Search results for: political violence

Authors: Amin Banae Babazadeh

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In the contemporary world, NGOs are considered as important tool for motivating the community. So they committed their true mission and the promotion of civic participation and strengthen social identities. Functional characteristics of non-governmental organizations are the element to leverage the centers of political and social development of powerful governments since they are concrete and familiar with the problems of society and the operational strategies which would facilitate this process of mutual trust between the people and organizations. NGOs on the one hand offer reasonable solutions in line with approved organizations as agents to match between the facts and reality of society and on the other hand changes to a tool to have true political, social and economic behavior. However, the NGOs are active in the formulation of national relations and policy formulation in an organized and disciplined based on three main factors, i.e., resources, policies, and institutions. Organizations are not restricted to state administration in centralized system bodies and this process in the democratic system limits the accumulation of desires and expectations and at the end reaches to the desired place. Hence, this research will attempt to emphasis on field research (questionnaire) and according to the development evolution and role of NGOs analyze the effects of this center on youth. Therefore, the hypothesis is that there is a direct relationship between the Enlightenment and the effectiveness of policy towards NGOs and solving social damages.

Keywords: civic participation, community vulnerability, insightful, NGO, urmia

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Authors: Md. Nurul Alom Siddikqe

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The purpose of this intervention was to describe how the marginalized people protect their rights and increase their self-dignity and self-esteem among brothel-based sex workers in 6 cities which are the victim of trafficked who came from different periphery areas Bangladesh. Eventually the sex workers are tortured by the pimp, clients, Msahi (so called guardian of bonded sex workers), Babu (So called husband) highly discriminated, vulnerable and stigmatized due to their occupation, movement, behavior and activities, which has got social disapproval. However, stigma, discrimination and violation of human rights not only bar them to access legal services, education of their kids, health, movement of outside of brothel, deprived of funeral after death, but also make them inaccessible due to their invisibility. Conducted an assessment among brothel-based sex workers setup to know their knowledge on human rights and find out their harassment and violence in their community. Inspired them to think about to be united and also assisted them to formation of self help group (SHG). Developed capacity of the SHG and developed leadership of its members through different trainings like administrative, financial management, public speaking and resource mobilization. Developed strategy to enhance the capacity of SHG so that they can collectively claim their rights and develop strategic partnership and network with the relevant service provider’s for restoring all sorts of rights. Conducted meeting with stakeholder including duty bearers, civil society organizations, media people and local government initiatives. Developed Networking with human rights commission, local elite, religious leaders and form human right watch committees at community level. Organized rally and observed national and international days along with government counterparts. By utilizing the project resources the members of SHG became capable to raise their collective voices against violence, discrimination and stigma as well as protected them from insecurity. The members of SHG have been participating in social program/event the SHG got membership of district level NGO coordination meeting through invitation from Deputy Commissioner, Civil Surgeon and Social welfare office of Government of Bangladesh. The Law Enforcement Agency is ensuring safety and security and the education department of government enrolled their children in primary level education. The Government provided land for grave yard after death for the Muslim sex workers and same for the other religious group. The SHGs are registered with government respective authorities. The SHGs are working with support from different development partners and implementing different projects sometime as consortium leaders. Opportunity created to take the vocational training from the government reputed department. The harassment by the clients reduced remarkably, babu, Mashi and other counterparts recognized the sex workers rights and ensure security with government counterpart access increased in legal, health and education. Indications are that the brothel based sex workers understood about their rights and became capable of ensuring their security through working under the self-help groups meaningfully.

Keywords: brothel, discrimination, harassment, stigma

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Authors: Mozamil Mohamed Ali

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Understanding the relationship between law and democratic governance, this research, titled “The Role of Law in Enhancing Democratic Governance: A Comparative Study of Political Systems in Developing Countries,” focuses on examining the impact of legal frameworks on strengthening democratic practices within developing nations. Democratic governance requires transparency and institutional accountability to meet citizens’ needs, which necessitates legal frameworks that ensure compliance with governance standards. These frameworks hold greater significance in developing countries, where challenges such as corruption, weak public institutions, and socio-political conflicts affect their ability to achieve sustainable democratic governance. In this context, the research explores how laws influence these aspects. The study compares various developing countries that have experienced different levels of success and difficulty in enhancing democratic governance, focusing on the legal frameworks and public policies each country has implemented to improve transparency, accountability, and strengthen the role of public institutions. This comparative analysis aims to reveal the effectiveness of legal systems in supporting democratic governance and to identify the factors that lead to the success or failure of these legal frameworks in different contexts. For example, the study includes cases from countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, analyzing the legal and institutional policies and their roles in achieving justice and reducing corruption. It examines the impact of legislation that promotes freedom of the press, human rights, and judicial independence as fundamental elements for transparent and democratic governance. Additionally, the research discusses how anti-corruption policies and laws governing electoral competition contribute to improving government responsiveness to public demands. The hypothesis of the research centers on the idea that developing transparent and fair laws contributes to achieving sustainable democratic governance. The analyses show that applying laws equally and impartially strengthens citizens’ trust in public institutions and encourages political participation. At the same time, the research highlights the importance of local adaptation to global legal frameworks, as it may be necessary to consider local socio-political and economic contexts to ensure the success of these frameworks. In conclusion, this research underscores the importance of legal frameworks as a pivotal factor in the success of democratic governance. It provides recommendations related to enhancing judicial independence, enforcing anti-corruption laws, and improving access to information as essential steps for strengthening democratic governance in developing countries. The findings suggest that laws respected and carefully implemented can form a solid foundation for building more transparent and effective government institutions, contributing to sustainable development and social justice in these nations.

Keywords: impact of legislation, role of institutions in controlling power, community participation, role of the judiciary

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Authors: Mennani Maha, Attak El Houssain

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Under the massive effect of the Covid-19 health crisis, marked by a loss of competitiveness, a slowdown in growth and an accumulation of the repercussions of socio-economic inequalities, a considerable effort must be combined, in Morocco, to put into perspective macro-political, macro-economic and social opportunities. The development of a new economic and social approach is essential in order to respond to the authenticity of the new development model that will be used by the country. The appropriation of strategies of solidarity and social cohesion constitutes a participatory, competitive and inclusive approach to support the functionalities of the economic, social and political system. Therefore, the search for alternative financial resources has become a necessity to achieve the objectives of sustainable socio-economic growth on the one hand; and to promote, on the other hands, the dynamics, of large scale, social investments. The zakat remains a site of the Islamic economy dedicated to stimulating the bases of a collective adhesion of the population on the economic, as well as on the social level, thanks to a fair and equitable distribution of the zakat funds. However, Morocco is one of the few Muslim countries that has not yet had an institution for collecting and distributing this Islamic duty, which makes it difficult to measure the socio-economic impact of zakat. This theoretical document essentially ensures the development of the crucial utility of institutionalizing zakat in order to reinforce the objectives of social solidarity in Morocco in line with the process of conceptualizing a new development model.

Keywords: zakat, socio-economic development, solidarity, social investment

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

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Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Ana Maria De Azevedo

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We are living a remarkable period, responsible for the thriving of the human population to unprecedented levels. Still, it is empirically obvious that sustaining such a huge population puts a tremendous pressure on our planet. Once Land resources grow scarcer, there is a mounting pressure to find alternatives to support basic human needs elsewhere. Occupying most of our planet, it’s therefore natural that, is not a so distant future, humankind look for such basic subsistence means at the Ocean. Thus, once the Ocean becomes essential to Human subsistence, it is predictable it's moving to the foreground of Geopolitics. Both future technologies and uses of the Ocean, as bidding for the exploration of its resources away from the natural territory of influence of a Country, are susceptible of raising the risk of conflict between traditional political adversaries and/or the dilemma of having to balance economic interests, with various security and defense concerns. Those empirical observations suggest the need to further research on this perspective shift of the main Geopolitical axis to the Ocean, the new sources of conflict that can result thereon, and how to address them. The author suggests a systematic analysis of this problematic, to attain a political and legal international consensus, namely on what concerns updating of the 'United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea' of 10 December 1982, and/or its annexes. To proceed with the present research, the primary analysis was based on a quantitative observation, but reasoning thereon relied essentially on a qualitative process of prospective scenarios assessment.

Keywords: marine resources, ocean geopolitics, security and defense, sustainable development

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Authors: Vaiddehi Bansal, Ridhi Sahai, Kareem Kysia

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Overseas labor migration is currently one of the most important contributors to the economy of Bangladesh and is a highly profitable form of labor for Gulf Cooperative Council (GCC) countries. In 2019, 700,159 migrant workers from Bangladeshtraveled abroad for employment. GCC countries are a major destination for Bangladeshi migrant workers, with Saudi Arabia being the most common destination for Bangladeshi migrant workers since 2016. Despite the high rate of migration between these countries every year, the OLR industry remains complex and often leaves migrants susceptible to human trafficking, forced labor, and modern slavery. While the prevalence of forced labor among Bangladeshi migrants in GCC countries is still unknown, the IOM estimates international migrant workers comprise one fourth of the victims of forced labor. Moreover, the onset of the global COVID-19 pandemic has exposed migrant workers to additional adverse situations, making them even more vulnerable to forced labor and health risks. This paper presents findings from a rapid assessment of the impacts of COVID-19 on OLR in Bangladesh, with an emphasis on the increased risk of forced labor among vulnerable migrant worker populations, particularly women.Rapid reviews are a useful approach to swiftly provide actionable evidence for informed decision-making during emergencies, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. The research team conducted semi-structured key information interviews (KIIs) with a range of stakeholders, including government officials, local NGOs, international organizations, migration researchers, and formal and informal recruiting agencies, to obtain insights on the multi-facted impacts of COVID-19 on the OLR sector. The research team also conducted a comprehensive review of available resources, including media articles, blogs, policy briefs, reports, white papers, and other online content, to triangulate findings from the KIIs. After screening for inclusion criteria, a total of 110 grey literature documents were included in the review. A total of 31 KIIs were conducted, data from which was transcribed and translated from Bangla to English, andanalyzed using a detailed codebook. Findings indicate that there was limited reintegration support for returnee migrants. Facing increasing amounts of debt, financial insecurity, and social discrimination, returnee migrants, were extremely vulnerable to forced labor and exploitation. Growing financial debt and limited job opportunities in their home country will likely push migrants to resort to unsafe migration channels. Evidence suggests that women, who are primarily domestic works in GCC countries, were exposed to increased risk of forced labor and workplace violence. Due to stay-at-home measures, women migrant workers were tasked with additional housekeeping working and subjected to longer work hours, wage withholding, and physical abuse. In Bangladesh, returnee women migrant workers also faced an increased risk of domestic violence.

Keywords: forced labor, migration, gender, human trafficking

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Authors: Rafael Bezerra de Souza, José Ribas Vieira

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The judicial litigation on socio-economic rights (SERs), in a context of increasing centrality of the judiciary as an area of political debate for civil society actors, has assumed greater importance in the last two decades. This tendency to seek social change through the courts generated a long tradition of research on the role of legal institutions and of legal mobilization in the US and some European countries. However, little is known about these processes in Latin America, Asia and Africa. A significant portion of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine did not bother to investigate the phenomenon of constitutional judicial litigation of socio-economic rights, in a practical and empirical look, from the functioning of democratic institutions. The central issue of this study draws attention to the theoretical and analytic deficit of Brazilian constitutional doctrine: the lack of a holistic understanding of the effects and impact of judicial decisions. Consequently, for a proper understanding was analyzed if the trend of judicial litigation in Brazil - to ensure the fulfillment of its institutional mission to protect and ensure the effectiveness of socio-economic rights - has been accompanied by the establishment of institutional mechanisms that enable decision making and the implementation of SERs in complex cases involving structural and public policy. The lack of empirical studies in Law in order to verify this hypothesis justified the adoption of the case study method as an interdisciplinary methodological strategy between Law and Political Science, aiming to construct an explanation of the Raposa Serra do Sol Case and, in a complementary way, the process-tracing technique. Drawings of small-n type or case studies, when guided by theory, are more suitable to problems it is supposed to increase the potential of intensive analysis of causal processes. As a preliminary result, the Brazilian Supreme Court was not a sufficient agent to implement a relevant social change and to assure the protection of the social rights, because there were few measures that directly impacted the behavior of other institutional political actors and should, therefore, be considered another actor within a complex institutional arrangement.

Keywords: courts, case study, judicial litigation, social change

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Authors: Pakpoom Hannapha

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This paper investigates the implications of social and political contexts in Thai Post’s news articles written by a columnist, Khon Plai Soy. Samples included twenty eight news articles published between 28th May 2015 and 28th June 2015 selected and analyzed according to Semiotics including implications, connotation, cultural politics, and Thai usage in newspaper articles. The data analysis can be divided into two parts; first, an analysis of signs/signifiers appearing in the articles and second, an analysis of the columnist’s purposes. This study demonstrated representations of signs in the selected articles that were categorized into four groups: events, actions, persons, and organizations. In this study, implications of the news articles were analyzed in two aspects according to Semiotics. It was found that the columnist mostly points out purposes for education, facts, and personal opinions in his works. Also, he offers some solutions to problems discussed in the articles. The writer often explicated knowledge and facts in accordance with either his personal opinions or problem-solutions. According to the research result, studying the implications of news articles in the Thai Post based on the Semiotic approach can help clarify and understand connotative meanings in terms of contents and the writer’s purposes. This paper can enhance readers’ understanding of Semiotic implications through signs and meanings in the texts and thus be used as a model to explore other political news articles

Keywords: semiotic analysis, Thai social contexts, Thai Post’s news, articles

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Authors: Ezeabasili Chibuike Patrick

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The complex situation of construction industries in Nigeria and the risk of failures involved includes cost overrun, time overrun, Corruption, Government influence, Subcontractor challenges, Political influence and Instability, Cultural differences, Human resources deficiencies, cash flow Challenges, foreign exchange issues, inadequate design, Safety, low productivity, late payment, Quality control issues, project management issues, Environmental issues, Force majeure Competition amongst others has made the industry prone to risk and failures. Good project management remains effective in improving decision-making, which minimizes these risk events. This study was done to address these project risks and good decision-making to avert them. A mixed-method approach to research was used to do this study. Data collected by questionnaires and interviews on thirty-two (32) construction professionals was used in analyses to aid the knowledge and management of risks that were identified. The study revealed that there is no good risk management expertise in Nigeria. Also, that the economic/political situation and the recent COVID-19 pandemic has added to the risk and poor management strategies. The contingency theory and cost has therefore surfaced to be the most strategic management method used to reduce these risk issues and they seem to be very effective.

Keywords: strategies, risk management, contingency theory, Nigeria

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Authors: Azhin Hamad Ameen

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This research paper explores the concept of secularism in Iraq, analyzing its historical development, contemporary manifestations, and potential future trajectories. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including archival research, interviews with experts and practitioners, and surveys of public opinion, the study examines the complex and often contested relationship between religion, politics, and state power in Iraq. The research finds that secularism has played a significant role in shaping Iraq's political and social landscape over the past century, reflecting both the influence of Western modernity and the challenges of managing religious diversity in a multiethnic, multi-sectarian society. However, the study also reveals that secularism in Iraq is highly contested and fragmented, with competing visions and interpretations among different groups and factions. The research identifies several key factors that have contributed to this fragmentation, including the legacy of colonialism, sectarian conflicts, external interventions, and the rise of Islamist movements. Despite these challenges, the study suggests that secularism continues to hold important potential for promoting democratic governance, protecting human rights, and fostering social cohesion in Iraq. The research concludes by outlining several key policy recommendations for strengthening secularism in Iraq, including promoting interfaith dialogue and tolerance, enhancing public education and civic engagement, and supporting grassroots initiatives for social and political reform. Overall, this research contributes to our understanding of the complex dynamics of secularism in Iraq and highlights the urgent need for innovative and inclusive approaches to promoting democratic governance and social justice in the country.

Keywords: secularism, Iraq, religion, politics, state power, historical development, contemporary manifestations, multiethnic society, multi-sectarian society, western modernity, religious diversity, fragmentation, colonialism, sectarian conflicts, external interventions, Islamist movements, democratic governance, human rights, social cohesion, interfaith dialogue, tolerance, public education, civic engagement, grassroots initiatives, social and political reform

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Authors: Ssekamanya, Mastura Badzis, Khamsiah Ismail, Dayang Shuzaidah Bt Abduludin

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With rising incidents of school violence worldwide, educators and researchers are trying to understand and find ways to enhance the safety of children at school. The purpose of this study was to investigate the extent to which the demographic variables of gender, age, length of service, position, academic qualification, and school location predicted teachers’ awareness about school safety practices in Malaysian primary schools. A stratified random sample of 380 teachers was selected in the central Malaysian states of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor. Multiple regression analysis revealed that none of the factors was a good predictor of awareness about school safety training, delivery methods of school safety information, and available school safety programs. Awareness about school safety activities was significantly predicted by school location (whether the school was located in a rural or urban area). While these results may reflect a general lack of awareness about school safety among primary school teachers in the selected locations, a national study needs to be conducted for the whole country.

Keywords: school safety awareness, predictors of school safety, multiple regression analysis, malaysian primary schools

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Authors: Nathan Garcia

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The polarizing dialogue of contemporary political America results from core philosophical differences. But these differences are beyond ideological and reach metaphysical distinction. Good intellectual historians have theorized that fundamental concepts such as freedom, God, and nature have been sterilized of their intellectual vigor. They are partially correct. 19th-century pragmatist Charles Sanders Peirce offers a penetrating philosophy which can yield greater insight into the contemporary political divide. Peirce argues that metaphysical and ethical issues are derivative of operational logic. His triadic logical structure and ensuing metaphysical principles constructed therefrom is contemporaneously applicable for three reasons. First, Peirce’s logic aptly scrutinizes the logical processes of liberal and conservative mindsets. Each group arrives at a cosmological root metaphor (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment (deduction), ultimately prompting attempts to verify the original abduction (induction). Peirce’s system demonstrates that liberal citizens develop a cosmological root metaphor in the concept of fairness (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment of, for example, underrepresented communities being unfairly preyed upon (deduction), thereby inciting anger toward traditional socio-political structures suspected of purposefully destabilizing minority communities (induction). Similarly, conservative citizens develop a cosmological root metaphor in the concept of freedom (abduction), resulting in a contemporary assessment of, for example, liberal citizens advocating an expansion of governmental powers (deduction), thereby inciting anger towards liberal communities suspected of attacking freedoms of ordinary Americans in a bid to empower their interests through the government (induction). The value of this triadic assessment is the categorization of distinct types of inferential logic by their purpose and boundaries. Only deductive claims can be concretely proven, while abductive claims are merely preliminary hypotheses, and inductive claims are accountable to interdisciplinary oversight. Liberals and conservative logical processes preclude constructive dialogue because of (a) an unshared abductive framework, and (b) misunderstanding the rules and responsibilities of their types of claims. Second, Peircean metaphysical principles offer a greater summary of the contemporaneously divisive political climate. His insights can weed through the partisan theorizing to unravel the underlying philosophical problems. Corrosive nominalistic and essentialistic presuppositions weaken the ability to share experiences and communicate effectively, both requisite for any promising constructive dialogue. Peirce’s pragmatist system can expose and evade fallacious thinking in pursuit of a refreshing alternative framework. Finally, Peirce’s metaphysical foundation enables a logically coherent, scientifically informed orthopraxis well-suited for American dialogue. His logical structure necessitates radically different anthropology conducive to shared experiences and dialogue within a dynamic, cultural continuum. Pierce’s fallibilism and sensitivity to religious sentiment successfully navigate between liberal and conservative values. In sum, he provides a normative paradigm for intranational dialogue that privileges individual experience and values morally defensible notions of freedom, God, and nature. Utilizing Peirce’s thought will yield fruitful analysis and offers a promising philosophical alternative for framing and engaging in contemporary American political discourse.

Keywords: Charles s. Peirce, american politics, logic, pragmatism

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Authors: T. S. Sowmya Bhaskaran, Shekhar Seshadri

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This study aims to study the clinical features of with a history of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA). A chart review of 40 children (<16 years) with history of CSA evaluated at the Department of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry of NIMHANS during a two year period was performed. Results:The most common form of abuse was contact penetrative abuse (65%) followed by non-contact penetrative abuse (32.5%). 75% (N=30) had a psychiatric diagnosis at baseline. 50% of these children had one or more psychiatric comorbidities. Anxiety disorder was the most common diagnosis (27.5%) which included PTSD (11%) followed by Depressive disorder (25.2%). Children abused by multiple perpetrators were found to be more likely to have depression, to having a comorbid psychiatric disorder and more prone to exhibit sexualized behaviour. Children who also experienced physical violence at home were more likely to develop psychiatric illness following child sexual abuse. Psychiatric morbidity is high in clinic population of children with history of CSA. It is important to increase the awareness regarding the consequences of CSA in order to increase help seeking.

Keywords: child sexual abuse, India, tertiary care centre, clinical characteristics

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Authors: Khairil Ahmad, Jenny Gryzelius, Mohd Helmi Mohd Sobri

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With the waning support for centrist ‘third-way’ politics across the Western world, there has been an increase in political parties and individual candidates relying on populist political discourse and rhetoric in order to capitalize on the sense of frustration apparent within the electorate. What is of note is the divergence in the discourses employed. On the one hand, there is a polarization between a growing wave of populist right-wing parties and politicians, employing a mixture of economic populism with divisive nationalistic ideals such as restricted immigration, for example, the UK’s UKIP and Donald Trump in the US. On the other hand, there are resurgent, often grassroots-led, left-wing movements and politicians, such as Podemos in Spain and Jeremy Corbyn in the UK, focusing on anti-austerity measures and inclusive policies. In general, the concept of populism is often ascribed in a pejorative way. This is despite the success of populist left-wing governments across Latin America in recent times, especially in terms of reducing poverty. Nonetheless, recently, scholars such as Ernesto Laclau have tried to rethink populism as a social scientific concept which is essential in helping us make sense of contemporary political articulations. Using Laclau’s framework, this paper seeks to analyze poverty reduction policies in different iterations in the context of the tenures of three Prime Ministers of Malaysia. The first is Abdul Razak Hussein’s New Economic Policy, which focused on uplifting the economic position of Malaysia’s majority Malay population. The second is Mahathir Mohamad’s state-led neo-liberalization of the Malaysian economy, which focused on the creation of a core group of crony elites in order to spearhead economic development. The third is current Prime Minister Najib Razak’s targeted poverty eradication strategy through a focused program which directly provides benefits to recipients such as through direct cash transfers. The paper employs a discursive approach to trace elements of populism in these cases and highlight instances of how their strategies are articulated in ways that seek to appeal towards particular visions of national unity.

Keywords: discourse analysis, Malaysia, populism, poverty eradication

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Authors: Sarah M. Bolger

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There is a clear recognition that humanitarian and development workers are operating more and more frequently in situations of protracted crises, with conflict and violence undermining long-term development efforts. First coined at the World Humanitarian Summit in 2016, the humanitarian-development-peacebuilding nexus – or 'Triple Nexus' - seeks to promote greater cooperation and policy and program coherence amongst organizations working within and across the nexus. However, despite the clear need for such an approach, the Triple Nexus has failed to gain much traction. This is largely due to the lack of conceptual clarity for actors on the ground and the disconnect between the theory of the Triple Nexus and what that means in practice. This paper seeks to identify the key challenges in shifting from the conceptual definition of the Triple Nexus and what that can look like, particularly for multi-mandated organizations, to the operationalization of the Triple Nexus approach. It adopts a case study approach, examining a selection of organizations and programs and their approaches to the Triple Nexus in order to extract key challenges and lessons learned. Finally, key recommendations are provided on how these challenges can be overcome, allowing for the operationalization of the Triple Nexus and ultimately for a more integrated and sustainable approach to humanitarian, development, and peacebuilding work.

Keywords: development, humanitarian, peacebuilding, triple nexus

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Authors: Meliha Nur Cercinli

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In the last period of the Ottoman Empire, foreign officers played important role in the political area. Behind their political activities, their wives had a considerable influence on Ottoman social life. Despite the difficult conditions, these women involved in educating girls, encouraging Ottoman women to take part in the production area. For this purpose, they opened many schools and workplaces in various regions of the capital-Istanbul. One of these women was Lady Alice Lowther, who was known as the wife of British ambassador Gerard Agustus Lowther. She arranged various organizations in order to create necessary resources to help families of martyrs. Also, she chaired the Committee for Aid to Ottoman Military Families (Asker Ailelerine Yardım Komitesi), made an effort to establish the Society for Protection Animals in Istanbul (Istanbul Himaye-i Hayvanat Cemiyeti) with the supports of The Royal Society For Prevention Cruelty For Animals. Apart from these, she was also a good observer and writer as a traveller. She wrote and published her memories with the name of Down The Old Road (1921), When It Was June (1923) Land Of Gold Mohur (1932), Moments In Portugal Or Land Of The Laurel (1939). This paper aims to analyze Lady Alice Lowther’s activities in Istanbul based on Ottoman Archive documents. In addition, her books will also be examined as they will present a different perspective regarding her experiences.

Keywords: Lady Lowther, Ottoman Empire, women history, social life

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Authors: Mohammad Ibrahim Alladin

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The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire was first published in 1970. Since its publication it has become one of most cited book in the social sciences. Over a million copies have been sold worldwide. The Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paulo Freire was published in 1970 (New York: Herder and Herder), The book has caused a “revolution” in the education world and his theory has been examined and analysed. It has influenced educational policy, curriculum development and teacher education. The revolution started half a century ago. “Paolo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed develops a theory of education fitted to the needs of the disenfranchised and marginalized members of capitalist societies. Combining educational and political philosophy, the book offers an analysis of oppression and a theory of liberation. Freire believes that traditional education serves to support the dominance of the powerful within society and thereby maintain the powerful’s social, political, and economic status quo. To overcome the oppression endemic to an exploitative society, education must be remade to inspire and enable the oppressed in their struggle for liberation. This new approach to education focuses on consciousness-raising, dialogue, and collaboration between teacher and student in the effort to achieve greater humanization for all. For Freire, education is political and functions either to preserve the current social order or to transform it. The theories of education and revolutionary action he offers in Pedagogy of the Oppressed are addressed educators committed to the struggle for liberation from oppression. Freire’s own commitment to this struggle developed through years of teaching literacy to Brazilian and Chilean peasants and laborers. His efforts at educational and political reform resulted in a brief period of imprisonment followed exile from his native Brazil for fifteen years. In Pedagogy of the Oppressed begins Freire asserts the importance of consciousness-raising, or conscientização, as the means enabling the oppressed to recognize their oppression and commit to the effort to overcome it, taking full responsibility for themselves in the struggle for liberation. He addresses the “fear of freedom,” which inhibits the oppressed from assuming this responsibility. He also cautions against the dangers of sectarianism, which can undermine the revolutionary purpose as well as serve as a refuge for the committed conservative. Freire provides an alternative view of education by attacking tradition education and knowledge. He is highly critical of how is imparted and how knowledge is structured that limits the learner’s thinking. Hence, education becomes oppressive and school functions as an institution of social control. Since its publication, education has gone through a series of reforms and in some areas total transformation. This paper addresses the following: The role of education in social transformation The teacher/learner relationship :Critical thinking The paper essentially examines what happened in the last fifty years since Freire’s book. It seeks to explain what happened to Freire’s education revolution, and what is the status of the movement that started almost fifty years ago.

Keywords: pedagogy, reform, curriculum, teacher education

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Authors: Alexander Rincón Ruiz

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This article is based on an exhaustive review and interdisciplinary effort spanning three years. It involved interviews, dialogues, discussion panels, and collective work on various visions of bio-economy in Colombia. The dialogue included government institutions, universities, local communities, activist groups, research institutes, the productive sector, and politicians, integrating perspectives such as Latin American environmental thought, complexity theory, modern visions, local worldviews (Afro-Colombian, indigenous, peasant), decoloniality, political ecology, ecological economics, and environmental economies. This work highlighted the need to redefine the traditional bio-economy concept, typically focused on markets and biotechnology, and to revisit the original idea of a bio-economy as an ‘economy for life’. In a country as diverse as Colombia—both biophysically and in its varied relationships with the territory—this redefinition is crucial. It emphasizes alternative logics of well-being related to resilience, care, and cooperation, reflecting Indigenous, Afro-Colombian, and peasant worldviews. This article is significant for proposing, for the first time, a viable approach to diverse and alternative economies for life tailored to the Colombian context. It represents not only academic work but also a political commitment to inclusion and plurality, aligning with the Colombian context and potentially extendable to other regions.

Keywords: ecological economics, decoloniality, complexity, Biodiversity

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Authors: Eduardo Guilherme, Sabrina Duarte

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Shelters or orphanages are institutions responsible for ensuring the physical and mental integrity of children and adolescents who had their rights violated or neglected, whether from a social-leavers, is at personal risk to which they were exposed or the negligence of its parents; in Brazil about twenty thousand children and adolescents living in about five hundred registered shelters that receive funds from the federal government. We evaluated the records of institutionalized children and adolescents from the foundation of municipal shelter in Rio Negro/Parana State, Brazil since June/2000 to February/2015. Institutionalization of the causes cited were: lack of family/guardian material resources, abandonment by parents/guardians, domestic violence, substance abuse of parents/guardians, street experience, orphans and others. In Brazil, poverty and extreme poverty are closely related to the institutionalization of causes of children and adolescents. Census data in 2010, the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) indicate that 40% of Brazilians living in poverty are girls and boys up to 14 years in a total of approximately 23 million individuals. Poverty denies children and adolescents their rights, representing a vulnerability which predisposes to some causes of shelter.

Keywords: Brazil, shelter, orphanages, institutionalization

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Authors: Anant Deogaonkar, Archana Nanoty

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The term civil service plays a vital role in functioning of any government. In today’s modern era of globalization civil services essentially contribute for the success of the good governance system. The civil service in India refers to the body of government officials employed in civil occupations that are neither political nor judicial. The Indian Civil Services were created to foster the idea of unity in diversity with the expectation of giving continuity and change in administration independent of the political scenario and turmoil affecting the country. The civil service is an integral part of administration and the structures of administration to determine the way civil service functions. The concept of good governance necessarily precludes the effective human resource management ensuring the root level reach of the good governance. The serious matter of concern is the element of change. The civil service in general has maintained status quo instead of sweeping changes in social and economic scenario. One may disagree for this but it is a fact on the street that the Indian civil service was not able to deliver up to the expectations of the people and was lacking on the service front. The effective management of human resources at civil service needs to be prioritized and will form a key factor in successful delivery of the desired results may be in minimum duration. This paper focuses on the various ways of effective management of human resources in civil services. It also highlights the importance of improvement in human resource management in civil services with the detailed discussion of positives and negatives if any of the human resource management in civil services.

Keywords: civil services, human resources management, India, governance

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Authors: Kalyani Gandhi

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The eighteenth century in Britain saw a great burst of activity in writing (letters, journals, newspapers, essays); often these modes of writing had a public-spirited bent in-step with the prevailing intellectual atmosphere. Mary Wollstonecraft was one of the leading intellectuals of that period who utilized letter writing to convey her thoughts on the exciting political developments of the late eighteenth century. Fusing together her anxieties and concerns about humanity in general and herself in particular, Wollstonecraft’s views of the world around her are filtered through the lens of her subjectivity. Thus, Wollstonecraft’s letters covered a wide range of topics on both the personal and political level (for the two are often entwined in Wollstonecraft’s characteristic style of analysis) such as sentiment, gender, nature, peasantry, the class system, the legal system, political duties and rights of both rulers and subjects, death, immortality, religion, family and education. Therefore, this paper intends to examine the manner in which Wollstonecraft utilizes letter-writing to constitute and develop Romantic self-hood, understand the world around her and illustrate her ideas on the political and social happenings in Europe. The primary text analyzed will be Mary Wollstonecraft's Letters Written During a Short Stay in Sweden, Denmark and Norway (1796) and the analysis of this text will be supplemented by researching 18th-century British letter writing culture, with a special emphasis on the epistolary habits of women. Within this larger framework, this paper intends to examine the manner in which this hybrid of travel and epistolary writing aided Mary Wollstonecraft's expression on Romantic selfhood and how it was complicated by ideas of gender. This paper reveals Wollstonecraft's text to be wrought with anxiety about the world around her and within her; thus, the personal-public nature of the epistolary format particularly suits her characteristic point of view that looks within and without. That is to say, Wollstonecraft’s anxieties about gender and self, are as much about the women she sees in the world around her as much as they are about her young daughter and herself. Wollstonecraft constantly explores and examines this anxiety within the different but interconnected realms of politics, economics, history and society. In fact, it is her complex technique of entwining these aforementioned concerns with a closer look at interpersonal relationships among men and women (she often mentions specific anecdotes and instances) that make Wollstonecraft's Letters so engaging and insightful. Thus, Wollstonecraft’s Letters is an exemplar of British Romantic writing due to the manner in which it explores the bond between the individual and society. Mary Wollstonecraft's nuances this exploration by incorporating her concerns about women and the playing out of gender in society. Thus, Wollstonecraft’s Letters is an invaluable contribution to the field of British Romanticism, particularly as it offers crucial insight on female Romantic writing that can broaden and enrich the current academic understanding of the field.

Keywords: British romanticism, letters, feminism, travel writing

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Authors: Katarina Ott, Velibor Mačkić, Mihaela Bronić, Branko Stanić

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The determinants of national budget transparency have been widely discussed in the literature, while research on determinants of local budget transparency are scarce and empirically inconclusive, particularly in the new, fiscally centralised, EU member states. To fill the gap, we combine two strands of the literature: that concerned with public administration and public finance, shedding light on the economic and financial determinants of local budget transparency, and that on the political economy of transparency (principal agent theory), covering the relationships among politicians and between politicians and voters. Our main hypothesis states that variables describing residents’ capacity have a greater impact on local budget transparency than variables indicating the institutional capacity of local government units (LGUs). Additional subhypotheses test the impact of each variable analysed on local budget transparency. We address the determinants of local budget transparency in Croatia, measured by the number of key local budget documents published on the LGUs’ websites. By using a data set of 128 cities and 428 municipalities over the 2015-2017 period and by applying panel data analysis based on Poisson and negative binomial distribution, we test our main hypothesis and sub-hypotheses empirically. We measure different characteristics of institutional and residents’ capacity for each LGU. Age, education and ideology of the mayor/municipality head, political competition indicators, number of employees, current budget revenues and direct debt per capita have been used as a measure of the institutional capacity of LGU. Residents’ capacity in each LGU has been measured through the numbers of citizens and their average age as well as by average income per capita. The most important determinant of local budget transparency is average residents' income per capita at both city and municipality level. The results are in line with most previous research results in fiscally decentralised countries. In the context of a fiscally centralised country with numerous small LGUs, most of whom have low administrative and fiscal capacity, this has a theoretical rationale in the legitimacy and principal-agent theory (opportunistic motives of the incumbent). The result is robust and significant, but because of the various other results that change between city and municipality levels (e.g. ideology and political competition), there is a need for further research (both on identifying other determinates and/or methods of analysis). Since in Croatia the fiscal capacity of a LGU depends heavily on the income of its residents, units with higher per capita incomes in many cases have also higher budget revenues allowing them to engage more employees and resources. In addition, residents’ incomes might be also positively associated with local budget transparency because of higher citizen demand for such transparency. Residents with higher incomes expect more public services and have more access to and experience in using the Internet, and will thus typically demand more budget information on the LGUs’ websites.

Keywords: budget transparency, count data, Croatia, local government, political economy

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Authors: Kolawole Oyekan

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Torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment is one of the issues dealt with by the United Nations in its development of human rights standard. Torture and other ill -treatments is banned at all times in all places including in times of war. There is no justification for torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment under any law in Nigeria. All statutes; local, regional and international on human rights prohibits all forms of degrading treatment. This paper examines the definition of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and the prevalence of confessional statements obtain through torture by security agencies during the interrogation of crime suspects and are mostly relied upon during trial even in cases involving capital punishment. The paper further reviews the Violence against Persons Prohibition Act 2015 which prohibits torture and other forms of ill-treatment. Presently, the Act is applicable only to the federal Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Consequently, the paper concludes that the Act should be adopted as a matter of urgency by the 36 states of the Federation of Nigeria and in addition, cogent steps must be taken to ensure that the provisions of the Act are strictly complied with in order to eliminate torture, cruel and inhuman degrading treatment in Nigeria.

Keywords: confessional statement, human rights, torture, United Nations

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Authors: Kyere Francis, Sun Dongying, Asante Dennis, Nkrumah Nana Kwame Edmund, Naana Yaa Gyamea Kumah

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With a focus on renewable energy to achieve low-carbon transition objectives, there is a greater demand for effective collaborative strategies for planning, strategic decision mechanisms, and long-term policy designs to steer the transitions. Government agencies, NGOs, the private sector, and individual citizens play an important role in sustainable energy production. In Ghana, however, such collaboration is fragile in the fight against climate change. This current study seeks to re-examine the position or potential of network governance in Ghana's renewable energy transition. The study adopted a qualitative approach and employed semi-structured interviews for data gathering. To explore network governance and low carbon transitions in Ghana, we examine key themes such as political environment and impact, actor cooperation and stakeholder interactions, financing and the transition, market design and renewable energy integration, existing regulation and policy gaps for renewable energy transition, clean cooking accessibility, and affordability. The findings reveal the following; Lack of comprehensive consultations with relevant stakeholders leads to lower acceptance of the policy model and sometimes lack of policy awareness. Again, the unavailability and affordability of renewable energy technologies and access to credit facilities is a significant hurdle to long-term renewable transition. Ghana's renewable energy transitions require strong networking and interaction among the public, private, and non-governmental organizations. The study participants believe that the involvement of relevant energy experts and stakeholders devoid of any political biases is instrumental in accelerating renewable energy transitions, as emphasized in the proposed framework. The study recommends that the national renewable energy transition plan be evident to all stakeholders and political administrators. Such policy may encourage renewable energy investment through stable and fixed lending rates by the financial institutions and build a network with international organizations and corporations. These findings could serve as valuable information for the transition-based energy process, primarily aiming to govern sustainability changes through network governance.

Keywords: actors, development, sustainable energy, network governance, renewable energy transition

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Authors: Bilal Zubair

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In a constantly challenging internal security environment, Pakistan is making ways to improvise and respond to the new variations in the pervasive phenomenon of terrorism. The state’s endeavors towards securitizing terrorism as an existential threat are both extensive and intensive which have systematically incorporated both military and non-military means. Since 2007, the military has been conducting intermittent operations and by 2014 has successfully neutralized the terrorist ability to target vital security installations and security personal. The terrorists have responded by targeting communities which are soft targets and extremely vulnerable to organized assaults. Within this context, the study aims to explain the emerging trends of terrorism in Pakistan, which multi-layered and complex developments are having far-reaching implications for state and society. With a view to explore the underlining reasons, present trends and ensuing ramifications of the emerging trends in terrorism, this study would examine the following: First, the historical processes and development of Terrorism in Pakistan; secondly the processes of securitization which include political consensus, legal frameworks and military operations against the terrorist groups; thirdly , the socio-cultural dimensions and geopolitical influences on the transforming nature of sectarian terrorism. The study will also highlight the grey areas and weak links in the ongoing securitization process. Finally, the study will thoroughly explore the societal insecurity which is manifested in internal displacements, identity crisis and weakening the socio-political fabric of the state.

Keywords: counter-terrorism, terrorism, sectarianism, securitizing

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Authors: Hala Barakat

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Architecture plays a crucial role in the colonization and organization of spaces, as well as the preservation of cultures and history. As a result of 70 years of occupation, Palestinian land, culture, and history are endangered today. The government of Israel has used architecture to strangulate Palestinians out and seize their land. The occupation has managed to fragment the West Bank and cause sensible scars on the landscape by creating obstacles, barriers, watchtowers, checkpoints, walls, apartheid roads, border devices, and illegal settlements to unjustly claim land from its indigenous population. The apartheid architecture has divided the Palestinian social and urban fabric into pieces, similarly to the Bantustans. The architectural techniques and methods used by the occupation are evidence of prejudice, and while the illegal settlements remain to be condemned by the United Nations, little is being done to officially end this apartheid. Illegal settlements range in scale from individual units to established cities and house more than 60,000 Israeli settlers that immigrated from all over Europe and the United States. Often architecture by Israel is being directed towards expressing ideologies and serving as evidence of its political agenda. More than 78% of what was granted to Palestine after the development of the Green Line in 1948 is under Israeli occupation today. This project aims to map the illegal architecture as a criticism of governmental agendas in the West Bank and Historic Palestinian land. The paper will also discuss the resistance to the newly developed plan for the last Arab village in Jerusalem, Lifta. The illegal architecture has isolated Palestinians from each other and installed obstacles to control their movement. The architecture of occupation has no ethical or humane logic but rather entirely political, administrative, and it should not be left for the silenced architecture to tell the story. Architecture is not being used as a connecting device but rather a way to implement political injustice and spatial oppression. By narrating stories of the architecture of occupation, we can highlight the spatial injustice of the complex apartheid infrastructure. The Israeli government has managed to intoxicate architecture to serve as a divider between cultural groups, allowing the unlawful and unethical architecture to define its culture and values. As architects and designers, the roles we play in the development of illegal settlements must align with the spatial ethics we practice. Most importantly, our profession is not performing architecturally when we design a house with a particular roof color to ensure it would not be mistaken with a Palestinian house and be attacked accidentally.

Keywords: apartheid, illegal architecture, occupation, politics

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Authors: Ifigenia Stylianou

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As more than three-quarters of students going online daily via computers, tablets, and smartphones, the phenomenon of cyberbullying is growing rapidly. Knowing that victims of online bullying are often also victims of traditional bullying and that traditional bullying is considered as an extension of cyberbullying. In this study, we aim to identify (1) whether cyberbullying lead to more intense forms of school bullying, and (2) whether some biological and environmental factors mediate between this relation, and act protectively to bullying and inappropriate behaviour in school. To answer this questions, a sample of X students, aged X, were asked to complete eight questionnaires (Personal Experiences Checklist, Inventory of Peers Attachment, Questionnaire on Teacher Interaction, School Climate Survey for Bullying, Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, Youth Psychopathic Traits Inventory-Short Form, Barratt Impulsiveness Scale-11) in X time periods. Results can provide us important information to improve understanding the factors that are related to bullying. In addition, the results can assist in developing intervention programs to tangle the issue of bullying at schools. All data have been collected and are currently being processed for statistical analyses.

Keywords: cyberbullying, bullying, school climate, psychopathy traits, attachment, mediation factors

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Authors: Ruanzhenghao Shi

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Student movements have persisted in mainland China, especially in elite universities since the Tiananmen Prodemocracy Movement, contrary to the lack of studies on them. However, the participants' repertoire, mobilization and mode of interaction with authorities are vastly different from their predecessors in the 1980s as well as their western counterparts. In most of the cases, agents, cognizant of the high cost of action and their vulnerability to the authorities, consciously curtailed certain repertoire and themes of resistance. Thus these movements, without appreciable organized force, were self-interested, fragmentally mobilized, lowly integrated and limited within the campus. This study documents the 2014 protest against Yanching Academy program at Peking University, a top-tier Chinese university that played the leading role in the 1989 protest. The 2014 case is different from abovementioned trend of submissive resistance in the last twenty years, insofar as it is a value-oriented and emotion-driven collective action with the resurgence of some repertoire. The participants perceived the university's contemporary ineffectiveness and clumsiness in control and administration, higher Party authorities' indifference to less-political themes, and an increasing number of potential advocates, including students, intellectuals and social media. It shows that resisters' perception of their relative strength to their opponents - in this case, the university and its system for controlling students - under specific circumstances, not merely political opportunities or institutional changes, stimulates the participants and thus contributes to the mobilization and organization of a collective action, even under severe social control.

Keywords: collective action, China, university students, resistance

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Authors: Mai Awad

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This paper aims to focus on the phenomenon of martyrdom—particularly its performative aspect—and how social and popular cultural representations address the multiple meanings of the loaded image of a Palestinian martyr. This focus will help us to explore the possible reasons that might push Palestinians to consider pursuing “martyrdom” or suicide operations. Tracing what happened in the past and what is currently happening (that is, haunting) will aid in theorizing how the act/practice of “martyrdom” is produced. It is believed that there are social and political forces, particularly in a colonial society like Palestine, that influence the subject and its experience. But what is unique about this paper is its attempt to disclose the invisible, hidden narratives and complexities of Palestinian life that we do not see. By giving “martyrs” a chance to speak and express their own narratives—since “martyrs” usually leave written letters for their families, which are published after their death—this study must broaden the whole picture and discuss what is missing. The analytic method to be used: For the methodology, the paper recruits discourse analysis as a method for tracing the emergence, circulation, and productivity of the martyrdom discourse across a range of social practices in Palestinians’ everyday life after the Nakba. The paper analyzes the letters that “martyrs” left to their families, relatives, and the Palestinian community after their death. By letting “martyrs” speak for themselves and hearing their unique discourses, the research would suggest that more explanation is needed to describe the “martyr” identity. Hence, it is not possible to study the “martyr” identity in Palestine without understanding the colonial context that governs it and shapes their subjective experience.

Keywords: martyrdom, palestine, haunting, nakba 1948

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