Search results for: notify the party

Authors: Krish Batra

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The advent of open banking has revolutionized the financial services industry by fostering innovation, enhancing customer experience, and promoting competition. However, this paradigm shift towards more open and interconnected banking ecosystems has introduced complex cybersecurity challenges. This research paper delves into the multifaceted cybersecurity landscape of open banking, highlighting the vulnerabilities and threats inherent in sharing financial data across a network of banks and third-party providers. Through a detailed analysis of recent data breaches, phishing attacks, and other cyber incidents, the paper assesses the current state of cybersecurity within the open banking framework. It examines the effectiveness of existing security measures, such as encryption, API security protocols, and authentication mechanisms, in protecting sensitive financial information. Furthermore, the paper explores the regulatory response to these challenges, including the implementation of standards such as PSD2 in Europe and similar initiatives globally. By identifying gaps in current cybersecurity practices, the research aims to propose a set of robust, forward-looking strategies that can enhance the security and resilience of open banking systems. This includes recommendations for banks, third-party providers, regulators, and consumers on how to mitigate risks and ensure a secure open banking environment. The ultimate goal is to provide stakeholders with a comprehensive understanding of the cybersecurity implications of open banking and to outline actionable steps for safeguarding the financial ecosystem in an increasingly interconnected world.

Keywords: open banking, financial services industry, cybersecurity challenges, data breaches, phishing attacks, encryption, API security protocols, authentication mechanisms, regulatory response, PSD2, cybersecurity practices

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Authors: Marc Solé, Francesc Giné, Magda Valls, Nina Bijedic

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What people say on social media has turned into a rich source of information to understand social behavior. Specifically, the growing use of Twitter social media for political communication has arisen high opportunities to know the opinion of large numbers of politically active individuals in real time and predict the global political tendencies of a specific country. It has led to an increasing body of research on this topic. The majority of these studies have been focused on polarized political contexts characterized by only two alternatives. Unlike them, this paper tackles the challenge of forecasting Spanish political trends, characterized by multiple political parties, by means of analyzing the Twitters Users political tendency. According to this, a new strategy, named Tweets Analysis Strategy (TAS), is proposed. This is based on analyzing the users tweets by means of discovering its sentiment (positive, negative or neutral) and classifying them according to the political party they support. From this individual political tendency, the global political prediction for each political party is calculated. In order to do this, two different strategies for analyzing the sentiment analysis are proposed: one is based on Positive and Negative words Matching (PNM) and the second one is based on a Neural Networks Strategy (NNS). The complete TAS strategy has been performed in a Big-Data environment. The experimental results presented in this paper reveal that NNS strategy performs much better than PNM strategy to analyze the tweet sentiment. In addition, this research analyzes the viability of the TAS strategy to obtain the global trend in a political context make up by multiple parties with an error lower than 23%.

Keywords: political tendency, prediction, sentiment analysis, Twitter

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Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

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In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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Authors: Veronica Sorgato, Jeremy Belhassen, Philippe Chartier, Roddy Sihanath, Nicolas Docquiere, Jean-Yves Giraud

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We analyzed the image-guided radiotherapy method used by the TomoTherapy® System (Accuray Corp.) for patient repositioning in clinical routine. The TomoTherapy® System computes X, Y, Z and roll displacements to match the reference CT, on which the dosimetry has been performed, with the pre-treatment MV CT. The accuracy of the repositioning method has been studied according to the treatment localization. For this, a database of 18774 treatment sessions, performed during 2 consecutive years (2016-2017 period) has been used. The database includes the X, Y, Z and roll displacements proposed by TomoTherapy® System as well as the manual correction of these proposals applied by the radiation therapist. This manual correction aims to further improve the repositioning based on the clinical situation and depends on the structures surrounding the target tumor tissue. The statistical analysis performed on the database aims to define repositioning limits to be used as security and guiding tool for the manual adjustment implemented by the radiation therapist. This tool will participate not only to notify potential repositioning errors but also to further improve patient positioning for optimal treatment.

Keywords: accuracy, IGRT MVCT, image-guided radiotherapy megavoltage computed tomography, statistical analysis, tomotherapy, localization

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Authors: J. K. Visser, H. T. Malan

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A need exists to identify the sources of risks associated with the process automation systems within petrochemical companies or similar energy related industries. These companies use many different process automation technologies in its value chain. A crucial part of the process automation system is the information technology component featuring in the supervisory control layer. The ever-changing technology within the process automation layers and the rate at which it advances pose a risk to safe and predictable automation system performance. The age of the automation equipment also provides challenges to the operations and maintenance managers of the plant due to obsolescence and unavailability of spare parts. The main objective of this research was to determine the risk sources associated with the equipment that is part of the process automation systems. A secondary objective was to establish whether technology managers and technicians were aware of the risks and share the same viewpoint on the importance of the risks associated with automation systems. A conceptual model for risk sources of automation systems was formulated from models and frameworks in literature. This model comprised six categories of risk which forms the basis for identifying specific risks. This model was used to develop a questionnaire that was sent to 172 instrument technicians and technology managers in the company to obtain primary data. 75 completed and useful responses were received. These responses were analyzed statistically to determine the highest risk sources and to determine whether there was difference in opinion between technology managers and technicians. The most important risks that were revealed in this study are: 1) the lack of skilled technicians, 2) integration capability of third-party system software, 3) reliability of the process automation hardware, 4) excessive costs pertaining to performing maintenance and migrations on process automation systems, and 5) requirements of having third-party communication interfacing compatibility as well as real-time communication networks.

Keywords: distributed control system, identification of risks, information technology, process automation system

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Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

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Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

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Authors: Jean-Pierre Dubois, Jihad S. Daba, H. Karam, J. Abdallah

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Tsunami early detection and warning systems have proved to be of ultimate importance, especially after the destructive tsunami that hit Japan in March 2012. Such systems are crucial to inform the authorities of any risk of a tsunami and of the degree of its danger in order to make the right decision and notify the public of the actions they need to take to save their lives. The purpose of this research is to enhance existing tsunami detection and warning systems. We first propose an automated and miniaturized model of an early tsunami detection and warning system. The model for the operation of a tsunami warning system is simulated using the data acquisition toolbox of Matlab and measurements acquired from specified internet pages due to the lack of the required real-life sensors, both seismic and hydrologic, and building a graphical user interface for the system. In the second phase of this work, we implement various satellite image filtering schemes to enhance the acquired synthetic aperture radar images of the tsunami affected region that are masked by speckle noise. This enables us to conduct a post-tsunami damage extent study and calculate the percentage damage. We conclude by proposing improvements to the existing telecommunication infrastructure of existing warning tsunami systems using a migration to IP-based networks and fiber optics links.

Keywords: detection, GIS, GSN, GTS, GPS, speckle noise, synthetic aperture radar, tsunami, wiener filter

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Authors: Victoria Crynes

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The question of England’s role in Britain is increasingly relevant due to the ongoing rise in citizens identifying as English. Furthermore, the Brexit Referendum was predominantly supported by constituents identifying as English. Few politicians appear to comprehend how Englishness is politically manifested. Politics and the media have depicted English identity as a negative and extremist problem - an inaccurate representation that ignores the breadth of English identifying citizens. This environment prompts the question, 'How are British Politicians Addressing the Modern English Identity Question?' Parliamentary debates, political blogs, and interviews are synthesized to establish a more coherent understanding of the current political attitudes towards English identity, the perceived nature of English identity, and the political manifestation of English representation and governance. Analyzed parliamentary debates addressed the democratic structure of English governance through topics such as English votes for English laws, devolution, and the union. The blogs examined include party-based, multi-author style blogs, and independently authored blogs by politicians, which provide a dynamic and up-to-date representation of party and politician viewpoints. Lastly, fourteen semi-structured interviews of British politicians provide a nuanced perspective on how politicians conceptualize Englishness. Interviewee selection was based on three criteria: (i) Members of Parliament (MP) known for discussing English identity politics, (ii) MPs of strongly English identifying constituencies, (iii) MPs with minimal English identity affiliation. Analysis of parliamentary debates reveals the discussion of English representation has gained little momentum. Many politicians fail to comprehend who the English are, why they desire greater representation and believe that increased recognition of the English would disrupt the unity of the UK. These debates highlight the disconnect of parliament from the disenfranchised English towns. A failure to recognize the legitimacy of English identity politics generates an inability for solution-focused debates to occur. Political blogs demonstrate cross-party recognition of growing English disenfranchisement. The dissatisfaction with British politics derives from multiple factors, including economic decline, shifting community structures, and the delay of Brexit. The left-behind communities have seen little response from Westminster, which is often contrasted to the devolved and louder voices of the other UK nations. Many blogs recognize the need for a political response to the English and lament the lack of party-level initiatives. In comparison, interviews depict an array of local-level initiatives reconnecting MPs to community members. Local efforts include town trips to Westminster, multi-cultural cooking classes, and English language courses. These efforts begin to rebuild positive, local narratives, promote engagement across community sectors, and acknowledge the English voices. These interviewees called for large-scale, political action. Meanwhile, several interviewees denied the saliency of English identity. For them, the term held only extremist narratives. The multi-level analysis reveals continued uncertainty on Englishness within British politics, contrasted with increased recognition of its saliency by politicians. It is paramount that politicians increase discussions on English identity politics to avoid increased alienation of English citizens and to rebuild trust in the abilities of Westminster.

Keywords: British politics, contemporary identity politics and its impacts, English identity, English nationalism, identity politics

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: Maryam Pirdehghan

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During the Ba'ath Party's rule in Iraq, propaganda was utilized to justify and to promote Saddam Hussein's image in the collective memory as the greatest Arab leader. Consequently, urban walls were routinely covered with images of Saddam. Relying on these images, the regime aimed to provide a basis for evoking meanings in the public opinion, which would supposedly strengthen Saddam’s power and reconstruct facts to legitimize his political ideology. Nonetheless, Saddam was not always portrayed with common and explicit elements but in certain periods of his rule, the paintings depicted him in an unusual context, where various historical and contemporary elements were combined in a narrative background. Therefore, an understanding of the implied socio-political references of these elements is required to fully elucidate the impact of these images on forming the memory and collective unconscious of the Iraqi people. To obtain such understanding, one needs to address the following questions: a) How Saddam Hussein is portrayed in mural during his rule? b) What of elements and mythical-historical narratives are found in the paintings? c) Which Saddam's political views were subject to the collective memory through mural? Employing visual semiotics, this study reveals that during Saddam Hussein's regime, the paintings were initially simple portraits but gradually transformed into narrative images, characterized by a complex network of historical, mythical and religious elements. These elements demonstrate the transformation of a secular-nationalist politician into a Muslim ruler who tried to instill three major policies in domestic and international relations i.e. the arabization of Iraq, as well as the propagation of pan-arabism ideology (first period), the implementation of anti-Israel policy (second period) and the implementation of anti-American-British policy (last period).

Keywords: Ba'ath Party, Saddam Hussein, mural, Iraq, propaganda, collective memory

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Authors: Kathryn McMillan

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A recent study of 8500 adult Australians aged 16 and over revealed 62% had experienced childhood maltreatment. In response to multiple recommendations by bodies such as the Australian Law Reform Commission, parliamentary reports and stakeholder input, a number of key initiatives have been developed to grapple with the difficulties of a federal-state system and to screen and triage high-risk families navigating their way through the court system. The Lighthouse Project (LHP) is a world-first initiative of the Federal Circuit and Family Courts in Australia (FCFOCA) to screen family law litigants for major risk factors, including family violence, child abuse, alcohol or substance abuse and mental ill-health at the point of filing in all applications that seek parenting orders. It commenced on 7 December 2020 on a pilot basis but has now been expanded to 15 registries across the country. A specialist risk screen, Family DOORS, Triage has been developed – focused on improving the safety and wellbeing of families involved in the family law system safety planning and service referral, and ¬ differentiated case management based on risk level, with the Evatt List specifically designed to manage the highest risk cases. Early signs are that this approach is meeting the needs of families with multiple risks moving through the Court system. Before the LHP, there was no data available about the prevalence of risk factors experienced by litigants entering the family courts and it was often assumed that it was the litigation process that was fueling family violence and other risks such as suicidality. Data from the 2022 FCFCOA annual report indicated that in parenting proceedings, 70% alleged a child had been or was at risk of abuse, 80% alleged a party had experienced Family Violence, 74 % of children had been exposed to Family Violence, 53% alleged through substance misuse by party children had caused or was at risk of causing harm to children and 58% of matters allege mental health issues of a party had caused or placed a child at risk of harm. Those figures reveal the significant overlap between child protection and family violence, both of which are under the responsibility of state and territory governments. Since 2020, a further key initiative has been the co-location of child protection and police officials amongst a number of registries of the FCFOCA. The ability to access in a time-effective way details of family violence or child protection orders, weapons licenses, criminal convictions or proceedings is key to managing issues across the state and federal divide. It ensures a more cohesive and effective response to family law, family violence and child protection systems.

Keywords: child protection, family violence, parenting, risk screening, triage.

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Authors: Sean Vincent

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Within the academic community, there is a consensus that political parties in established liberal democracies are facing a myriad of organisational challenges as a result of falling membership, weakening links to grass-roots support and rising voter apathy. During the same period of party decline and growing public disengagement political parties have become increasingly professionalised. The professionalisation of political parties owes much to changes in technology, with television becoming the dominant medium for political communication. In recent years, however, it has become clear that a new medium of communication is becoming utilised by political parties and candidates – New Media. New Media, a term hard to define but related to internet based communication, offers a potential revolution in political communication. It can be utilised by anyone with access to the internet and its most widely used platforms of communication such as Facebook and Twitter, are free to use. The advent of Web 2.0 has dramatically changed what can be done with the Internet. Websites now allow candidates at the constituency level to fundraise, organise and set out personalised policies. Social media allows them to communicate with supporters and potential voters practically cost-free. As such candidate dependency on the national party for resources and image now lies open to debate. Arguing that greater candidate independence may be a natural next step in light of the contemporary challenges faced by parties, this paper examines how New Media is being used by candidates at the constituency level to increase their personal vote. The paper will present findings from research carried out during two elections – the Japanese Lower House election of 2014 and the UK general election of 2015. During these elections a sample of candidates, totalling 150 candidates, from the three biggest parties in each country were selected and their new media output, specifically candidate websites, Twitter and Facebook output subjected to content analysis. The analysis examines how candidates are using new media to both become more functionally, through fundraising and volunteer mobilisation and politically, through the promotion of personal/local policies, independent from the national party. In order to validate the results of content analysis this paper will also present evidence from interviews carried out with 17 candidates that stood in the 2014 Japanese Lower House election or 2015 UK general election. With a combination of statistical analysis and interviews, several conclusions can be made about the use of New Media at constituency level. The findings show not just a clear difference in the way candidates from each country are using New Media but also differences within countries based upon the particular circumstances of each constituency. While it has not yet replaced traditional methods of fundraising and activist mobilisation, New Media is also becoming increasingly important in campaign organisation and the general consensus amongst candidates is that its importance will continue to grow along as politics in both countries becomes more diffuse.

Keywords: political campaigns, elections, new media, political communication

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Nourah Almulhim

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This paper takes a critical discourse analysis (CDA) approach to investigate discourse and ideology in political blogs, focusing in particular on the Conservative Home blog from the UK’s current governing party. The Conservative party member’s discourse strategies as the blogger, alongside the discourse used by members of the public who reply to the blog in the below-the-lines comments, will be examined. The blog discourse reflects the writer's political identity and authorial voice. The analysis of the below-the-lines comments enables members of the public to engage in creating adversative positions, introducing different language users who bring their own individual and collective identities. These language users can play the role of news reporters, political analysts, protesters or supporters of a specific agenda and current socio-political topics or events. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyze the discriminatory context towards Islam/Muslims in ' The Conservative Home' blog. A cognitive approach is adopted and an analysis of dominant discourses in the blog text and the below-the-line comments is used. The focus of the study is, firstly, on the construction of self/ collective national identity in comparison to Muslim identity, highlighting the in-group and out-group construction. Second, the type of attitudes, whether feelings or judgments, related to these social actors as they are explicated to draw on the social values. Third, the role of discursive strategies in justifying and legitimizing those Islamophobic discriminatory practices. Therefore, the analysis is based on the systematic analysis of social actors drawing on actors, actions, and arguments to explicate identity construction and its development in the different discourses. A socio-semantic categorization of social actors is implemented to draw on the discursive strategies in addition to using literature to understand these strategies. An appraisal analysis is further used to classify attitudes and elaborate on core values in both genres. Finally, the grammar of othering is applied to explain how discriminatory dichotomies of 'Us' Vs. ''Them' actions are carried in discourse. Some of the key findings of the analysis can be summarized in two main points. First, the discursive practice used to represent Muslims/Islam as different from ‘Us’ are different in both genres as the blogger uses a covert voice while the commenters generally use an overt voice. This is to say that the blogger uses a mitigated strategy to represent the Muslim identity, for example, using the noun phrase ‘British Muslim’ but then representing them as ‘radical’ and ‘terrorists'. Contrary to this is in below the lines comments, where a direct strategy with an active declarative voice is used to negatively represent the Muslim identity as ‘oppressors’ and ‘terrorists’ with no inclusion of the noun phrase ‘British Muslims’. Second, the negotiation of the ‘British’ identity and values, such as culture and democracy, are prominent in the comment section as being unique and under threat by Muslims, while in the article, these standpoints are not represented.

Keywords: xenophobia, blogs, identity, critical discourse analysis

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Authors: Behzad Hezarkhani, Greys Sosic

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Collaborative purchasing and replenishment have proven to be beneficial in supply chain management. This talk addresses the situation where buyers, potentially in possession of private procurement channels, carry out cooperative purchasing by submitting their bids to a coordinator. The collaborative organization is faced with two basic decisions: (1) who will be allocated with the products, and (2) how much each party should pay. We discuss mechanisms that could achieve desirable outcomes in this settings with special attention to the strategic behavior of the buyers.

Keywords: supply chain management, group purchasing organizations, game theory, mechanism design

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Authors: Sana Abusin

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Food security in Qatar is a research priority of Qatar University (2021-2025) and all national strategies, including the Qatar National Vision 2030 and food security strategy (2018-2023). Achieving food security requires three actions: 1) transforming surplus food to those who are insecure; 2) reducing food loss and waste by recycling food into valuable resources such as compost (“green fertilizer”) that can be used in growing food; and, finally, 3) establishing strong enforcement agencies to protect consumers from outdated food and promote healthy food. Currently, these objectives are approached separately and not in a sustainable fashion. Food security in Qatar is a research priority of Qatar University (2021-2025) and all national strategies, including the Qatar National Vision 2030 and food security strategy (2018-2023). The study aims to develop an innovative mobile application that supports a sustainable solution to food insecurity and food waste in Qatar. The application will provide a common solution for many different users. For producers, it will facilitate easy disposal of excess food. For charities, it will notify them about surplus food ready for redistribution. The application will also benefit the second layer of end-users in the form of food recycling companies, who will receive information about available food waste that is unable to be consumed. We will use self-exoplanetary diagrams and digital pictures to show all the steps to the final stage. The aim is to motivate the young generation toward innovation and creation, and to encourage public-private collaboration in this sector.

Keywords: food security, innovative technology, sustainability, food waste, Qatar

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Georgios Samaras

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New media such as Facebook, YouTube and Twitter introduced the world to a new era of instant communication. An era where online interactions could replace a lot of offline actions. Technology can create a mediated environment in which participants can communicate (one-to-one, one-to-many, and many-to-many) both synchronously and asynchronously and participate in reciprocal message exchanges. Currently, social networks are attracting similar academic attention to that of the internet after its mainstream implementation into public life. Websites and platforms are seen as the forefront of a new political change. There is a significant backdrop of previous methodologies employed to research the effects of social networks. New approaches are being developed to be able to adapt to the growth of social networks and the invention of new platforms. Golden Dawn was the first openly neo-Nazi party post World War II to win seats in the parliament of a European country. Its racist rhetoric and violent tactics on social networks were rewarded by their supporters, who in the face of Golden Dawn’s leaders saw a ‘new dawn’ in Greek politics. Mainstream media banned its leaders and members of the party indefinitely after Ilias Kasidiaris attacked Liana Kanelli, a member of the Greek Communist Party, on live television. This media ban was seen as a treasonous move by a significant percentage of voters, who believed that the system was desperately trying to censor Golden Dawn to favor mainstream parties. The shocking attack on live television received international coverage and while European countries were condemning this newly emerged neo-Nazi rhetoric, almost 7 percent of the Greek population rewarded Golden Dawn with 18 seats in the Greek parliament. Many seem to think that Golden Dawn mobilised its voters online and this approach played a significant role in spreading their message and appealing to wider audiences. No strict online censorship existed back in 2012 and although Golden Dawn was openly used neo-Nazi symbolism, it was allowed to use social networks without serious restrictions until 2017. This paper used qualitative methods to investigate Golden Dawn’s rise in social networks from 2012 to 2019. The focus of the content analysis was set on three social networking platforms: Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, while the existence of Golden Dawn’s website, which was used as a news sharing hub, was also taken into account. The content analysis included text and visual analyses that sampled content from their social networking pages to translate their political messaging through an ideological lens focused on extreme-right populism. The absence of hate speech regulations on social network platforms in 2012 allowed the free expression of those heavily ultranationalist and populist views, as they were employed by Golden Dawn in the Greek political scene. On YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, the influence of their rhetoric was particularly strong. Official channels and MPs profiles were investigated to explore the messaging in-depth and understand its ideological elements.

Keywords: populism, far-right, social media, Greece, golden dawn

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Authors: Joanna Kufel-Orlowska

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Domestic violence is a social threat to public safety and order. It poses a threat not only to the family members of the perpetrator but also disturbs the functioning of society and even the state. In a situation of danger, an individual either defends himself or/and calls for help by contacting an appropriate institution whose aim is to ensure civil security. Most often, such contact takes place through a telephone conversation, which is aimed at diagnosing the problem and prompt intervention. People in different situations and in different ways, despite the general reporting standards, try to inform about the need for help. The article aims to present the results of research on non-standard forms of reporting domestic violence in the opinion of the Polish society and operators of the Polish emergency number 112 (911). The research was conducted in the form of a survey technique on a sample of 160 operators (purposeful selection) and 300 people living in Poland (random selection). The research was conducted in the form of online surveys. The study found that in Poland: 1. emergency number operators often receive reports of domestic violence although they are not always able to diagnose whether the case is strictly about violence; 2. non-standard reports of domestic violence are received by about 30% of emergency number operators. Non-standard should be understood as reports of violence that deviate from the norm, are unusual, or are reported by a non-victim. 3. The most common forms of reporting violence not directly are: pretending to talk to a friend, calling a cab, making an appointment with a dentist/doctor, calling a store and helping with the selection of goods, asking about the bank's hotline, not speaking (in order for the emergency number operator to hear what is going on). 4. Emergency number operators in Poland are properly trained and are able to recognize the threatening situation of the reporting party and conduct the conversation in a safe manner for the reporting party. On the other hand, Polish people support the ability to report violence in a non-standard way and would do so themselves in the event of a threat to their own life, health, or property, thus expecting the emergency number operator to recognize a report and help us.

Keywords: domestic violence, operator of the emergency number 112 (911), emergency call center, reporting domestic violence

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Authors: Farbod Behnaminia, Saeed Samet

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The COVID-19 pandemic has paralyzed many lives until a vaccine was available, which caused the so-called “new normal.” According to the World Health Organization (WHO), COVID-19 is an infectious disease. It can cause significant illness or death in anyone. Governments and health officials tried to impose rules and regulations to avoid and slow down transmission. Therefore, software engineers worldwide developed applications to trace and track patients’ movements and notify others, mainly using Bluetooth. In this way, everyone could be informed whether they come in close contact with someone who has COVID-19 and takes proper safety precautions. Because most of the applications use technologies that can potentially reveal the user’s identity and location, researchers have debated privacy preservation and how to improve user privacy during such pandemics. Thanks to Distributed Ledger Technology (DLT), there have been some proposed methods to develop privacy-preserving Patient Tracking Systems in the last two years. As an instance of the DLT, Blockchain is like a decentralized peer-to-peer database that maintains a record of transactions. Transactions are immutable, transparent, and anonymous in this system. We conducted a comprehensive evaluation of the literature by looking for papers in the relevant field and dividing them into pre- and post-pandemic systems. Additionally, we discussed the many uses of blockchain technology in pandemic control. We found that two major obstacles facing blockchain implementation across many healthcare systems are scalability and privacy. The Polkadot platform is presented, along with a review of its efficacy in tackling current concerns. A more scalable healthcare system is achievable in the near future using Polkadot as well as a much more privacy-preserving environment.

Keywords: blockchain, electronic record management, EHR, privacy-preserving, patient tracking, COVID-19, trust and confidence, Polkadot

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Authors: Sanaa Riaz

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The free people, Amazigh (plural Imazighen), often known by the more popular exonym, Berber, are spread across several North African countries with the highest population in Morocco have been substantially misunderstood and differentially showcased by entities from western-school educated scholars to human, health and women’s rights organizations, to the State to the international community. This paper is an examination of the various conceptualization of the Imazighen. With the popularity of the Arab Spring movement to oust monarchical and dictatorial rulers across the Middle East and North Africa in Morocco, the Moroccan monarchy introduced various reform programs to win public favor. These included social, economic and educational reforms to incorporate marginalized groups such as the Imazighen. The monarchy has ushered Amazigh representation in public offices and landscape through Amazigh script, even though theirs has been an oral culture. After the Arab Spring, the Justice and Development party, an Islamist party took over in Morocco due to its accessibility to the masses, In Sept. 2021, unlike the case of Egypt and Tunisia where military and constitutional means were sought, Morocco successfully removed it from power through the ballot, resulting in a real victory for the neutral monarchy and its representation as a moderate, secular and liberal force for the nation. As a result, supporting the perpetuation of Amazigh linguistic identity also became synonymous to making a secular statement as a Muslim. It has led to the telling of Amazigh identity at state museums as one representing the indigenous, pure, diverse, culturally-rich and united Morocco. Reform efforts have also prioritized an amiable look towards the economic and familial links of Moroccan Jews with the few thousand families still left in the country and a showcasing through museums and cultural centers of the Jewish identity as Moroccan first. In that endeavor, it is interesting to note the coverage of Jews as the indigenous of Morocco through the embracing of their “folk” cultural and religious practices, those that are not continued outside Morocco. In this epistemology, the concept of the Moroccan Jew becomes similar to the indigenous Amazigh, both cherished as the oldest peoples of Morocco and symbols of its unity and resilience. In the urban discourse, Amazigh identity is a concept that continues to be part of the deliberations of elites and scholars graduating from French schools on the incorporation of rural and illiterate Morocco in economic and educational advancement. Yet, with the constant influx of migrants from Western Sahara into cities like Fez and Marrakesh, Amazigh has often been described as the umbrella term of those of “mixed” ethnic ancestry who constitute the country’s free population. In sum, Amazigh identity highlights the changing discourse on marginalized communities, human rights, representation, Moroccan nationhood, and regional and transnational politics. The aim of this paper is to analyze perceptions of Amazigh identity in Morocco post-2021 ousting of the Islamist party using data from state-sponsored museum displays and cultural centers collected in Summer 2022 and scholarly analyses of Amazigh identity, representation and rights in Morocco.

Keywords: Amazigh identity, Morocco, representation, state politics

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Authors: Siti Hazar Sitorus, Marini Kristina Situmeang, Mukhammad Fatkhullah, Arfan Fadli

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This study aims to examine how the Batak tribe in the Village Lumban Sitorus Parmaksian District, Toba Samosir (Tobasa) interpret the culture of drinking Tuak as a social interaction. This research uses qualitative method with case study approach. Through this approach, the researchers obtained primary data by looking at and observing the social interaction that occurs when the activity of drinking tuak takes place on the daily life of the Batak Toba community in the village of Lumban Sitorus. The technique of data collecting is done by observation and in-depth interview. This study focuses on Batak Toba community, especially men who daily drink tuak. The results obtained from this study is Batak Toba society has a habit of drinking Tuak (a type of alcoholic beverage derived from water sapphire juice that is fermented). In Batak Toba society, tuak is not only considered as an alcoholic drink which is usually drunk in the afternoon at lapotuak (tuak shop), but tuak is also understood as a drink of honor in a traditional party at Toba Batak society. On the other hand, the activity of drinking of tuak was also considered as a medium or a means of connecting the formation of a sense of solidarity among the people of LumbanSitorous Village. In its existence, drinking tuak is defined as a mean that can facilitate the establishment to open communication with fellow members of Batak Toba community, such as at leisure, birth party, death or as medicine. Specifically, tuak in a special sense in Batak Toba society is also a symbol of intimacy, gratitude, and respect which is manifested in the activity of daily drinking tuak. In Indonesia, if we refer to the Criminal Code in articles 300 and 536 it is clear that whoever intentionally sells and consumes intoxicating / alcoholic drinks will be subject to a maximum jail term of one year. It became interesting then when looking at Indonesia as a country that has a diversity of cultures in which the law implies the prohibition of alcoholic / intoxicating beverages. However, the existence of drinking of tuak as a drink that categorized intoxicating in Batak Toba society still continues to.

Keywords: tradition of drinking tuak, meaning of tuak, Batak society, cultural studies

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Authors: Devi Srinivas, K. Sindhuja

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This paper presents architecture to improve surveillance applications based on the usage of the service oriented paradigm, with smart phones as user terminals, allowing application dynamic composition and increasing the flexibility of the system. According to the result of moving object detection research on video sequences, the movement of the people is tracked using video surveillance. The moving object is identified using the image subtraction method. The background image is subtracted from the foreground image, from that the moving object is derived. So the Background subtraction algorithm and the threshold value is calculated to find the moving image by using background subtraction algorithm the moving frame is identified. Then, by the threshold value the movement of the frame is identified and tracked. Hence, the movement of the object is identified accurately. This paper deals with low-cost intelligent mobile phone-based wireless video surveillance solution using moving object recognition technology. The proposed solution can be useful in various security systems and environmental surveillance. The fundamental rule of moving object detecting is given in the paper, then, a self-adaptive background representation that can update automatically and timely to adapt to the slow and slight changes of normal surroundings is detailed. While the subtraction of the present captured image and the background reaches a certain threshold, a moving object is measured to be in the current view, and the mobile phone will automatically notify the central control unit or the user through SMS (Short Message System). The main advantage of this system is when an unknown image is captured by the system it will alert the user automatically by sending an SMS to user’s mobile.

Keywords: security, graphical password, persuasive cued click points

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Authors: Roghieh A. Biroon, Zoleikha Abdollahi

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The recent growth of renewables, e.g., solar panels, batteries, and electric vehicles (EVs) in residential and small commercial sectors, has potential impacts on the stability and operation of power grids. Considering approximately 50 percent share of the residential and the commercial sectors in the electricity demand market, the significance of these impacts, and the necessity of addressing them are more highlighted. Utilities and power system operators should manage the renewable electricity sources integration with power systems in such a way to extract the most possible advantages for the power systems. The most common effect of high penetration level of the renewables is the reverse power flow in the distribution feeders when the customers generate more power than their needs. The reverse power flow causes voltage rise and thermal issues in the power grids. To overcome the voltage rise issues in the distribution system, several techniques have been proposed including reducing transformers short circuit resistance and feeder impedance, installing autotransformers/voltage regulators along the line, absorbing the reactive power by distributed generators (DGs), and limiting the PV and battery sizes. In this study, we consider a medium-scale battery energy storage to manage the power energy and address the aforementioned issues on voltage deviation and power loss increase. We propose an optimization algorithm to find the optimum size and location for the battery. The optimization for the battery location and size is so that the battery maintains the feeder voltage deviation and power loss at a certain desired level. Moreover, the proposed optimization algorithm controls the charging/discharging profile of the battery to absorb the negative power flow from residential and commercial customers in the feeder during the peak time and sell the power back to the system during the off-peak time. The proposed battery regulates the voltage problem in the distribution system while it also can play frequency regulation role in islanded microgrids. This battery can be regulated and controlled by the utilities or a third-party ancillary service provider for the utilities to reduce the power system loss and regulate the distribution feeder voltage and frequency in standard level.

Keywords: ancillary services, battery, distribution system and optimization

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Authors: C. P. Autry, A.W. Roscoe

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Authentication protocols based on public key infrastructure (PKI) and trusted third party (TTP) are no longer adequate for industrial scale IoT networks thanks to issues such as low compute and power availability, the use of widely distributed and commercial off-the-shelf (COTS) systems, and the increasingly sophisticated attackers and attacks we now have to counter. For example, there is increasing concern about nation-state-based interference and future quantum computing capability. We have examined this space from first principles and have developed several approaches to group and point-to-point authentication for IoT that do not depend on the use of a centralised client-server model. We emphasise the use of quantum resistant primitives such as strong cryptographic hashing and the use multi-factor authentication.

Keywords: authentication, enterprise IoT cybersecurity, PKI/TTP, IoT space

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Authors: Fatima-Zohra Ghedir

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Social media platforms have been actively working on solutions and combined their efforts with media, policy makers, educators and researchers to protect citizens and prevent interferences in information, political discourses and elections. Facebook, for instance, deleted fake accounts, implemented fake accounts and fake content detection algorithms, partnered with news agencies to manually fact check content and changed its newsfeeds display. Twitter and Instagram regularly communicate on their efforts and notify their users of improvements and safety guidelines. More funds have been allocated to media literacy programs to empower citizens in prevision of the coming elections. This paper investigates the efficiency of these initiatives and analyzes the metrics to measure their success or failure. The objective is also to determine the segments of population more prone to fall in disinformation traps during the elections despite the measures taken over the last four years. This study will also examine the groups who were positively impacted by these measures. This paper relies on both desk and field methodologies. For this study, a survey was administered to French students aged between 17 and 29 years old. Semi-guided interviews were conducted on a similar audience. The analysis of the survey and of the interviews show that respondents were exposed to the initiatives described above and are aware of the existence of disinformation issues. However, they do not understand what disinformation really entails or means. For instance, for most of them, disinformation is synonymous of the opposite point of view without taking into account the truthfulness of the content. Besides, they still consume and believe the information shared by their friends and family, with little questioning about the ways their closed ones get informed.

Keywords: democratic elections, disinformation, foreign interference, social media, success metrics

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Authors: Jelena Radmanovic

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On 5 March 2020, the International Criminal Court has decided to authorize the investigation into the crimes allegedly committed on the territory of Afghanistan after 1 May 2003. The said determination has raised several controversies, including the recently imposed sanctions by the United States, furthering the United States' long-standing rejection of the authority of the International Criminal Court. The purpose of this research is to address the said investigation in light of its importance for the prevention of impunity in the cases where the perpetrators are nationals of Non-Party States to the Rome Statute. Difficulties that the International Criminal Court has been facing, concerning the establishment of its jurisdiction in those instances where an involved state is not a Party to the Rome Statute, have become the most significant stumbling block undermining the importance, integrity, and influence of the Court. The Situation in Afghanistan raises even further concern, bearing in mind that the Prosecutor’s Request for authorization of an investigation pursuant to article 15 from 20 November 2017 has initially been rejected with the ‘interests of justice’ as an applied rationale. The first method used for the present research is the description of the actual events regarding the aforementioned decisions and the following reactions in the international community, while with the second method – the method of conceptual analysis, the research will address the decisions pertaining to the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction and will attempt to address the mentioned Decision of 5 March 2020 as an example of good practice and a precedent that should be followed in all similar situations. The research will attempt parsing the reasons used by the International Criminal Court, giving rather greater attention to the latter decision that has authorized the investigation and the points raised by the officials of the United States. It is a find of this research that the International Criminal Court, together with other similar judicial instances (Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda), has presented the world with the possibility of non-impunity, attempting to prosecute those responsible for the gravest of crimes known to the humanity and has shown that such persons should not enjoy the benefits of their immunities, with its focus primarily on the victims of such crimes. Whilst it is an issue that will most certainly be addressed further in the future, with the situations that will be brought before the International Criminal Court, the present research will make an attempt at pointing to the significance of the situation in Afghanistan, the International Criminal Court as such and the international criminal justice as a whole, for the purpose of putting an end to impunity.

Keywords: Afghanistan, impunity, international criminal court, sanctions, United States

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Authors: Kudrat-E-Khuda Babu

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Rohingya refugees are the most marginalized and persecuted section of people in the world. The heinous brutality of Myanmar has forced the Muslim minority community to flee themselves to their neighboring country, Bangladesh for quite a few times now. The recent atrocity of the Buddhist country has added insult to injury on the existing crisis. In lieu of protection, the rights of the Rohingya community in Myanmar are being violated through exclusion from citizenship and steamroller of persecution. The mass influx of Rohingya refugees to Bangladesh basically took place in 1978, 1992, 2012, and 2017. At present, there are around one million Rohingyas staying at Teknaf, Ukhiya of Cox’s Bazar, the southern part of Bangladesh. The country, despite being a poverty-stricken one, has shown unprecedented generosity in sheltering the Rohingya people. For sheltering half of the total refugees in 2017, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina is now being regarded as the lighthouse of humanity or the mother of humanity. Though Bangladesh is not a ratifying state of the UN Refugee Convention, 1951 and its Additional Protocol, 1967, the country cannot escape its obligation under international human rights jurisprudence. Bangladesh is a party to eight human rights instruments out of nine core instruments, and thus, the country has an indirect obligation to protect and promote the rights of the refugees. Pressure from international bodies has also made Bangladesh bound to provide refuge to Rohingya people. Even though the demographic vulnerability and socio-economic condition of the country do not suggest taking over extra responsibility, the principle of non-refoulment as a part of customary international law reminds us to stay beside those persecuted or believed to have well-founded fear of persecution. In the case of HM Ershad v. Bangladesh and Others, 7 BLC (AD) 67, it was held that any international treaty or document after signing or ratification is not directly enforceable unless and until the parliament enacts a similar statute howsoever sweet the document is. As per Article 33(2) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, there are even exceptions for a state party in case of serious consequences like threat to national security, apprehension of serious crime and danger to safeguard state population. Bangladesh is now at a cross-road of human rights and national interest. The world community should come forward to resolve the crisis of the persecuted Rohingya people through repatriation, resettlement, and reintegration.

Keywords: Rohingya refugees, human rights, Bangladesh, Myanmar

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Authors: Indranil Bayal, Pradipta Panchadhyayee

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Path-spin hybrid entanglement generated and confined in a single spin-1/2 particle is converted to spin-spin hybrid interparticle entanglement, which finds its important applications in quantum information processing. This protocol uses beam splitter, spin flipper, spin measurement, classical channel, unitary transformations, etc., and requires no collective operation on the pair of particles whose spin variables share complete entanglement after the accomplishment of the protocol. The specialty of the protocol lies in the fact that the path-spin entanglement is transferred between spin degrees of freedom of two separate particles initially possessed by a single party.

Keywords: entanglement, path-spin entanglement, spin-spin entanglement, CNOT operation

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