance was also affected badly. It is recommended that schools must be free from political involvement for the smooth running of schools.

Keywords: public schools, politics, interference, performance

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Authors: Rana Eijaz Ahmad

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This paper is going to explain about the Fifth Political Theory that challenges all existing three plus one (Capitalism, Marxism and Fascism + Fourth Political Theory) theories. It says, ‘it is human ambiance evolve any political system to survive instead of borrowing other imported thoughts to live in a specific environment, in which Legitimacy leads to authority and promotes humanism.’ According to this theory, no other state is allowed to dictate or install any political system upon other states. It is the born right of individuals to choose a political system or a set of values that are going to make their structures and functions efficient enough to support the system harmony and counter the negative forces successfully. In the post 9/11 era, it is observed that all existing theories like Capitalism, Marxism, Fascism and Fourth Political Theory remained unsuccessful in resolving the global crisis. The so-called war against terrorism is proved as a war for terrorism and creates a vacuum on the global stage, worsening the crisis. The fifth political theory is an answer to counter terrorism in the twenty-first century. It calls for accountability of the United Nations for its failure in sustaining peace at global level. Therefore, the UN charter is supposed to be implemented in its true letter and spirit. All independent sovereign states have right to evolve their own system to carry out a political system that suits them best for sustaining harmony at home. This is the only way to counter terrorism. This paper is comprised of mixed method. Qualitative, quantitative and comparative methods will be used along with secondary sources. The objective of this paper is to create knowledge for the benefit of human beings with a logical and rational argument. It will help political scientists and scholars in conflict management and countering terrorism on pragmatic grounds.

Keywords: capitalism, fourth political theory, fifth political theory, Marxism, fascism

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Authors: Leone Sherman

Abstract:

While the democratic rights of a citizen may be very clearly outlined in a country’s constitution, it’s not uncommon for political elite to undermine those rights and gain more power and control over a country than it is allowed by this constitution. Moreover, while such a change in some smaller states may not have a substantial impact on the international community, the same change in countries with vast resources and political influence, such as Russia, is always a considerable factor for the world policy. This article aims to research the weaknesses of the Russian democratic system and their effect on the international policy through the three key aspects: The Russian people’s ability to produce the required political will to control their government’s decisions, the current development of the Russian political environment, and the affection of this environment on the world community as a whole during the recent years. The used methodology is a narrative analysis of recent political events, official statistics, international investigations and media statements. As a result, the ever-widening gap between the people and the government becomes evidently seen, as well as the challenges it imposes on the political world arena, both current and those that still lie ahead of us.

Keywords: Russia, political analysis, democratic weaknesses, international society

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Authors: Shu-Lu Hsu, Fang-Yi Chu

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With the advances in information and communications technology, mobile context-aware applications have become powerful marketing tools. In Apple online store, there are numerous mobile applications (APPs) developed for destination tour. This study investigated the determinants of adoption of context-aware APPs for destination tour services. A model is proposed based on Technology Acceptance Model and privacy concern theory. The model was empirically tested based on a sample of 259 users of a tourism APP published by Kaohsiung Tourism Bureau, Taiwan. The results showed that the fitness of the model is well and, among all the factors, the perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use have the most significant influences on the intention to adopt context-aware destination APPs. Finally, contrary to the findings of previous literature, the effect of privacy concern on the adoption intention of context-aware APP is insignificant.

Keywords: mobile application, context-aware, privacy concern, TAM

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