Search results for: marxism

Authors: Farhan Alam Farhan Alam, Fatah Nugroho, Setyawan Wahyu Pradana

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Tan Malaka was a great Indonesian Marxism thinker. His idea of Marxism give encouragement to the struggle for Indonesian independence. Furthermore, it refers to what Marx said as the flexibility of a Marxist. Tan Malaka developed the Marxist theory against what have already existed so that Marxism can be harmonized and compatible with the context of Indonesia. For example, Tan Malaka initiated the cooperation between the Marxist movement and Pan-Islamism. The collaboration of Islam with Marxism which is so contradictive at that time was seen by Tan Malaka as a necessity in order to against capitalism. By using study literature and historiography methods, this paper attempts to analyze the application of the Marxism theory in the Tan Malaka’s perspective in Indonesia today in order to counter capitalism currently. His perspective combines Marxism with Islam as a solid collaboration of ideology.

Keywords: Indonesia, Marxism, Islam, Marxist theory, Tan Malaka

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This paper aims to elaborate the standpoint of neo-Marxism of Russian philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin by critical reading his concept of Bildungsroman; thereby, it aims to map the theoretical implication of spatial rhetoric and its time politics/emancipatory politics in late Bakhtin’s thought. First, it aims to outline the two revolving rings of spatiality in Bildungsroman, proceeding from 'recollecting the past' to 'foreseeing the future' on the basis of visuality and materialistic realism. Herein, Bakhtin has temporarily been leaving his previous research concern on polyphonic novel. Second, it aims to demonstrate that although Bakhtin has constantly emphasized the necessity of reconstructing opened future space, his insistence on 'emergence' has still generated a seemingly theoretical lacuna which needs to be filled. 'Doubled heterotopia,' as popularized by contemporary rhetorician Saindon, might be an adequate approach to articulate and present the rhetorical functions and dynamics of Bakhtin’s spatial rhetoric dialectically. Based on the research findings, this paper argues that Bakhtin indeed attempted to go beyond the deterministic model of Marxism and neo-Marxism strategically and reciprocally.

Keywords: Bildungsroman, double heterotopia, emergence, Mikhail Bakhtin, neo-Marxism, spatial rhetoric, time-politics, visuality

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Authors: Birhanu Bitew Geremew

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In its attempt to colonize Ethiopia, Italy challenged the nationalism of Ethiopiawinet, claiming that Ethiopia is a mere collection of discrete ethnic groups brought together by Amhara colonialism. Extracting data from a variety of sources including secondary materials, opinions expressed in the broadcast, print and social media platforms, party documents, official letters and key informant interviews, this paper provides a critical reflection on how the colonial presence of Italy made a political mess in Ethiopia by asserting ethnic nationalism. The paper argues that the narratives invented by the Italians greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic nationalism following the advent of Marxism-Leninism in Ethiopia. Borrowing narratives from the Italians, Ethiopian ethnic elites of the 1960s, who were the advocates of Marxism, simplistically categorized the Amhara as oppressor while ‘others’ as oppressed in Leninist fashion. This categorization negatively shaped the attitude of ‘others’ towards the Amhara and instigated massively executed genocide against these people.

Keywords: Amhara colonialism, Ethiopia, Genocide, historical narratives, Marxism

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Authors: Irfan Mehmood

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This paper examines the Marxist ideology in Toni Morrison's novel, Beloved. Toni Morrison writes about the society she inhabits and doesn't knowingly or emotionally leave. Marxism emphasizes the working class' dire economic status as well as the bourgeoisie as the dominant capitalist class. Using the Marxist literary theory promoted by Louis Althusser in his well-known book On the Reproduction of Capitalism, the chosen Toni Morrison piece is evaluated (1976). This essay explores how Morrison uses Marxist theory in her literary work to highlight the oppression of the Afro-American society and how the upper class ruled the lower class through the use of interpellation. In spite of hegemony and interpellation, certain major characters in this essay battle with the discriminatory ruling order.

Keywords: Marxism, social class, Toni Morrison, African American literature.

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Authors: Rana Eijaz Ahmad

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This paper is going to explain about the Fifth Political Theory that challenges all existing three plus one (Capitalism, Marxism and Fascism + Fourth Political Theory) theories. It says, ‘it is human ambiance evolve any political system to survive instead of borrowing other imported thoughts to live in a specific environment, in which Legitimacy leads to authority and promotes humanism.’ According to this theory, no other state is allowed to dictate or install any political system upon other states. It is the born right of individuals to choose a political system or a set of values that are going to make their structures and functions efficient enough to support the system harmony and counter the negative forces successfully. In the post 9/11 era, it is observed that all existing theories like Capitalism, Marxism, Fascism and Fourth Political Theory remained unsuccessful in resolving the global crisis. The so-called war against terrorism is proved as a war for terrorism and creates a vacuum on the global stage, worsening the crisis. The fifth political theory is an answer to counter terrorism in the twenty-first century. It calls for accountability of the United Nations for its failure in sustaining peace at global level. Therefore, the UN charter is supposed to be implemented in its true letter and spirit. All independent sovereign states have right to evolve their own system to carry out a political system that suits them best for sustaining harmony at home. This is the only way to counter terrorism. This paper is comprised of mixed method. Qualitative, quantitative and comparative methods will be used along with secondary sources. The objective of this paper is to create knowledge for the benefit of human beings with a logical and rational argument. It will help political scientists and scholars in conflict management and countering terrorism on pragmatic grounds.

Keywords: capitalism, fourth political theory, fifth political theory, Marxism, fascism

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Authors: George Bocean

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In the mainstream academic spheres of thought, there is a tendency to associate the writings of Russian Marxists as being constantly against the practice of religion itself. Such arguments mainly stem from how the attitude of the Russian Marxists, specifically the Bolsheviks, towards the concept of religion supposedly originates from its own Marxist ideology. Although Marxism is critical of religion as an institution, the approach that Marxism would have on the question of religion is not as clear. Such aspect is specifically observed in the use of language of major leading Russian Marxist figures, such as Lenin and Trotsky, throughout the early 20th century, where the use of religious metaphors was widely used in their philosophical writings and speeches, as well as in propaganda posters of general left-wing movements in Russia as a whole. The methodology of the research will consist of a sociolinguistic and sociology of language approach within a sociohistorical framework of late Tsarist and early Soviet Russia, 1905-1926. The purpose of such approaches are not simply to point out the religious metaphors used in the writings and speeches of Marxists in Russia, but rather in order to analyse how the use of such metaphors represent an important socio-political connection with the context of Russia at the time. In other words, the use of religious metaphors was not only more akin to Russian culture at the time, but this also resonated and was more familiar with the conditions of the working class and peasantry. An example in this study can be observed in the writings of Lenin, where the theme of chudo (miracle) is often mentioned in his writings, and such a word is commonly associated with an idealist philosophy rather than a materialist one, which represents a common theme in Russian culture in regards to the principle of hope for a better life. A further and even more obvious example is Trotsky’s writings about how the revolution of 1905 “would be revived”, which not only resonates with the theme of resurrection, but also prophesises the “second coming” of a future revolution. Such metaphors are important in the writings of such authors, as they simultaneously contain Marxist ideas, as well as religious themes. In doing this research, this paper will demonstrate two aspects. Firstly, the paper will analyse the use of the metaphors by Russian Marxists as a whole in regards to a socio-political and ideological perspectives akin to those of Marxism. Secondly, it will also demonstrate the role that such metaphors have in regards to their impact on the left-wing movements within Russia itself, as well as their relation to the working class and peasantry of Russia within the historical context.

Keywords: language and politics, Marxism, Russian history, social history, sociology of language

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Authors: Tooba Sabir, Asima Jaffar, Namra Sabir, Mohammad Amjad Sabir

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Ecocriticism is the study of relationship between human and environment which has been represented in literature since the very beginning in pastoral tradition. However, the analysis of such representation is new as compared to the other critical evaluations like Psychoanalysis, Marxism, Post-colonialism, Modernism and many others. Ecocritics seek to find information like anthropocentrism, ecocentrism, ecofeminism, eco-Marxism, representation of environment and environmental concept and several other topics. In the current study the representation of environmental concepts, were ecocritically analyzed in Paulo Coelho’s The Alchemist, one of the most read novels throughout the world, having been translated into many languages. Analysis of the text revealed, the representations of environmental ideas like landscapes and tourism, biodiversity, land-sea displacement, environmental disasters and warfare, desert winds and sand dunes. 'This desert was once a sea' throws light on different theories of land-sea displacement, one being the plate-tectonic theory which proposes Earth’s lithosphere to be divided into different large and small plates, continuously moving toward, away from or parallel to each other, resulting in land-sea displacement. Another theory is the continental drift theory which holds onto the belief that one large landmass—Pangea, broke down into smaller pieces of land that moved relative to each other and formed continents of the present time. The cause of desertification may, however, be natural i.e. climate change or artificial i.e. by human activities. Imagery of the environmental concepts, at some instances in the novel, is detailed and at other instances, is not as striking, but still is capable of arousing readers’ imagination. The study suggests that ecocritical justifications of environmental concepts in the text will increase the interactions between literature and environment which should be encouraged in order to induce environmental awareness among the readers.

Keywords: biodiversity, ecocritical analysis, ecocriticism, environmental disasters, landscapes

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Authors: Anna Stoutenburg

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With the rise of the so-called 'new left' within the United States, marked by social democratic figures such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, significant questions have been raised in response to those who would identify with the term 'socialist'. These queries typically revolve around the negatively perceived legacy of past and present countries that share the term in question, with the stark conclusion that not only is socialism a structure that does not work economically, but that it also tends to inflict more harm on those living under it that would be endured in a country functioning under capitalism. In order to examine these claims, the goal of this paper is to examine the legacy of anti-communist historiography in a western context, with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, and modern Venezuela used as case studies for how this phenomenon operates. Not only will key portions of each nation’s history be re-examined, but there will also be a critical analysis of source cultivation and usage among western historians. The intent of this paper is not merely to deride previous attempts at historicizing and reporting on the events of the nations, but rather to attempt to glean a clearer picture that is free from anti-communist sentiments. Theoretical works that will be consulted in order to define this project are 'The Historiography of Communism' by Michael Brown, as well as 'Beyond Philosophy: Ethics, History, Marxism, and Liberation Theology' by Enrique Dussel. The latter will provide insights concerning why these questions are relevant in a larger context, namely by articulating how the means of liberation understood through an analectic method can be achieved structurally. For a majority of leftists, this question is integral, and by using history as a tool, the ways that political organizing can be used can be better understood, bridging the gap between the common assumption that the communist legacy is a dire one and the idea that it is something which needs to be completely lauded.

Keywords: anti-communism, history, ideology, Marxism

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Authors: Tao Peng

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This paper presents a holistic model of political economy based on Daoism – the foundational philosophy of classical Chinese epistemology. Daoism is both comprehensive and subtle in its manifestations and applications in all aspects of nature and society. Based on Daoist creation theory of the universe, life theory and five element functioning theory, a holistic model in economics with minimal assumptions and independent of ideology are constructed. Under this framework, different schools of economics, such as neo-liberal, Marxism, and Austrian school, are explored and shed new light on. Economic and financial predictions can be realized in applications to Qi Men Dun Jia. This framework can provide guidelines and inspirations to economic modelling, economic policies formulation and strategy development and guide society towards a more sustainable future.

Keywords: daoism, economics, holistic, philosophy

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Authors: Andi Triswoyo

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The sacred has been a dominant influence in the human lives. International relations, as the mirror of the human relations in a whole, reflected such cases. Inter-state relations has been predominantly how the sacred played the main roles of. The relations between Indonesia and Palestine could be shot as the sacred-analyzed case of inter-state relations. The intimacy of them could be analyzed comfortably in IR normal perspective, such as realism, liberalism, and Marxism. Hopefully, Religion perspective would make better explanation how Indonesia-Palestine relations had so worth. This paper will use some narrative-explanatory stage to elaborate that cases. Moreover, the sacred can give such alternative analyses to interpret how international relations occurred in this time regard of the rise a new theory of International Relations.

Keywords: the sacred, international relations, Indonesia, Palestine

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Authors: Tom Turner

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The recent financial crisis in 2008 and the growing inequality in developed industrial societies would appear to present significant challenges to capitalism and the free market. Yet there have been few substantial mainstream political or economic challenges to the dominant capitalist and market paradigm to-date. There is no dearth of critical and theoretical (academic) analyses regarding the prevailing systems failures. Yet despite the growing inequality in the developed industrial societies and the financial crisis in 2008 few commentators have advocated the comprehensive socialization or state ownership of the means of production to our knowledge – a core principle of radical Marxism in the 19th and early part of the 20th century. Undoubtedly the experience in the Soviet Union and satellite countries in the 20th century has cast a dark shadow over the notion of centrally controlled economies and state ownership of the means of production. In this paper, we explore the history of a doctrine advocating the socialization or state ownership of the means of production that was central to Marxism and socialism generally. Indeed this doctrine provoked an intense and often acrimonious debate especially for left-wing parties throughout the 20th century. The debate within the political economy tradition has historically tended to divide into a radical and a revisionist approach to changing or reforming capitalism. The radical perspective views the conflict of interest between capital and labor as a persistent and insoluble feature of a capitalist society and advocates the public or state ownership of the means of production. Alternatively, the revisionist perspective focuses on issues of distribution rather than production and emphasizes the possibility of compromise between capital and labor in capitalist societies. Over the 20th century, the radical perspective has faded and even the social democratic revisionist tradition has declined in recent years. We conclude with the major challenges that confront both the radical and revisionist perspectives in the development of viable policy agendas in mature developed democratic societies. Additionally, we consider whether state ownership of the means of production still has relevance in the 21st century and to what extent state ownership is off the agenda as a political issue in the political mainstream in developed industrial societies. A central argument in the paper is that state ownership of the means of production is unlikely to feature as either a practical or theoretical solution to the problems of capitalism post the financial crisis among mainstream political parties of the left. Although the focus here is solely on the shifting views of the radical and revisionist socialist perspectives in the western European tradition the analysis has relevance for the wider socialist movement.

Keywords: sate ownership, ownership means of production, radicals, revisionists

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Authors: Dagikhudo Dagiev

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This paper is a thorough contribution to the analysis of Russian, Soviet and post-Soviet scholarship on the study of Ismailism in Central Asia. It focuses on the lengthy development of Russian studies on Ismailism from the Russian colonial domination to the entire period of Soviet rule, down to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the last two decades of post-Soviet history. These studies, conducted along the lines of various disciplines in the span of more than one hundred years, have resulted in a large amount of scholarly contributions. This paper aims at probing the virtues and shortcoming of such scholarship. Particularly, our investigation of the specialised fields in the Russian-Soviet Studies has required laborious researches in Russian and Central Asian libraries, which have enabled us to provide a guide through this literature, assessing its ideological leanings and qualities, institutions and level of scholarship. Despite some shortcomings, due to Marxism and the authoritarian rule of the Communist Party over the socio-religious life of the people and religious communities, Soviet studies have produced many positive insights on Ismailis studies. These captured almost every aspects of the life of the Ismaili community from anthropology to archaeology, ethnography, history, philosophy, ritual practice and, most importantly, collection and preservation of Ismaiili manuscripts, which will be examined and assessed in this study.

Keywords: Central Asian Studies, Ismailism, Russian Studies, Soviet Studies

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Authors: Wajid Hussain

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The paper draws upon the study of socioeconomic reality as associated with discursively manipulative strategies in the representative fictional works from the South Asian Indian and the Afro-American literature. The study determines the context to which power functions behind the discourse of the powerful social groups, investigates how the socially established identities, such as constituted by caste and race, serve the vested interests of these elites, and, finally, ascertains the reaction which this socioeconomic monopoly of the few incurs from the socioeconomically dominated majority of the society. The study examines this notion in the selected fictional works by applying the methodological theory of Dialectical Materialism, which is the philosophical foundation of Marxism, and the concept of Discourse and Manipulation, a perspective form of Critical Discourse Analysis. The study adds a new dimension to the existing literature in that it not only focuses on the tussle between the social classes as based on the socioeconomic disparity but also traces out the emergence of the individuals from the socioeconomically victimized groups. Besides, it studies this endless socioeconomic process, as based on class distinction, from the perspective of discourse as well.

Keywords: dialectical materialism, discourse and manipulation, caste, race

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Authors: Jaime Otavo

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Oscar del Barco, a former member of Los Montoneros, an Argentine guerrilla group of the 1970s, published a letter in 2004 that sparked a heated debate in his country about revolutionary violence. Del Barco, on the subject of «No matarás» (Thou shalt not kill) –as this debate was known– wrote to Sergio Schmucler, his addressee, the following: "There is no 'ideal' that justifies the death of a man. The founding principle of any community is 'Thou shalt not kill'. Thou shalt not kill the man because every man is sacred, and every man is all men".In this paper, the «No matarás» debate will be used to problematize two interconnected ideas that, in Colombia, underpinned the use of revolutionary violence by the guerrilla movements that emerged in the 1970s. On the one hand, an anthropological optimism; on the other, a theological scheme of converting violence into justice. Based on this, two arguments are put forward: 1) that revolutionary violence arose from an ethical-political certainty, namely: the confidence in being on the right side of history (because the violent ones were others), but 2) that its persistence over time made visible a tragic element, that is, that the bipolarity between victim and executioner, good and evil, or friend and foe that is inscribed in the class struggle is a false dilemma for in the context of revolutionary violence –as in the context of Greek tragedy–, no one ever has to make a decision, nor can he do so. For this reason, it is maintained that the fundamental aspect about guerrilla violence in Colombia is that it imposed itself as a violence of negativity which not only exceeded the capacity of the extreme left to control its revolutionary praxis but also exploited the link with the political subjectivation to which it aspired, the proletariat as the gravedigger of the bourgeoisie.

Keywords: marxism, social movements, armed struggle, debate thou shalt not kill

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Authors: Marie-Josee Lavallee

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Adorno’s reputation as an abstract and pessimistic thinker who indulged in a critic of capitalist society and culture without bothering himself with opening prospects for change, and who has no interest in political activism, recently begun to be questioned. This paper, which has a twofold objective, will push revisionist readings a step further by putting forward the thesis that revolutionary praxis has been an enduring concern for Adorno, surfacing throughout his entire work. On the other hand, it will hold that his understanding of the relationships between theory and praxis, which will be explained by referring to Ernst Bloch’s distinction between the warm and cold currents of Marxism, can help to interpret the paralysis of revolutionary practice in our own time under a new light. Philosophy and its tasks have been an enduring topic of Adorno’s work from the 1930s to Negativ Dialektik. The writings in which he develops these ideas stand among his most obscure and abstract so that their strong ties to the political have remained mainly overlooked. Adorno’s undertaking of criticizing and ‘redeeming’ philosophy and metaphysics is inseparable from a care for retrieving the capacity to act in the world and to change it. Philosophical problems are immanent to sociological problems, and vice versa, he underlines in his Metaphysik. Begriff and Problem. The issue of truth cannot be severed from the contingent context of a given idea. As a critical undertaking extracting its contents from reality, which is what philosophy should be from Adorno's perspective, the latter has the potential to fully reveal the reification of the individual and consciousness resulting from capitalist economic and cultural domination, thus opening the way to resistance and revolutionary change. While this project, according to his usual method, is sketched mainly in negative terms, it also exhibits positive contours which depict a socialist society. Only in the latter could human suffering end, and mutilated individuals experiment with reconciliation in an authentic way. That Adorno’s continuous plea for philosophy’s self-critic and renewal hides an enduring concern for revolutionary praxis emerges clearly from a careful philosophical analysis of his writings on philosophy and a selection of his sociological work, coupled with references to his correspondences. This study points to the necessity of a serious re-evaluation of Adorno’s relationship to the political, which will impact on the interpretation of his whole oeuvre, is much needed. In the second place, Adorno's dialectical conception of theory and praxis is enlightening for our own time, since it suggests that we are experiencing a phase of creative latency rather an insurmountable impasse.

Keywords: Frankfurt school, philosophy and revolution, revolutionary praxis, Theodor W. Adorno

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Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Thomas Compton

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As Decolonialism becomes an important topic in Political Theory, the rupture between the colonized and the colonist relation has lost attention. Focusing on the anti-colonial activist Madhi Amel, we shall consider his attention to the permanence of the colonial relation and how it preempts Frank Wilderson’s formulation of (white) culturally necessary Anti-Black violence. Both projects draw attention away from empirical accounts of oppression, instead focusing on the structural relation which precipitates them. As Amel says that we should stop thinking of the ‘underdeveloped’ as beyond the colonial relation, Wilderson says we should stop think of the Black rights that have surpassed the role of the slave. However, Amel moves beyond his idol Althusser’s Structuralism toward a formulation of the colonial relation as source of domination. Our analysis will take a Lacanian turn in considering how this non-relation was formulated as a relation how this space of negativity became a ideological opportunity for Colonial domination. Wilderson’s work shall problematise this as we conclude with his criticisms of Structural accounts for the failure to consider how Black social death exists as more than necessity but a cite of white desire. Amel, a Lebanese activist and scholar (re)discovered by Hicham Safieddine, argues colonialism is more than the theft of land, but instead a privatization of collective property and form of investment which (re)produces the status of the capitalist in spaces ‘outside’ the market. Although Amel was a true Marxist-Leninsist, who exposited the economic determinacy of the Colonial Mode of Production, we are reading this account through Alenka Zupančič’s reformulation of the ‘invisible hand job of the market’. Amel points to the signifier ‘underdeveloped’ as buttressed on a pre-colonial epistemic break, as the Western investor (debt collector) sees the (post?) colony narcissistic image. However, the colony can never become site of class conflict, as the workers are not unified but existing between two countries. In industry, they are paid in Colonial subjectivisation, the promise of market (self)pleasure, at home, they are refugees. They are not, as Wilderson states, in the permanent social death of the slave, but they are less than the white worker. This is formulated as citizen (white), non-citizen (colonized), anti-citizen (Black/slave). Here we may also think of how indentured Indians were used as instruments of colonial violence. Wilderson’s aphorism “there is no analogy to anti-Black violence” lays bare his fundamental opposition between colonial and specifically anti-Black violence. It is not only that the debt collector, landowner, or other owners of production pleasures themselves as if their hand is invisible. The absolute negativity between colony and colonized provides a new frontier for desire, the development of a colonial mode of production. An invention inside the colonial structure that is generative of class substitution. We shall explore how Amel ignores the role of the slave but how Wilderson forecloses the history African anti-colonial.

Keywords: afropessimism, fanon, marxism, postcolonialism

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