Search results for: Srebrenica genocide

Authors: Victor Toom

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Albeit it is never possible to anticipate the full range of difficulties after a catastrophe, efforts to identify victims of mass casualty events have become institutionalized and standardized with the aim of effectively and efficiently addressing the many challenges and contingencies. Such ‘disaster victim identification’ (DVI) practices are dependent on the forensic sciences, are subject of national legislation, and are reliant on technical and organizational protocols to mitigate the many complexities in the wake of catastrophe. Apart from such technological, legal and bureaucratic elements constituting a DVI operation, victims’ families and their emotions are also part and parcel of any effort to identify casualties of mass human fatality incidents. Take for example the fact that forensic experts require (antemortem) information from the group of relatives to make identification possible. An identified body or body part is also repatriated to kin. Relatives are thus main stakeholders in DVI operations. Much has been achieved in years past regarding facilitating victims’ families’ issues and their emotions. Yet, how families are dealt with by experts and authorities is still considered a difficult topic. Due to sensitivities and required emphatic interaction with families on the one hand, and the rationalized DVI efforts, on the other hand, there is still scope for improving communication, providing information and meaningful inclusion of relatives in the DVI effort. This paper aims to bridge the standardized world of DVI efforts and families’ experienced realities and makes suggestions to further improve DVI efforts through inclusion of victims’ families. Based on qualitative interviews, the paper narrates involvement and experiences of inter alia DVI practitioners, victims’ families, advocates and clergy in the wake of the 1995 Srebrenica genocide which killed approximately 8,000 men, and the 9/11 in New York City with 2,750 victims. The paper shows that there are several models of including victims’ families into a DVI operation, and it argues for a model of where victims’ families become a partner in DVI operations.

Keywords: disaster victim identification (DVI), victims’ families, social science (qualitative), 9/11 attacks, Srebrenica genocide

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Authors: Lanthony Slater

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The paper will focus on the philosophy and practices of Eugene Fischer and his impact on the German Holocaust and the Namibian genocide. Fischer played a major role in racial superiority theory, eugenics, and the impact of human heredity. Through my research and comparative examination of his positionality in both societies, much is revealed about how philosophical notions would contribute to division and ultimately acts of genocide on two countries. In addition, this research will focus on the legacy in both events of genocide. The objective of the research is to connect both the Namibian genocide and the Holocaust in Germany. For many historians, when explaining the origins of the holocaust, connections to the Namibian genocide is often omitted. The main contribution to my research is to attribute the National Socialist ideology towards the ongoing issues that the country of Namibia is faced with. Additionally, it compares how Germany and Namibia deal with the legacies created under Nazism.

Keywords: genocide, namibia, rehoboth, experiments

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Authors: Ehlimana Memisevic

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Genocide denial is considered the final stage of genocide, which in the words of Gregory H. Stanton, represents "one of the most certain indicators of future genocides”. Genocide denial in Bosnia and Herzegovina started in 1992, almost simultaneously with the genocide itself. Over the course of the three decades, different forms of genocide and war crimes denial have been developed by state officials, politicians, journalists, and civilians, both in Republika Srpska – the Serb-dominated entity within Bosnia and Herzegovina – and Serbia. Moreover, genocide and war crimes are not only denied but also glorified and celebrated, which was described as "triumphalism" by the Australian-Bosnian scholar Hariz Halilovich who suggested it be added as the 11th phase of Gregory Stanton's "10 stages of genocide." Since 2007, there have been a number of attempts to criminalize genocide denial at the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, all of them were unsuccessful due to the opposition of representatives of Republika Srpska. On July 23, 2021, the High Representative in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Valentin Inzko, used his power as the final authority in overseeing the civil implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords to impose amendments to Bosnia and Herzegovina's criminal code to ban the denial and glorification of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. However, immediately after the OHR's decision was announced, Milorad Dodik, a Serb member of Bosnia's tripartite presidency, held a press conference, publicly denied the genocide, and announced that this law would never be accepted in Republika Srpska. Denial remains explicit and public and is promulgated through official channels in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This paper will analyze the forms of genocide and other war crimes denial and glorification in the period after the amendments to the Criminal Code of Bosnia and Herzegovina were introduced, which include incrimination of public condoning, denial, gross trivialization or justification of a crime of genocide, crimes against humanity or a war crime established by a final adjudication of the international and domestic courts. We aim to determine the effect of the imposed law and the impact of the denial committed by high-ranking public officials on the denial and celebration of genocide and war crimes committed by ordinary citizens.

Keywords: genocide, denial, triumphalism, incrimination

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Authors: Chijindu D. Mgbemere

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Mass killing also known as genocide is the systematic killing of people from national, ethnic, or religious group, or an attempt to do so. The act has been there before 1948, when it was officially recognized for what it is. From then, the world has continued to witness genocide in diverse forms- negating different measures by the United Nations and its agencies to curb it. So far, all the studies and documentations on this subject are biased in favor of radio and the print. This paper therefore extended the interrogation of genocide, drumming its devastating effects, using the film medium; and in doing so devised innovative and pragmatic approach to genocide scholarship. It further centered attention on the factors and impacts of genocide, with a view to determine how effective film can be in such a study. The study is anchored on Bateson’s Framing Theory. Four films- Hotel Rwanda, Half of a Yellow Sun, Attack on Darfur, and sarafina, were analyzed, based on background, factors/causes, impacts, and development of genocide, via Content Analysis. The study discovered that: as other continents strive towards peace, acts of genocide are on the increase in African. Bloodletting stereotypes give Africa negative image in the global society. Difficult political frameworks, the trauma of postcolonial state, aggravated by ethnic and religious intolerance, and limited access to resources are responsible for high cases of genocide in Africa. The media, international communities, and peace agencies often abet other than prevent genocide or mass killings in Africa. High human casualty and displacement, children soldering, looting, hunger, rape, sex-slavery and abuse, mental and psychosomatic stress disorders are some of the impacts of genocide. Genocidaires are either condemned or killed. Grievances can be vented using civil resistance, negotiation, adjudication, arbitration, and mediation. The cinema is an effective means of studying and documenting genocide. Africans must factor the image laundering of their continent into consideration. Punishment of genocidaires without an attempt to de-radicalize them is counterproductive.

Keywords: African film, genocide, framing theory, mass murder

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Authors: Birhanu Bitew Geremew

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In its attempt to colonize Ethiopia, Italy challenged the nationalism of Ethiopiawinet, claiming that Ethiopia is a mere collection of discrete ethnic groups brought together by Amhara colonialism. Extracting data from a variety of sources including secondary materials, opinions expressed in the broadcast, print and social media platforms, party documents, official letters and key informant interviews, this paper provides a critical reflection on how the colonial presence of Italy made a political mess in Ethiopia by asserting ethnic nationalism. The paper argues that the narratives invented by the Italians greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic nationalism following the advent of Marxism-Leninism in Ethiopia. Borrowing narratives from the Italians, Ethiopian ethnic elites of the 1960s, who were the advocates of Marxism, simplistically categorized the Amhara as oppressor while ‘others’ as oppressed in Leninist fashion. This categorization negatively shaped the attitude of ‘others’ towards the Amhara and instigated massively executed genocide against these people.

Keywords: Amhara colonialism, Ethiopia, Genocide, historical narratives, Marxism

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Authors: Basmah Arshad

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In the aftermath of the Cambodian genocide, many refugees resettled in America. They carved out a distinctively Cambodian-American space in California with donut shops, establishing a tight-knit community that worked to achieve ‘the American dream’. Urged by traumatic memories of the genocide and American society directly encouraging (if not demanding) cultural assimilation, these refugees and successive generations continuously worked to re-identify themselves as Americans. Artist Phung Huynh grew up in this context of family-owned donut shops and the frantic scramble for stability and security. It is this community that she depicts in her artwork series from the late 2010s, ‘Khmerican: Drawing on Pink Donut Boxes’. Huynh's artwork challenges dominant Western narratives about the Cambodian genocide by pushing forward images of resilience, resistance, and joy, while also allowing for a discussion about issues of assimilation, identity, and nostalgia in the Cambodian-American community. It also provokes deeply relevant questions about how refugees and immigrants deliberately appropriate elements of the Americana (eg, donuts) to assimilate and re-fashion their identity as a tactic for financial stability and social survival.

Keywords: Cambodian diaspora, cultural identity, assimilation, food, artwork

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Authors: Charles Rutikanga

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As part of the effort to reconstruct Rwanda and foster a shared national identity after the 1994 genocide against Tutsi, the government of Rwanda has drawn on aspects of indigenous culture and traditional practices. One of these traditional practices and cultural values is Ubudehe, which has been re-introduced after it has been gradually lost since colonial times. It is a form of collective action at the village level, which is inclusive, covering men, women, and the most marginalized community members. The philosophy behind Ubudehe is to increase the level of participation and institutional problem-solving capacity at the local level by citizens and local government. Since the early 2000s, the government re-introduced Ubudehe as a neo-traditional cultural institution in order to support the implementation of the country’s poverty reduction and development programs. An empirical study on indigenous and innovative models of social work practice was conducted under the framework of the ‘Professional Social Work in East Africa’ (PROSOWO II) project. Field data were collected on traditional/indigenous approaches, including Ubudehe, from different categories of informants through focus group discussions (FGDs) and personal interviews. The research showed that professional social workers play a significant role in the whole Ubudehe process. While there have been some challenges in the administration and implementation, overall it has contributed to poverty reduction in a post-genocide Rwanda.

Keywords: development, indigenous approach, social work, Ubudehe

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Authors: Aimite Jorge, Leenekela Usebiu

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In recent years the International Community has seen a rise of what can be termed as ‘actio popularis”;that is to say lawsuits brought by third parties in the interest of the public or the world community as a whole, such as in cases of genocide and terrorism prosecutions under international law. It is equally clear that under current globalized world the effect of multinational activities on the environment is often felt beyond the borders of the territories where they operate. Equally true is the fact that the correspondence of citizens self-determination with national government is increasingly upset by the increasing willingness of states to share some ‘sovereign powers’ in order to address new economic, environmental and security interdependencies. The ‘unbundling’ of functional governance from fixed territories sees continuously citizens give up their formal approval of key decisions in exchange for a more remote, indirect say in supra-national or international decision-making bodies. The efforts to address a growing transnational flow of ecological harm are at the forefront of such indirect transformations, as evidenced by a proliferation of multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) over the past three decades. However, unlike the defence of the global commons in cases of terrorism and genocide, there is still to be a clear application of action popularis in the case of environment, despite acknowledgement that the effect of the activities of several multinationals on the environment is as destructive to the global commons as genocide or terrorism are. Thus, this paper looking at specific cases of harmful degradation of the environment by certain multinationals transcending national boundaries, argues that it is high-time for a serious consideration of the application of the actio-popularis to environmental concerns. Although it is acknowledged that in international environmental law the challenge to reach a “critical mass” of recognition and support for an ‘actio-popularis’ for environment damage is particularly demanding, it is worth the try.

Keywords: actio popularis in environment law, global commons, transnational environmental damage, law and environment

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Authors: Meline Mesropyan

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At the beginning of the 20th century, Japan served as a transit point for Armenian refugees fleeing the 1915 Genocide. However, research on Armenian refugees in Japan is sparse, and the Armenian Diaspora has never taken root in Japan. Consequently, Japan has not been considered a relevant research site for studying Armenian refugees. The primary objective of this study is to shed light on the number of Armenian refugees who passed through Japan between 1915 and 1930. Quantitative analyses will be conducted based on newly uncovered Japanese archival documents. Subsequently, the Japanese data will be compared to American immigration data to estimate the potential number of refugees in Japan during that period. This under-researched area is relevant to both the Armenian Diaspora and refugee studies in Japan. By clarifying the number of refugees, this study aims to enhance understanding of Japan's treatment of refugees and the extent of humanitarian efforts conducted by organizations and individuals in Japan, contributing to the broader field of historical refugee studies.

Keywords: Armenian genocide, Armenian refugees, Japanese statistics, number of refugees

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Authors: Craig Wight

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Tourism visits to sites associated to varying degrees with death and dying have for some time inspired academic debate and research into what has come to be popularly described as ‘dark tourism’. Research to date has been based on the mobilisation of various social scientific methodologies to understand issues such as the motivations of visitors to consume dark tourism experiences and visitor interpretations of the various narratives that are part of the consumption experience. This thesis offers an alternative conceptual perspective for carrying out research into dark tourism by presenting a discourse analysis of Lithuanian occupation-themed museums using Foucault’s concept of ‘discursive formation’ from ‘Archaeology of Knowledge’. A constructivist methodology is therefore applied to locate the rhetorical representations of Lithuanian and Jewish subject positions and to identify the objects of discourse that are produced in five museums that interpret a historical era defined by occupation, the persecution of people and genocide. The discourses and consequent cultural function of these museums are examined, and the key finding of the research proposes that they authorise a particular Lithuanian individualism which marginalises the Jewish subject position and its related objects of discourse into abstraction. The thesis suggests that these museums create the possibility to undermine the ontological stability of Holocaust and the Jewish-Lithuanian subject which is produced as an anomalous, ‘non-Lithuanian’ cultural reference point. As with any Foucauldian archaeological research, it cannot be offered as something that is ‘complete’ since it captures only a partial field, or snapshot of knowledge, bound to a specific temporal and spatial context. The discourses that have been identified are perhaps part of a more elusive ‘positivity’ which is salient across a number of cultural and political surfaces which are ripe for a similar analytical approach in future. It is hoped that the study will motivate others to follow a discourse-analytical approach to research in order to further understand the critical role of museums in public culture when it comes to shaping knowledge about ‘inconvenient’ pasts.

Keywords: genocide heritage, foucault, Lithuanian tourism, discursive formatoin

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Authors: Merih Welay Welesilassie

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Language is a potent instrument that does not only serve the purpose of communication but also plays a pivotal role in shaping our cultural practices and identities. The right to choose one's language is a fundamental human right that helps to safeguard the integrity of both personal and communal identities. Language holds immense significance in Ethiopia, a nation with a diverse linguistic landscape that extends beyond mere communication to delineate administrative boundaries. Consequently, depriving Ethiopians of their linguistic rights represents a multifaceted punishment, more complex than food embargoes. In the aftermath of the civil war that shook Ethiopia in November 2020, displacing millions and resulting in the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, concerns have been raised about the preservation of the indigenous Tigrayan language and culture. This is particularly true following the annexation of western Tigray into the Amhara region and the implementation of an Amharic-only language and culture education policy. This scholarly inquiry explores the intricacies surrounding the Amhara regional state's prohibition of Tigrayans' indigenous language and culture and the subsequent adoption of a monolingual and monocultural Amhara language and culture in western Tigray. The study adopts the linguistic genocide conceptual framework as an analytical tool to gain a deeper insight into the factors that contributed to and facilitated this significant linguistic and cultural shift. The research was conducted by interviewing ten teachers selected through a snowball sampling. Additionally, document analysis was performed to support the findings. The findings revealed that the push for linguistic and cultural assimilation was driven by various political and economic factors and the desire to promote a single language and culture policy. This process, often referred to as ‘Amharanization,’ aimed to homogenize the culture and language of the society. The Amhara authorities have enacted several measures in pursuit of their objectives, including the outlawing of the Tigrigna language, punishment for speaking Tigrigna, imposition of the Amhara language and culture, mandatory relocation, and even committing heinous acts that have inflicted immense physical and emotional suffering upon members of the Tigrayan community. Upon conducting a comprehensive analysis of the contextual factors, actions, intentions, and consequences, it has been posited that there may be instances of linguistic genocide taking place in the Western Tigray region. The present study sheds light on the severe consequences that could arise because of implementing monolingual and monocultural policies in multilingual areas. Through thoroughly scrutinizing the implications of such policies, this study provides insightful recommendations and directions for future research in this critical area.

Keywords: linguistic genocide, linguistic human right, mother tongue, Western Tigray

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Authors: Peyton M. Provenzano

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This paper draws primarily upon the framework of necropolitics and presents California as itself a former frontier, colony, and late-modern settler society. The convergence of these successive and overlapping regimes of state terror is actualized and traceable through an analysis of historical and contemporary police practices. At the behest of the Spanish Crown and with the assistance of the Spanish military, the Catholic Church led the original expedition to colonize California. The indigenous populations of California were subjected to brutal practices of confinement and enslavement at the missions. After the annex of California by the United States, the western-most territory became an infamous frontier where new settlers established vigilante militias to enact violence against indigenous populations to protect their newly stolen land. Early mining settlements sought to legitimize and fund vigilante violence by wielding the authority of rudimentary democratic structures. White settlers circulated petitions for funding to establish a volunteer company under California’s Militia Law for ‘protection’ against the local indigenous populations. The expansive carceral practices of Los Angelinos at the turn of the 19th century exemplify the way in which California solidified its regime of exclusion as a white settler society. Drawing on recent scholarship that queers the notion of biopower and names police as street-level sovereigns, the police murder of Kayla Moore is understood as the latest manifestation of a carceral regime of exclusion and genocide. Kayla Moore was an African American transgender woman living with a mental health disability that was murdered by Berkeley police responding to a mental health crisis call in 2013. The intersectionality of Kayla’s identity made her hyper-vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence. Kayla was a victim not only of the explicitly racial biopower of police, nor the regulatory state power of necropolitics but of the ‘asphyxia’ that was intended to invisibilize both her life and her murder.

Keywords: asphyxia, biopower, california, carceral state, genocide, necropolitics, police, police violence

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Authors: Helyeh Doutaghi

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In 2005, the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was created by the UN Member States agreeing to not only to have the primary responsibility to protect their civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, but also to be responsible towards those civilians whose State was found manifestly failing in that regard. This paper will assess the doctrine of R2P and will argue that R2P too, just like humanitarian intervention, suffers from a lack of legal basis and political will to implement it. Or better said, it is being selectively used by the hegemon’s power to achieve its political will. In doing so, the origin and development shall be explained. Furthermore, it will be submitted that R2P has failed to achieve its purpose due to the unresolved Security Council’s deadlock. Lastly, the concept of legal morality entailed in R2P and its use in real life cases since 2005 will be examined.

Keywords: responsibility to protect, humanitarian intervention, United Nations, legitimacy, legality

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Authors: Surajo Ladan

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English has been in existence in Nigeria since colonial period. The advent of English in Nigeria has caused a lot of linguistic changes in Nigerian languages especially among the educated elites and to some extent, even the ordinary people were not spared from this phenomenon. This scenario has generated a linguistic situation which culminated into the creation of Nigerian Pidgin that are conglomeration of English and other Nigerian languages. English has infiltrated the Nigerian languages to a point that a typical Nigerian can hardly talk without code-switching or using one English word or the other. The existence of English loanwords in Nigerian languages has taken another dimension in this scientific and technological age. Most of scientific and technological inventions are products of English language which are virtually adopted into the languages with phonological, morphological, and sometimes semantic variations. This paper is of the view that there should be a re-think and agitation from Nigerians to protect their languages from the linguistic genocide of English which are invariably facing extinction.

Keywords: linguistic change, loanword, phenomenon, pidgin

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Authors: Hariz Halilovich

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Based on conventional and digital ethnography, this paper discusses the ways Bosnian refugees utilise digital technologies and new media to recreate, synchronise and sustain their identities and memories in the aftermath of ‘ethnic cleansing’ and genocide and in the contexts of their new emplacements and home-making practices in diaspora. In addition to discussing representations of displacement and emplacement in the ‘digital age’, the paper also aims to make a contribution to the understanding and application of digital ethnography as an emerging method of inquiry in anthropology and related social science disciplines. While some researchers see digital ethnography as an exclusively online–based research, the author of this paper argues that it is critical to understand the online world in the context of the real world—made of real people, places, and social relations.

Keywords: Bosnia, cyber villages, digital diaspora, refugees

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Authors: Etienne Gatera

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Many studies have been conducted on SDT. Most of them focus on developed countries because of influencing factors such as; education, health, labor force, female labor force participation, industrialization, urbanization and migration. However, this thesis project paper aims to assess the impact of the total fertility rate (TFR) on the trends of the SDR in Rwanda. We will mainly be based in Rwanda after the 1994 genocide. Rwanda is located in East Africa, with approximately 13 million inhabitants. Thus, after the 1994 Tutsi genocide. The population growth rate exploded out of control with 6.17 children per woman in 1995. However, it's declined to 4.2 in 2014-2015 and declining to 4.1% in 2019-2020. Respectively with 3.4 children per woman in urban areas and 4.3 in rural areas. According to the National Institute of Statistics of Rwanda. Rwanda's population is expected to continue to grow for the rest of the century and reach 33.35 million people in 2099, with 2.1 children per woman in 2050. However, this project document aims to demonstrate the impact of the TFR on SDT trends in Rwanda. Thus, the decline in the TFR in Rwanda began with the introduction of family planning practices, which now account for 47.5% in 2019. Childbearing with three children for rural women compared to two children in the city, the increase in Divorce and separation caused by the behavior called "Kuza n'ijoro" or "coming at night" similar to cohabitation in developed countries. The decline in remarriage is caused by single mothers behavior who prefer to raise their children rather than remarry. Therefore, the study used probability sampling with (Stratified random sampling) method with a survey questionnaire of 1067 respondents in the 5 Districts (3 in rural areas and two in urban areas), with the target group of women Age between 15-49. The study demonstrated that the age of marriage in rural areas is two years higher than in urban areas. Divorce is more common in urban is with 6.2% with 5.2% in rural areas. However, separation is more common in rural areas than in urban areas, with a lower rate of 3%, due to the higher system called "Kuza n'ijoro" or "come at night", similar to cohabitation in developed countries. The study revealed that more than 85% of divorced people prefer to remain single, which confirms the low remarriage rate. Childbearing has started to decrease, especially for young singles in urban areas, due to the economic situation, with national statistics showing that unemployment in the youth community is still 16% higher. Therefore, the study concluded by confirming the hypothesis based on the results of the TFR indicators such as marriage, remarriage, divorce, separation, divorce, Kuza n'ijoro, childbearing] and abortion. The study consists of four sections, an introduction and background, a review of the literature, a description of the data and methodology, an analysis of the data, discussion results and a conclusion.

Keywords: Kuza n'ijoro, Rwanda, second demographic transition (SDT), total fertility rate (TFR)

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Authors: Delphine Mukaneza, Lin Qiao, Wang Pengxin, Li Yan, Chen Yingyi

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Human activities on land use make the land-cover gradually change or transit. In this study, we examined the use of Landsat TM data to detect the land use change of Kigali between 1987 and 2009 using remote sensing techniques and analysis of data using ENVI and ArcGIS, a GIS software. Six different categories of land use were distinguished: bare soil, built up land, wetland, water, vegetation, and others. With remote sensing techniques, we analyzed land use data in 1987, 1999 and 2009, changed areas were found and a dynamic situation of land use in Kigali city was found during the 22 years studied. According to relevant Landsat data, the research focused on land use change in accordance with the role of remote sensing in the process of urbanization. The result of the work has shown the rapid increase of built up land between 1987 and 1999 and a big decrease of vegetation caused by the rebuild of the city after the 1994 genocide, while in the period of 1999 to 2009 there was a reduction in built up land and vegetation, after the authority of Kigali city established, a Master Plan where all constructions which were not in the range of the master Plan were destroyed. Rwanda's capital, Kigali City, through the expansion of the urban area, it is increasing the internal employment rate and attracts business investors and the service sector to improve their economy, which will increase the population growth and provide a better life. The overall planning of the city of Kigali considers the environment, land use, infrastructure, cultural and socio-economic factors, the economic development and population forecast, urban development, and constraints specification. To achieve the above purpose, the Government has set for the overall planning of city Kigali, different stages of the detailed description of the design, strategy and action plan that would guide Kigali planners and members of the public in the future to have more detailed regional plans and practical measures. Thus, land use change is significantly the performance of Kigali active human area, which plays an important role for the country to take certain decisions. Another area to take into account is the natural situation of Kigali city. Agriculture in the region does not occupy a dominant position, and with the population growth and socio-economic development, the construction area will gradually rise and speed up the process of urbanization. Thus, as a developing country, Rwanda's population continues to grow and there is low rate of utilization of land, where urbanization remains low. As mentioned earlier, the 1994 genocide massacres, population growth and urbanization processes, have been the factors driving the dramatic changes in land use. The focus on further research would be on analysis of Rwanda’s natural resources, social and economic factors that could be, the driving force of land use change.

Keywords: land use change, urbanization, Kigali City, Landsat

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Authors: Yustina Trihoni Nalesti Dewi

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Gross violations of human rights consisting of crime against humanity, genocide and war crime, are serious international crimes. Prohibition such crimes have obtain to the level of international norms of jus cogens based on conventions and customary international law. Therefore, the duty of the state to punish the crimes is obligatory. The legal consequence of jus cogens is obligation erga omnes which are a matter of state responsibility. When a state is not willing or neglects to do so in its national law, it results in state responsibility to be imposed by international human rights and humanitarian law. This article reviews the concept of jus cogens and obligatio erga omnes that appear as two sides of the same coin. It also explains how international human rights and humanitarian law set down the duty of the state to punish gross violations of human rights.

Keywords: duty of states, gross violations of human rights, jus cogens, obligatio erga omnes

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Authors: Lejla Mušić

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Gender dimension of migration analyzes the intersection in between the world statistics on male and female migrations, around the world, involving the questions of youth migrations. Comparative analyses of world migration statistics as methodology offer the insight into the position of women in labor market around world. There are different forms of youth debris in contemporary world. The main problems are illegal migration, feminization of poverty, kidnapping the girls in Nigeria, femicides in Juarez and Mexico. Illegal migrations involve forced labor, rape and prostitution. Transgender youth share ideas through the online media (anti-bullying videos) and develop their own styles such as anarcho-punk, rave, or rock. Therefore, the stronger gender equality laws and laws for protection of women on work should be enforced.

Keywords: hyperfeminisation, rape, gangs of girls, rent boys masculinities, Varoç in Istanbul, forced labor, rape and prostitution, illegal emigrations

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Authors: Vanda Božić, Željko Nikač

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The wars and armed conflicts have often resulted in violations of international humanitarian law, and often commit the most serious international crimes such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, aggression and genocide. However, only in the XX century the rule was articulated idea of establishing a body of international criminal justice in order to prosecute these crimes and their perpetrators. The first steps in this field have been made by establishing the International military tribunals for war crimes at Nuremberg and Tokyo, and the formation of ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. In the end, The International Criminal Court was established in Rome in 1998 with the aim of justice and in order to give satisfaction the victims of crimes and their families. The aim of the paper was to provide a historical and comparative analysis of the institutions of international criminal justice based on which these institutions de lege lata fulfilled the goals of individual criminal responsibility and justice. Furthermore, the authors suggest de lege ferenda that the Permanent International Criminal Tribunal, in addition to the prospective case, also takes over the current ICTY and ICTR cases.

Keywords: international crimes, international criminal justice, prosecution of crimes, ad hoc tribunal, the international criminal court

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Authors: Catharina O. Vianna Dias da Silva, Amanda F. Batista, Ana Clara C. Burgos Lessa, Carolina S. Lucchesi Ramacciotti, Maria Clara B. de Andrade, Roberto de B. Silva

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This article aims to analyze the bioethical aspects related to the historical practices of experiments on humans that occurred in Nazi Germany during the period of World War II (1939-1945). The method was based on the bibliographic review of articles published in databases such as SciELO and Pubmed. In the discussion, historical and humanistic aspects that contributed to the construction of a genocidal culture practiced during this period were analyzed. Additionally, an ethical question arises: should the information acquired during this dark period be used by science? After analysis, it was found that these Nazi experiments went over medical and ethical principles, being a deplorable milestone in history. It was also concluded that, although they generated potentially 'useful' results in the scientific field, they should be discarded as an ethical question of principle, of never daring to validate such a deplorable way of obtaining knowledge.

Keywords: Nazism, bioethics, human experimentation, human rights, genocide, torture, medicine

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Authors: Godiya Atsiya Pius

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The recent dimension of terrorist attacks and violence in West Africa and Nigeria in particular has attracted both academic and global concerns. Children, young girls and women are now victims of violent attacks and insurgency in their own country. Today, we have a reverse situation where women and children were spared during violence in the past. Empirical evidence shows that millions of children, young girls and women are caught up in violent attacks in which they are not merely spectatorial, but victims of circumstance. Some fall victims of a general onslaught against civilians by the drivers of such conflicts. Others die as part of a calculated genocide. Still others are taken as hostages as part of a deliberate attack on them. With particular reference to over 200 Chibok school girls that were abducted by the Boko Haram Islamic sect in Maiduguri, Borno state, Nigeria, this study shall attempt a theoretical exploration of the circumstances surrounding the insurgency attacks on these categories of vulnerable groups in Nigeria. This paper also intends to examine the nature, dimensions, causes, effects as well as implications of these attacks on women and children in West Africa. The paper shall sum up with conclusion and possible recommendations that could help the region in the 21st century and beyond.

Keywords: insurgency, gender, violence, security, vulnerable groups

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Authors: Akram Waheb Nasef Alzordoky

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The wars and armed conflicts have frequently ended in violations of global humanitarian law and regularly devote the maximum severe global crimes, which include war crimes, crimes towards humanity, aggression and genocide. But, simplest inside the XX century, the guideline changed into an articulated idea of establishing a frame of worldwide criminal justice so that you can prosecute those crimes and their perpetrators. The first steps on this subject were made with the aid of setting up the worldwide army tribunals for warfare crimes at Nuremberg and Tokyo, and the formation of ad hoc tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. Ultimately, the global criminal courtroom was established in Rome in 1998 with the aim of justice and that allows you to give satisfaction to the sufferers of crimes and their families. The aim of the paper was to provide an ancient and comparative analysis of the establishments of worldwide criminal justice primarily based on which those establishments de lege lata fulfilled the goals of individual criminal responsibility and justice. Moreover, the authors endorse de lege ferenda that the everlasting global crook Tribunal, in addition to the potential case, additionally takes over the current ICTY and ICTR cases.

Keywords: social networks privacy issues, social networks security issues, social networks privacy precautions measures, social networks security precautions measures

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Authors: Shilpa Bagade Poharkar

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The basis for traditional notion of security was the use of force to preserve vital interest which based on either realism or power politics. The modern approach to security extends beyond the traditional notions of security which focus on issues as development and respect for human rights. In global politics, the issue of human security plays a vital role in most of the policy matter. In modern era, the protection of human rights is now recognized as one of the main functions of any legitimate modern state. The research paper will explore the relationship between human rights and security. United Nations is facing major challenges like rampant poverty, refugee outflows, human trafficking, displacement, conflicts, terrorism, intra-inter ethnic conflicts, proliferation of small arms, genocide, piracy, climate change, health issues and so on. The methodology is observed in this paper is doctrinaire which includes analytical and descriptive comparative method. The hypothesis of the paper is the relationship between human rights and a goal of United Nations to attain peace and security. Although previous research has been done in this field but this research paper will try to find out the challenges in the human security through human rights in the contemporary world and will provide measures for it. The study will focus on the following research questions: What are the issues and challenges United Nations facing while advancing human security through human rights? What measures the international community would take for ensuring the protection of human rights while protecting state security and contribute in the attainment of goals of United Nations?

Keywords: human rights, human security, peace, security, United Nations

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Authors: Nour Mohammad

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The concept of International Criminal Court is not a new idea.It goes back to the late 19th century and was first mooted in 1872 by Gustave Moynier of the International Commitee of the Red Cross(ICRC). This paper attempts to focus on jurisdictional problem of the international criminal court (ICC) over national of states of non parties to the Rome statute. Mor than 120 countries are state parties to the Rome Statute representing all regions, Afria, the Asia-pacofoc Eastern Europe, Latin America and the Caribben as well as Western Europe and North America.The Statute is the core document of internationa criminal law todaycontaining 128 Articles and divided in 13 parts.The Rome Statute provides that the court may sit elsewhere the judge consider it desirable.The International Criminal Court is not in a position to adjudicate all international crimes but its jurisdiction is limited to the four categories of crime viz. genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and crime of aggression as stipulated in Article 5 of the ICC Statute. It also mention here that the Court will be able to exercise its jurisdiction over the crime of aggression only when this crime is defined. Due to the highly political nature of this crime, it is unlikely that a consensus in this regard would be arrived at in the near future.The main point of this article is to discuss the mandate of international criminal court to prosecute and punish persons responsible for the henious crimes of concern to the international community.The author highlighted the principles which support the delegation of criminal jurisdiction by state to international tribunals and discuss the precedents of such delegation.It also argued that the exercise of ICC jurisdiction over acts done pursuant to the officially policy of non-party state would not be contrary to the principles requiring consent for the exercise of jurisdiction by international tribunals. The article explore the limit to jurisdiction of ICC over non-party nationals.

Keywords: jurisdiction, international, criminal, court, non-parties

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Authors: Ebru Nergiz

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The world is facing one of the biggest refugee crisis’ in history as hundred thousands of refugees who run away from the battle and genocide in the Middle East are travelling illegally to reach Europe over the Mediterranean and Aegean Sea. The number of refugees has reached huge numbers due to the civil war that was caused by the Arab Spring. The number of asylum applications to the European Union has also increased in parallel with the increase in the number of refugees. The conflict in Syria between the government of Bashar Al-Assad and various other forces, which started in the spring of 2011, continues to cause displacement within the country and across the region. The refugee situation caused by the Syrian conflict has placed enormous strain on neighboring countries Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, and especially Turkey. Turkey hosts massive numbers of Syrian refugees, almost 3 million and Syrians have been seeking protection in increasing numbers. The refugee crisis has affected the relationships between Turkey and the European Union deeply. President of the European Council Donald Tusk chaired a meeting of EU heads of state or government with Turkey on 29 November 2015. The meeting opened a new era in the relationships between Turkey and the European Union in terms of the migration crisis. The EU and Turkey agreed to negotiate Turkey's accession process to the European Union and to hold regular summits on Turkey-EU relations and discuss these issues. This paper looks at the reasons and consequences of the European refugee crisis and its effects on Turkey- European Union relationships. This paper also argues that the European Union has not sufficiently contributed toward alleviating the burden caused by the refugee influx, in terms of both financial assistance and refugee resettlement. The European Union’s priority is to guarantee that the lowest possible number of refugees reach Europe rather than to ensure the security of the refugees.

Keywords: European Union, human rights, refugee crisis, Turkey-European union relationships

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Authors: Renu Kumari

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State sovereignty refers to the ability and power of a state to be independent and not to have any interference of external actors in its internal affairs. This phenomenon has been accepted by International Law, which gives rights to the state to maintain its autonomy and territorial integrity without the interference of other actors. In of 1980’s and 1990’s the world has witnessed the worst case of human rights violence for instance, Rwanda genocide, the conflict in former Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Burundi, and Chad so and so forth. Though human rights violence is not a new phenomenon, it has been present all over the world in different time and space. But in 1990’s after the devastation of these conflicts and violence the world community came up with the notion of humanitarian intervention in which some states took the responsibility of protecting human rights violations and on the in order to protect they can intervene in the internal matters of a state specifically during civil war where state is unable to protect its people. Later on these so-called world community realized that intervention itself is a negative term that was criticized also therefore they came up with a different notion that sounded positive which known as responsibility to protect. In 2005 onwards, the notion of responsibility to protect accepted and recognized by the United Nations and states at a larger level. In the case of Syria on the name of responsibility to protect foreign interventions took place and due to the internal war Syrian people were already facing many problems, the government was not able to protect them. External invasion caused many devastating outcomes to the country. This paper is an attempt to analyze various dimensions of invasion of external affairs of a particular state and the status of sovereignty. Firstly, it lays out the notion of humanitarian intervention and then the responsibility to protect. Secondly, it looks in the case of Syria since 2011, the conflict of Syria. Thirdly it focuses on various efforts made by international organizations and other actors. Lastly, it looks why and how other actors intervene in the internal matter of Syria.

Keywords: state sovereignty, external actors, intervention, responsibility to protect

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Authors: Malephole Philomena Sefotho

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Nowadays, it is a fact that the majority of people, worldwide, are bilingual rather than monolingual due to the surge of globalisation and mobility. Consequently, bilingual education is a topical issue of discussion among researchers. Several studies that have focussed on it have highlighted the importance and need for incorporating learners’ linguistic repertoires in multilingual classrooms and move away from the colonial approach which is a monolingual bias – one language at a time. Researchers pointed out that a systematic approach that involves the concurrent use of languages and not a separation of languages must be implemented in bilingual classroom settings. Translanguaging emerged as a systematic approach that assists learners to make meaning of their world and it involves allowing learners to utilize all their linguistic resources in their classrooms. The South African language policy also room for diverse languages use in bi/multilingual classrooms. This study, therefore, sought to explore how teachers apply translanguaging in bilingual classrooms in incorporating learners’ linguistic repertoires. It further establishes teachers’ perspectives in the use of more than one language in teaching and learning. The participants for this study were language teachers who teach at bilingual primary schools in Johannesburg in South Africa. Semi-structured interviews were conducted to establish their perceptions on the concurrent use of languages. Qualitative research design was followed in analysing data. The findings showed that teachers were reluctant to allow translanguaging to take place in their classrooms even though they realise the importance thereof. Not allowing bilingual learners to use their linguistic repertoires has resulted in learners’ negative attitude towards their languages and contributed in learners’ loss of their identity. This article, thus recommends a drastic change to decolonised approaches in teaching and learning in multilingual settings and translanguaging as a decolonial move where learners are allowed to translanguage freely in their classroom settings for better comprehension and making meaning of concepts and/or related ideas. It further proposes continuous conversations be encouraged to bring eminent cultural and linguistic genocide to a halt.

Keywords: bilingualism, decolonisation, linguistic repertoires, translanguaging

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Authors: Ishrat Zakia Sultana

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The solution to the Rohingya crisis has become complicated than it was anticipated. Because of consistent persecution, ethnic cleansing, and genocide against the Rohingya in Burma, four major influxes of the Rohingya people took place to the neighboring country Bangladesh. After the latest influx of October 2016 and August 2017, the total number of Rohingya in Bangladesh stands somewhere between 900,000 to over one million, placing Bangladesh much ahead with the number of refugees compared to Dadaab and Kakuma in Kenya, Bidibidi in Uganda, and Zaatari in Jordan. While Bangladesh received recognition and appreciation for receiving such a large number of Rohingya, eventually finding a solution to the Rohingya crisis has become a serious problem. The host country and the Rohingya themselves long for repatriation, the most desired solution to the crisis. But going back to their own country is now almost an impossible matter due to the unwillingness of the Myanmar government. The other two options to the solution to Rohingya crisis – reintegration in the host country and third country resettlement – have drawn little attention until now. On the one hand, the geopolitical factors have been making the Rohingya crisis complex. On the other, the war and conflict between Russia-Ukraine and Palestine-Israel have lessening the importance of the Rohingya issue and been diverting the world’s attention from the Rohingya crisis. Clearly, without the support of international community, Bangladesh finds no sustainable way to repatriate 1.1 million Rohingya. Yet, possibilities of a third country resettlement remain unexplored. In the past few years, some countries have expressed interest in accepting the Rohingya as part of third country resettlement but the number they wanted to take is like a drop in the ocean. This paper examines the roadblocks for third country resettlement of the Rohingya. It aims to look at the underlying reasons for which international community is less interested in accepting the Rohingya as refugees. Is it the racial and religious identity of the Rohingya that are considered problematic to the resettlement process? In what ways geopolitical complexities affecting the resettlement issue? How do the Rohingya view third country resettlement? This paper looks for the answers to these questions. The paper is based on qualitative study conducted from 2016-2018 and 2021-2023 in Rohingya camps in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The camp management authority, the Rohingya themselves, and the NGOs working in the camp participated in the study.

Keywords: rohingya, refugee, resettlement, bangladesh

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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