Search results for: criminal justice rationalization

Authors: Juan Manuel Brito-Diaz

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The emergence of urban environmentalism in Spain is related to the processes of economic transformation and growing urbanization that occurred during the end of the Franco regime and the democratic transition. This paper analyzes the urban environmental mobilizations and their impacts as relevant democratizing agents in the processes of political change in cities. It’s an under-researched topic and studies on environmental movements in Spain have paid little attention to it. This research takes as its starting point the close link between democratization and environmentalism, since it considers that environmental conflicts are largely a consequence of democratic problems, and that the impacts of environmental movements are directly linked to the democratization. The study argues that the environmental movements that emerged in Spain at the end of the dictatorship and the democratic transition are an important part of the broad and complex associative fabric that promoted the democratization process. The research focuses on investigating the environmental protest in Las Palmas de Gran Canaria—the most important city in the Canary Islands—between 1970 and 1983, concurrently with the last local governments of the dictatorship and the first democratic city councils. As it is a case study, it opens up the possibility to ask multiple specific questions and assess each of the responses obtained. Although several research methodologies have been applied, such as the analysis of historical archives documentation or oral history interviews, mainly a very widespread methodology in the sociology of social movements, although very little used by social historians, has been used: the Protest Event Analysis (PEA). This methodology, which consists of generating a catalog of protest events by coding data around previously established variables, has allowed me to map, analyze and interpret the occurrence of protests over time and space, and associated factors, through content analysis. For data collection, news from local newspapers have provided a large enough sample to analyze the properties of social protest -frequency, size, demands, forms, organizers, etc.—and relate them to another type of information related to political structures and mobilization repertoires, encouraging the establishment of connections between the protest and the political impacts of urban movements. Finally, the study argues that the environmental movements of this period were essential to the construction of the new democratic city in Spain, not only because they established the issues of sustainability and urban environmental justice on the public agenda, but also because they proposed that conflicts derived from such matters should ultimately be resolved through public deliberation and citizen participation.

Keywords: democratization, environmental movements, political impacts, social movements

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Authors: Sepideh Mirzaee

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Gender-transformative (G-TE) education is a challenging concept in the field of education and it is a matter of hot debate in the contemporary world. Paulo Freire as the prominent advocate of transformative education considers it as an alternative to conventional banking model of education. Besides, a more inclusive concept has been introduced, namely, G-TE, as an unbiased education fostering an environment of gender justice. As its main tenet, G-TE eliminates obstacles to education and improves social shifts. A plethora of contemporary research indicates that G-TE could completely revolutionize education systems by displacing inequalities and changing gender stereotypes. Despite significant progress in female education and its effects on gender equality in Iran, challenges persist. There are some deficiencies regarding gender disparities in the society and, education, specifically. As an example, the number of women with university degrees is on the rise; thus, there will be an increasing demand for employment in the society by them. Instead, many job opportunities remain occupied by men and it is seen as intolerable for the society to assign such occupations to women. In fact, Iran is regarded as a patriarchal society where educational contexts can play a critical role to assign gender ideology to its learners. Thus, such gender ideologies in the education can become the prevailing ideologies in the entire society. Therefore, improving education in this regard, can lead to a significant change in a society subsequently influencing the status of women not only within their own country but also on a global scale. Notably, higher education plays a vital role in this empowerment and social change. Particularly higher education can have a crucial part in imparting gender neutral ideologies to its learners and bringing about substantial change. It has the potential to alleviate the detrimental effects of gender inequalities. Therefore, this study aims to conceptualize the pivotal role of G-TE and its potential power in developing gender equality within the higher educational system of Iran presented within a theoretical framework. The study emphasizes the necessity of stablishing a theoretical grounding for citizenship, and transformative education while distinguishing gender related issues including gender equality, equity and parity. This theoretical foundation will shed lights on the decisions made by policy-makers, syllabus designers, material developers, and specifically professors and students. By doing so, they will be able to promote and implement gender equality recognizing the determinants, obstacles, and consequences of sustaining gender-transformative approaches in their classes within the Iranian higher education system. The expected outcomes include the eradication of gender inequality, transformation of gender stereotypes and provision of equal opportunities for both males and females in education.

Keywords: citizenship education, gender inequality, higher education, patriarchal society, transformative education

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Authors: Chantal Maille

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This paper is about gender-based analysis plus (GBA+), an intersectional gender policy used in Canada to assess the impact of policies and programs for men and women from different origins. It looks at Canada’s political culture to explain the nature of its gender policies. GBA+ is defined as an analysis method that makes it possible to assess the eventual effects of policies, programs, services, and other initiatives on women and men of different backgrounds because it takes account of gender and other identity factors. The ‘plus’ in the name serves to emphasize that GBA+ goes beyond gender to include an examination of a wide range of other related identity factors, such as age, education, language, geography, culture, and income. The point of departure for GBA+ is that women and men are not homogeneous populations and gender is never the only factor in defining a person’s identity; rather, it interacts with factors such as ethnic origin, age, disabilities, where the person lives, and other aspects of individual and social identity. GBA+ takes account of these factors and thus challenges notions of similarity or homogeneity within populations of women and men. Comparative analysis based on sex and gender may serve as a gateway to studying a given question, but women, men, girls, and boys do not form homogeneous populations. In the 1990s, intersectionality emerged as a new feminist framework. The popularity of the notion of intersectionality corresponds to a time when, in hindsight, the damage done to minoritized groups by state disengagement policies in concert with global intensification of neoliberalism, and vice versa, can be measured. Although GBA+ constitutes a form of intersectionalization of GBA, it must be understood that the two frameworks do not spring from a similar logic. Intersectionality first emerged as a dynamic analysis of differences between women that was oriented toward change and social justice, whereas GBA is a technique developed by state feminists in a context of analyzing governmental policies and aiming to promote equality between men and women. It can nevertheless be assumed that there might be interest in such a policy and program analysis grid that is decentred from gender and offers enough flexibility to take account of a group of inequalities. In terms of methodology, the research is supported by a qualitative analysis of governmental documents about GBA+ in Canada. Research findings identify links between Canadian gender policies and its political culture. In Canada, diversity has been taken into account as an element at the basis of gendered analysis of public policies since 1995. The GBA+ adopted by the government of Canada conveys an opening to intersectionality and a sensitivity to multiculturalism. The Canadian Multiculturalism Act, adopted 1988, proposes to recognize the fact that multiculturalism is a fundamental characteristic of the Canadian identity and heritage and constitutes an invaluable resource for the future of the country. In conclusion, Canada’s distinct political culture can be associated with the specific nature of its gender policies.

Keywords: Canada, gender-based analysis, gender policies, political culture

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Authors: Merina Islam

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The feminists have identified the traditional western ethical theories as basically male centered. Feminists are committed to develop a critique showing how the traditional western ethics together with traditional philosophy, irrespective of the claim for gender neutrality, all throughout remained gender-biased. This exclusion of women’s experiences from the moral discourse is justified on the ground that women cannot be moral agents, since they are not rational. By way of entailment, we are thus led to the position that virtues of traditional ethics, so viewed, can nothing but rational and hence male. The ears of traditional Western ethicists have been attuned to male rather than female ethical voices. Right from the Plato, Aristotle, Augustine, Aquinas, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel and even philosophers like Freud, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and many others the dualism between reason-passion or mind and body started gaining prominence. These, according to them, have either intentionally excluded women or else have used certain male moral experience as the standard for all moral experiences, thereby resulting once again in exclusion of women’s experiences. Men are identified with rationality and hence contrasted with women whose sphere is believed to be that of emotion and feeling. This act of exclusion of women’s experience from moral discourse has given birth to a tradition that emphasizes reason over emotion, universal over the particular, and justice over caring. That patriarchy’s use of gender distinctions in the realm of Ethics has resulted in gender discriminations is an undeniable fact. Hence women’s moral agency is said to have often been denied, not simply by the act of exclusion of women from moral debate or sheer ignorance of their contributions, but through philosophical claims to the effect that women lack moral reason. Traditional or mainstream ethics cannot justify its claim for universality, objectivity and gender neutrality the standards from which were drawn the legitimacy of the various moral maxims or principles of it. Right from the Platonic and Aristotelian period the dualism between reason-passion or mind and body started gaining prominence. Men are identified with rationality and hence contrasted with women whose sphere is believed to be that of emotion and feeling. Through the Association of the masculine values with reason (the feminine with irrational), was created the standard prototype of moral virtues The feminists’ critique of the traditional mainstream Ethics is based on this charge that because of its inherent gender bias, in the name of gender distinctions, Ethics has so far been justifying discriminations. In this paper, attempt would make upon the gender biased-ness of traditional ethics. But Feminists are committed to develop a critique showing how the traditional ethics together with traditional philosophy, irrespective of the claim for gender neutrality, all throughout remained gender-biased. We would try to show to what extent traditional ethics is male centered and consequentially fails to justify its claims for universality and gender neutrality.

Keywords: ethics, gender, male-centered, traditional

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Authors: Yuanxia Zheng, Min Zhong, Cong Xin, Guoxiong Liu, Liqi Zhu

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Trust is a critical foundation of social interaction and development, playing a significant role in the physical and mental well-being of children, as well as their social participation. Previous research has demonstrated that young children do not blindly trust others but make selective trust judgments based on available information. The characteristics of speakers can influence children’s trust judgments. According to Mayer et al.’s model of trust, these characteristics of speakers, including ability, benevolence, and integrity, can influence children’s trust judgments. While previous research has focused primarily on the effects of ability and benevolence, there has been relatively little attention paid to integrity, which refers to individuals’ adherence to promises, fairness, and justice. This study focuses specifically on how keeping/breaking promises affects young children’s trust judgments. The paradigm of selective trust was employed in two experiments. A sample size of 100 children was required for an effect size of w = 0.30，α = 0.05，1-β = 0.85, using G*Power 3.1. This study employed a 2×2 within-subjects design to investigate the effects of moral valence of promises (within-subjects factor: moral vs. immoral promises), and fulfilment of promises (within-subjects factor: kept vs. broken promises) on children’s trust judgments (divided into declarative and promising contexts). In Experiment 1 adapted binary choice paradigms, presenting 118 preschoolers (62 girls, Mean age = 4.99 years, SD = 0.78) with four conflict scenarios involving the keeping or breaking moral/immoral promises, in order to investigate children’s trust judgments. Experiment 2 utilized single choice paradigms, in which 112 preschoolers (57 girls, Mean age = 4.94 years, SD = 0.80) were presented four stories to examine their level of trust. The results of Experiment 1 showed that preschoolers selectively trusted both promisors who kept moral promises and those who broke immoral promises, as well as their assertions and new promises. Additionally, the 5.5-6.5-year-old children are more likely to trust both promisors who keep moral promises and those who break immoral promises more than the 3.5- 4.5-year-old children. Moreover, preschoolers are more likely to make accurate trust judgments towards promisor who kept moral promise compared to those who broke immoral promises. The results of Experiment 2 showed significant differences of preschoolers’ trust degree: kept moral promise > broke immoral promise > broke moral promise ≈ kept immoral promise. This study is the first to investigate the development of trust judgement in moral promise among preschoolers aged 3.5-6.5. The results show that preschoolers can consider both valence and fulfilment of promises when making trust judgments. Furthermore, as preschoolers mature, they become more inclined to trust promisors who keep moral promises and those who break immoral promises. Additionally, the study reveals that preschoolers have the highest level of trust in promisors who kept moral promises, followed by those who broke immoral promises. Promisors who broke moral promises and those who kept immoral promises are trusted the least. These findings contribute valuable insights to our understanding of moral promises and trust judgment.

Keywords: promise, trust, moral judgement, preschoolers

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Authors: Giovana Privatte Maciera, Jair Izaías Kappann

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Introduction: The violence against woman is a complex phenomenon that accompanies the woman throughout her life and is a result of a social, cultural, political and religious construction, based on the differences among the genders. Those differences are felt, mainly, because of the patriarchal system that is still present which just naturalize and legitimate the asymmetry of power. As consequence of the women’s lasting historical and collective effort for a legislation against the impunity of violence against women in the national scenery, it was ordained, in 2006, a law known as Maria da Penha. The law was created as a protective measure for women that were victims of violence and consequently for the punishment of the aggressor. Methodology: Analysis of police inquiries is established by the Police Station of Defense of the Woman of Assis city, by formal authorization of the justice, in the period of 2013 to 2015. For the evaluating of the results will be used the content analysis and the theoretical referential of Psychoanalysis. Results and Discussion: The final analysis of the inquiries demonstrated that the violence against women is reproduced by the society and the aggressor, in most cases it is a member of their own family, mainly the current or former-spouse. The most common kinds of aggression were: the threat bodily harm, and the physical violence, that normally happens accompanied by psychological violence, being the most painful for the victims. The biggest part of the aggressors was white, older than the victim, worker and had primary school. But, unlike the expected, the minority of the aggressors were users of alcohol and/or drugs and possessed children in common with the victim. There is a contrast among the number of victims who already admitted have suffered some type of violence earlier by the same aggressor and the number of victims who has registered the occurrence before. The aggressors often use the discourse of denial in their testimony or try to justify their act like the blame was of the victim. It is believed in the interaction of several factors that can influence the aggressor to commit the abuse, including psychological, personal and sociocultural factors. One hypothesis is that the aggressor has a violence history in the family origin. After the aggressor being judged, condemned or not, usually there is no rehabilitation plan or supervision that enable his change. Conclusions: It has noticed the importance of studying the aggressor’s characteristics and the reasons that took him to commit such violence, making possible the implementation of an appropriate treatment to prevent and reduce the aggressions, as well the creation of programs and actions that enable communication and understanding concerning the theme. This is because the recurrence is still high, since the punitive system is not enough and the law is still ineffective and inefficient in certain aspects and in its own functioning. It is perceived a compulsion in repeat so much for the victims as for the aggressors, because they end involving, almost always, in disturbed and violent relationships, with the relation of subordination-dominance as characteristic.

Keywords: aggressors' profile, gender equality, Maria da Penha law, violence against women

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Authors: Ogunmefun Folorunsho Muyideen, Aluko Tolulope Evelyn

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One of the trending menaces faced in the world today is centered on the porosity of borders and proliferation of illegal weapons among the state members without the state authorizations. The proliferation of weapons along porous borders remains a germane and unsolvable question among developed and developing nations due to crisis degenerated from the menace (loss of lives, properties, traumatization, civil unrest and retrogressive economic development). A mixed method was adopted while the survey method was used for communities’ selection (Oke-Odan, Ajilete, Illaise, Lanlate) at Ipokia Local Government as a sample frame. Multi-stage sampling was employed to break down the site into wards, streets, and different house numbers before randomizing administration of the questionnaires using face to face method, while purposive sampling was used for collecting verbal information through an in-depth interviews method. The population size for the site is 150.398, while 399 was the sample size derived from the use of Yamane sample size formula. After retrieval of structured questionnaires, 346 were found useful, while 10 percent (399) of the quantitative instruments was summed to 30 participants that were interviewed using the in-depth interviews technique. The result of the first hypothesis shows a composite relationship between the variables tested (independents and dependent). The result indicated that the porosity of the border, illegal possession of guns, and limited security staff jointly predispose insecurity among the residents of the selected study site. The result of the second hypothesis deciphers that the illegal gun possession (independent) variable predict business outcome among the residents of the study site because sporadic gun shoot will regress the business activities in the study area. The result of third result indicated that the independent (porosity of borders) variable predict social bonding network because a high level of insecurity will destroy the level of trust in the communication among the residents of the study area. The last questions give comprehensive meaning to one of the recommendations derived using content systematic analysis, which explains that out of 30 participants interviewed, 18 submitted individual involvement in monitoring communities will solve the problem, 7 out of 30 opines that governmental agents are to be trained for effective combat, 3 participants out 30 submits that the fight is for both government and the citizens while 2 participants out of 30 claimed that there must be an agreement between Nigerian and neighbouring countries on border security. International donors must totally control the sales of weapons to unauthorized personalities. Criminal cases must be treated with deterrence measures and target hardened procedures through decoying and blending, stakeout, and sting tactics.

Keywords: human security, illegal weapons, porous borders, development

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Bagam Venkateswarlu

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NMDC Limited, Indian multinational mining company operates under administrative control of Ministry of Steel, Government of India. This study is undertaken to evaluate how sustainable mining practiced by the company fulfils the provisions of Indian Constitution to secure to its citizen – justice, equality of status and opportunity, promoting social, economic, political, and religious wellbeing. The Constitution of India lays down a road map as to how the goal of being a “Welfare State” shall be achieved. The vision of sustainable mining being practiced is oriented along the constitutional responsibilities on Indian Citizens and the Corporate World. This qualitative study shall be backed by quantitative studies of National Mineral Development Corporation performances in various domains of sustainable mining and ESG, that is, environment, social and governance parameters. For example, Five Star Rating of mine is a comprehensive evaluation system introduced by Ministry of Mines, Govt. of India is one of the methodologies. Corporate Social Responsibilities is one of the thrust areas for securing social well-being. Green energy initiatives in and around the mines has given the title of “Eco-Friendly Miner” to NMDC Limited. While operating fully mechanized large scale iron ore mine (18.8 million tonne per annum capacity) in Bacheli, Chhattisgarh, M/s NMDC Limited caters to the needs of mineral security of State of Chhattisgarh and Indian Union. It preserves forest, wild-life, and environment heritage of richly endowed State of Chhattisgarh. In the remote and far-flung interiors of Chhattisgarh, NMDC empowers the local population by providing world class educational & medical facilities, transportation network, drinking water facilities, irrigational agricultural supports, employment opportunities, establishing religious harmony. All this ultimately results in empowered, educated, and improved awareness in population. Thus, the basic tenets of constitution of India- secularism, democracy, welfare for all, socialism, humanism, decentralization, liberalism, mixed economy, and non-violence is fulfilled. Constitution declares India as a welfare state – for the people, of the people and by the people. The sustainable mining practices by NMDC are in line with the objective. Thus, the purpose of study is fully met with. The potential benefit of the study includes replicating this model in existing or new establishments in various parts of country – especially in the under-privileged interiors and far-flung areas which are yet to see the lights of development.

Keywords: ESG values, Indian constitution, NMDC limited, sustainable mining, CSR, green energy

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Authors: Venkateswarlu Kappara

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The term ‘Dharma’ is complex and ubiquitous. It has no equivalent word in English Initially applied to Aryans. In Rig Veda, it appears in a number of places with different meanings. The word Dharma comes from the roots word ‘dhr’ (Dhri-Dharayatetiiti Dharmaha). Principles of Dharma are all pervading. The closest synonyms for Dharma in English is ‘Righteousness.’ In a holy book Mahabharata, it is mentioned that Dharma destroys those who destroy it, Dharma Protects those who protect it. Also, Dharma might be shadowed, now and then by evil forces, but at the end, Dharma always triumphs. This line embodies the eternal victory of good over evil. In Mahabharata, Lord Krishna says Dharma upholds both, this worldly and other worldly affairs. Rig Veda says, ‘O Indra! Lead us on the path of Rta, on the right path over all evils.’ For Buddhists, Dharma most often means the body of teachings expounded by the Buddha. The Dharma is one of the three Jewels (Tri Ratnas) of Buddhism under which the followers take refuge. They are: the ‘Buddha’ meaning the minds perfection or enlightenment, the Dharma, meaning the teachings and the methods of the Buddha, and the Sangha meaning those awakened people who provide guidance and support followers. Buddha denies a separate permanent ‘I.’ Buddha Accepts Suffering (Dukka). Change / impermanence (Anicca) and not– self (Annatta) Dharma in the Buddhist scriptures has a variety of meanings including ‘phenomenon’ and ‘nature’ or ‘characteristic.’ For Sikhs, the word ‘Dharma’ means the ‘path’ of righteousness’ The Sikh scriptures attempt to answer the exposition of Dharma. The main Holy Scripture of the Sikh religion is called the Guru Granth Sahib. The faithful people are fully bound to do whatever the Dharma wants them to do. Such is the name of the Immaculate Lord. Only one who has faith comes to know such a state of mind. The righteous judge of Dharma, by the Hukam of God’s Command, sits and Administers true justice. From Dharma flow wealth and pleasure. The study indicates that in Sikh religion, the Dharma is the path of righteousness; In Buddhism, the mind’s perfection of enlightenment, and in Hinduism, it is non-violence, purity, truth, control of senses, not coveting the property of others. The comparative study implies that all religions dealt with Dharma for welfare of the mankind. The methodology adapted is theoretical, analytical and comparative. The present study indicates how far Indian philosophical systems influenced the present circumstances and how far the present system is not compatible with Ancient philosophical systems. A tentative generalization would be that the present system which is mostly influenced by the British Governance may not totally reflect the ancient norms. However, the mental make-up continues to be influenced by Ancient philosophical systems.

Keywords: Dharma, Dukka (suffering), Rakshati, righteous

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018 and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. The paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center (AKM) as a place of memory and space of politics from the establishment of the Turkish Republic (1923) until today. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic, one of the most important implementations in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of the Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to the 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the Republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists, and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed, it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while the Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period AKM was a representation of the cultural production of modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from the Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice, and Development Party, and the construction of the Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of the proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The paper narrates the existence and demolishment of the Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, Atatürk Cultural Center, Taksim square, collective memory

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Authors: Demelash Kassaye

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The Ethiopia case study reveals a unique model of community policing that has developed from a particular political context in which there is a history of violent political transition, a political structure characterized by ethnic federalism and a political ideology that straddles liberal capitalism and democracy on the one hand, and state-led development and centralized control on the other. The police see community policing as a way to reduce crime. Communities speak about community policing as an opportunity to take on policing responsibilities themselves. Both of these objectives are brought together in an overarching rhetoric of community policing as a way of ‘mobilizing for development’ – whereby the community cooperate with the police to reduce crime, which otherwise inhibits development progress. Community policing in Amhara has primarily involved the placement of Community Police Officers at the kebele level across the State. In addition, a number of structures have also been established in the community, including Advisory Councils, Conflict Resolving Committees, family police and the use of shoe shiner’s and other trade associations as police informants. In addition to these newly created structures, community policing also draws upon pre-existing customary actors, such as militia and elders. Conflict Resolving Committees, Community Police Officers and elders were reported as the most common first ports of call when community members experience a crime. The analysis highlights that the model of community policing in Amhara increased communities’ access to policing services, although this is not always attended by increased access to justice. Community members also indicate that public perceptions of the police have improved since the introduction of community policing, in part due to individual Community Police Officers who have, with limited resources, innovated some impressive strategies to improve safety in their neighborhoods. However, more broadly, community policing has provided the state with more effective surveillance of the population – a potentially oppressive function in the current political context. Ultimately, community policing in Amhara is anything but straightforward. It has been a process of attempting to demonstrate the benefits of newfound (and controversial) ‘democracy’ following years of dictatorship, drawing on generations of customary dispute resolution, providing both improved access to security for communities and an enhanced surveillance capacity for the state. For external actors looking to engage in community policing, this case study reveals the importance of close analysis in assessing potential merits, risks and entry points of programming. Factors found to be central in shaping the nature of community policing in the Amhara case include the structure of the political system, state-society relations, cultures dispute resolution and political ideology.

Keywords: community policing, community, militias, ethiopia

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Authors: Laura Lee Prather

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A functioning democracy is defined by various characteristics, including freedom of speech, equality, human rights, rule of law and many more. Lawsuits brought to intimidate speakers, drain the resources of community members, and silence journalists and others who speak out in support of matters of public concern are an abuse of the legal system and an encroachment of human rights. The impact can have a broad chilling effect, deterring others from speaking out against abuse. This article aims to suggest ways to address this form of judicial harassment. In 1988, University of Denver professors George Pring and Penelope Canan coined the term “SLAPP” when they brought to light a troubling trend of people getting sued for speaking out about matters of public concern. Their research demonstrated that thousands of people engaging in public debate and citizen involvement in government have been and will be the targets of multi-million-dollar lawsuits for the purpose of silencing them and dissuading others from speaking out in the future. SLAPP actions chill information and harm the public at large. Professors Pring and Canan catalogued a tsunami of SLAPP suits filed by public officials, real estate developers and businessmen against environmentalists, consumers, women’s rights advocates and more. SLAPPs are now seen in every region of the world as a means to intimidate people into silence and are viewed as a global affront to human rights. Anti-SLAPP laws are the antidote to SLAPP suits and while commonplace in the United States are only recently being considered in the EU and the UK. This researcher studied more than thirty years of Anti-SLAPP legislative policy in the U.S., the call for evidence and resultant EU Commission’s Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member States Recommendations, the call for evidence by the UK Ministry of Justice, response and Model Anti-SLAPP law presented to UK Parliament, as well as, conducted dozens of interviews with NGO’s throughout the EU, UK, and US to identify varying approaches to SLAPP lawsuits, public policy, and support for SLAPP victims. This paper identifies best practices taken from the US, EU and UK that can be implemented globally to help combat SLAPPs by: (1) raising awareness about SLAPPs, how to identify them, and recognizing habitual abusers of the court system; (2) engaging governments in the policy discussion in combatting SLAPPs and supporting SLAPP victims; (3) educating judges in recognizing SLAPPs an general training on encroachment of human rights; (4) and holding lawyers accountable for ravaging the rule of law.

Keywords: Anti-SLAPP Laws and Policy, Comparative media law and policy, EU Anti-SLAPP Directive and Member Recommendations, International Human Rights of Freedom of Expression

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Authors: Louise Bernier

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Under some jurisdictions (including Canada), eligible patients can request and receive medical assistance in dying (MAiD) through lethal injections, inducing their cardiocirculatory death. Those same patients can also wish to donate their organs in the process. If they qualify as organ donors, a clinical and ethical rule called the 'dead donor rule' (DDR) requires the transplant teams to wait after cardiocirculatory death is confirmed, followed by a 'no touch' period (5 minutes in Canada) before they can proceed with organ removal. The medical procedures (lethal injections) as well as the delays associated with the DDR can damage organs (mostly thoracic organs) due to prolonged anoxia. Yet, strong scientific evidences demonstrate that operating differently and reconsidering the DDR would result in more organs of better quality available for transplant. This idea generates discomfort and resistance, but it is also worth considering, especially in a context of chronic shortage of available organs. One option that could be examined for MAiD’ patients who wish and can be organ donors would be to remove vital organs while patients are still alive (and under sedation). This would imply accepting that patient’s death would occur through organ donation instead of lethal injections required under MAiD’ legal rules. It would also mean that patients requesting MAiD and wishing to be organ donors could aspire to donate better quality organs, including their heart, an altruistic gesture that carries important symbolic value for many donors and their families. Following a patient centered approach, our hypothesis is that preventing vital organ donation from a living donor in all circumstance is neither perfectly coherent with how legal mentalities have evolved lately in the field of fundamental rights nor compatible with the clinical and ethical frameworks that shape the landscape in which those complex medical decisions unfold. Through a study of the legal, ethical, and clinical rules in place, both at the national and international levels, this analysis raises questions on the numerous inconsistencies associated with respecting the DDR with patients who have chosen to die through MAiD. We will begin with an assessment of the erosion of certain national legal frameworks that pertain to the sacred nature of the right to life which now also includes the right to choose how one wishes to die. We will then study recent innovative clinical protocols tested in different countries to help address acute organ shortage problems in creative ways. We will conclude this analysis with an ethical assessment of the situation, referring to principles such as justice, autonomy, altruism, beneficence, and non-malfeasance. This study will build a strong argument in favor of starting to allow vital organ donations from living donors in countries where MAiD is already permitted.

Keywords: altruism, autonomy, dead donor rule, medical assistance in dying, non-malfeasance, organ donation

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Authors: Catherine McWhorter

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Robotics is a fast-evolving field lacking comprehensive and harm-mitigating regulation; it also lacks critical data on how human-robot interaction (HRI) may affect human psychology. As most anthropomorphic robots are intended as substitutes for humans, this paper asserts that the commercial robotics industry should be preemptively regulated at the federal level such that robots capable of embodying a victim role in criminal scenarios (“vicbots”) are prohibited until clinical studies determine their effects on the user and society. The results of these studies should then inform more permanent legislation that strives to mitigate risks of harm without infringing upon fundamental rights or stifling innovation. This paper explores these concepts through the lens of the sex robot industry. The sexbot industry offers some of the most realistic, interactive, and customizable robots for sale today. From approximately 2010 until 2017, some sex robot producers, such as True Companion, actively promoted ‘vicbot’ culture with personalities like “Frigid Farrah” and “Young Yoko” but received significant public backlash for fetishizing rape and pedophilia. Today, “Frigid Farrah” and “Young Yoko” appear to have vanished. Sexbot producers have replaced preprogrammed vicbot personalities in favor of one generic, customizable personality. According to the manufacturer ainidoll.com, when asked, there is only one thing the user won’t be able to program the sexbot to do – “…give you drama”. The ability to customize vicbot personas is possible with today’s generic personality sexbots and may undermine the intent of some current legislative efforts. Current debate on the effects of vicbots indicates a lack of consensus. Some scholars suggest vicbots may reduce the rate of actual sex crimes, and some suggest that vicbots will, in fact, create sex criminals, while others cite their potential for rehabilitation. Vicbots may have value in some instances when prescribed by medical professionals, but the overall uncertainty and lack of data further underscore the need for preemptive regulation and clinical research. Existing literature on exposure to media violence and its effects on prosocial behavior, human aggression, and addiction may serve as launch points for specific studies into the hyperrealism of vicbots. Of course, the customization, anthropomorphism and artificial intelligence of sexbots, and therefore more mainstream robots, will continue to evolve. The existing sexbot industry offers an opportunity to preemptively regulate and to research answers to these and many more questions before this type of technology becomes even more advanced and mainstream. Robots pose complicated moral, ethical, and legal challenges, most of which are beyond the scope of this paper. By examining the possibility for custom vicbots via the sexbots industry, reviewing existing literature on regulation, media violence, and vicbot user effects, this paper strives to underscore the need for preemptive federal regulation prohibiting vicbot capabilities in robots while advocating for further research into the potential for the user and societal harm by the same.

Keywords: human-robot interaction effects, regulation, research, robots

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018, and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. Focusing on the timeline starting from early republican period till today, the paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center as a place of memory and a space of politics in its existence. After the establishment of Turkish Republic, one of most important implementation in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period, AKM was a representation of a cultural production of a modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice and Development Party and the construction of Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The article aims to discuss the existence and demolishment of Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and a space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, atatürk cultural center, taksim square

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Authors: Jakub Stelina, Janina Ciechanowicz-McLean

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Fifty years of existence and development of international environmental law brought a deep disappointment with efficiency and effectiveness of traditional command and control mechanisms of environmental regulation. Agenda 21 agreed during the first Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro 1992 was one of the first international documents, which explicitly underlined the importance of public participation in environmental protection. This participation includes also the initiatives undertaken by business corporations in the form of private environmental standards setting. Twenty years later during the Rio 20+ Earth Summit the private sector obligations undertaken during the negotiations have proven to be at least as important as the ones undertaken by the governments. The private sector has taken the leading role in environmental standard setting. Among the research methods used in the article two are crucial in the analysis. The comparative analysis of law is the instrument used in the article to analyse the practice of states and private business companies in the field of sustainable development. The article uses economic analysis of law to estimate the costs and benefits of Corporate Social Responsibility Projects in the field of environmental protection. The study is based on the four premises. First is the role of social dialogue, which is crucial for both Corporate Social Responsibility and modern environmental protection regulation. The Aarhus Convention creates a procedural environmental human right to participate in administrative procedures of law setting and environmental decisions making. The public participation in environmental impact assessment is nowadays a universal standard. Second argument is about the role of precaution as a principle of modern environmental regulation. This principle can be observed both in governmental regulatory undertakings and also private initiatives within the Corporate Social Responsibility environmental projects. Even in the jurisdictions which are relatively reluctant to use the principle of preventive action in environmental regulation, the companies often use this standard in their own private business standard setting initiatives. This is often due to the fact that soft law standards are used as the basis for private Corporate Social Responsibility regulatory initiatives. Third premise is about the role of ecological education in environmental protection. Many soft law instruments underline the importance of environmental education. Governments use environmental education only to the limited extent due to the costs of such projects and problems with effects assessment. Corporate Social Responsibility uses various means of ecological education as the basis of their actions in the field of environmental protection. Last but not least Sustainable development is a goal of both legal protection of the environment, and economic instruments of companies development. Modern environmental protection law uses to the increasing extent the Corporate Social Responsibility. This may be the consequence of the limits of hard law regulation. Corporate Social Responsibility is nowadays not only adapting to soft law regulation of environmental protection but also creates such standards by itself, showing new direction for development of international environmental law. Corporate Social Responsibility in environmental protection can be good investment in future development of the company.

Keywords: corporate social responsibility, environmental CSR, environmental justice, stakeholders dialogue

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Authors: Ana Cristina García-Luna Romero

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This document seeks to reflect on the urban project from its conceptual identity root. In the first instance, a proposal is made on how the city project is sustained from the conceptual root, from the logos: it opens a way to assimilate the imagination; what we imagine becomes a reality. In this way, firstly, the need to use language as a vehicle for transmitting the stories that sustain us as humanity can be deemed as an important social factor that enables us to social behavior. Secondly, the need to attend to the written language as a mechanism of power, as a means to consolidate a dominant ideology or a political position, is raised; as it served to carry out the modernization project, it is therefore addressed differences between the real and the literate city. Thus, the consolidated urban-architectural project is based on logos, the project, and planning. Considering the importance of materiality and its relation to subjective well-being contextualized from a socio-urban approach, we question ourselves into how we can look at something that is doubtful. From a philosophy perspective, the truth is considered to be nothing more than a matter of correspondence between the observer and the observed. To understand beyond the relative of the gaze, it is necessary to expose different perspectives since it depends on the understanding of what is observed and how it is critically analyzed. Therefore, the analysis of materiality, as a political field, takes a proposal based on this research in the principles in transgenesis: principle of communication, representativeness, security, health, malleability, availability of potentiality or development, conservation, sustainability, economy, harmony, stability, accessibility, justice, legibility, significance, consistency, joint responsibility, connectivity, beauty, among others. The (urban) human being acts because he wants to live in a certain way: in a community, in a fair way, with opportunity for development, with the possibility of managing the environment according to their needs, etc. In order to comply with this principle, it is necessary to design strategies from the principles in transgenesis, which must be named, defined, understood, and socialized by the urban being, the companies, and from themselves. In this way, the technical status of the city in the neoliberal present determines extraordinary conditions for reflecting on an almost emergency scenario created by the impact of cities that, far from being limited to resilient proposals, must aim at the reflection of the urban process that the present social model has generated. Therefore, can we rethink the paradigm of the perception of life quality in the current neoliberal model in the production of the character of public space related to the practices of being urban. What we are trying to do within this document is to build a framework to study under what logic the practices of the social system that make sense of the public space are developed, what the implications of the phenomena of the inscription of action and materialization (and its results over political action between the social and the technical system) are and finally, how we can improve the quality of life of individuals from the urban space.

Keywords: cities, nature, society, urban quality of life

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Authors: Rituparna Pal, Faiz Ahmed

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Neighbourhood energy efficiency is a newly emerged term to address the quality of urban strata of built environment in terms of various covariates of sustainability. The concept of sustainability paradigm in developed nations has encouraged the policymakers for developing urban scale cities to envision plans under the aegis of urban scale sustainability. The concept of neighbourhood energy efficiency is realized a lot lately just when the cities, towns and other areas comprising this massive global urban strata have started facing a strong blow from climate change, energy crisis, cost hike and an alarming shortfall in the justice which the urban areas required. So this step of urban sustainability can be easily referred more as a ‘Retrofit Action’ which is to cover up the already affected urban structure. So even if we start energy efficiency for existing cities and urban areas the initial layer remains, for which a complete model of urban sustainability still lacks definition. Urban sustainability is a broadly spoken off word with end number of parameters and policies through which the loop can be met. Out of which neighbourhood energy efficiency can be an integral part where the concept and index of neighbourhood scale indicators, block level indicators and building physics parameters can be understood, analyzed and concluded to help emerge guidelines for urban scale sustainability. The future of neighbourhood energy efficiency not only lies in energy efficiency but also important parameters like quality of life, access to green, access to daylight, outdoor comfort, natural ventilation etc. So apart from designing less energy-hungry buildings, it is required to create a built environment which will create less stress on buildings to consume more energy. A lot of literary analysis has been done in the Western countries prominently in Spain, Paris and also Hong Kong, leaving a distinct gap in the Indian scenario in exploring the sustainability at the urban strata. The site for the study has been selected in the upcoming capital city of Amaravati which can be replicated with similar neighbourhood typologies in the area. The paper suggests a methodical intent to quantify energy and sustainability indices in detail taking by involving several macro, meso and micro level covariates and parameters. Several iterations have been made both at macro and micro level and have been subjected to simulation, computation and mathematical models and finally to comparative analysis. Parameters at all levels are analyzed to suggest the best case scenarios which in turn is extrapolated to the macro level finally coming out with a proposal model for energy efficient neighbourhood and worked out guidelines with significance and correlations derived.

Keywords: energy quantification, macro scale parameters, meso scale parameters, micro scale parameters

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Authors: Oliver Fuo

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One of the central features of post-apartheid constitutional reform was the establishment of local government as a distinct sphere of government in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Local government, constituted by about 279 wall-to-wall municipalities, have legislative and executive powers vested in democratically elected municipal councils to govern areas within their jurisdiction subject only to limits imposed by the Constitution. In addition, unlike the past where municipalities merely played a service delivery role, they are now mandated to realise an expanded developmental mandate – pursue social justice and sustainable development; contribute, together with national and provincial government, to the realisation of socio-economic rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights; and facilitate public participation in local governance. In order to finance their developmental programmes, municipalities receive equitable allocations from national government and have legal powers to generate additional finances by charging rates on property and imposing surcharges on services provided. In addition to its general obligation to foster public participation in local governance, the law requires municipalities to facilitate public participation in their budgeting processes. This requirement is generally consistent with recent trends in local government democratic reforms which call for inclusive budget planning and implementation whereby citizens, civil society and NGOs participate in the allocation of resources. This trend is best captured in the concept of participatory budgeting. This paper specifically analyses the legal and policy framework for participatory budgeting at the local government level in South Africa. Using Borbet South Africa (Pty) Ltd and Others v Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality 2014 (5) SA 256 (ECP) as an example, this paper argues that the legal framework for participatory budgeting creates an illusory right for citizens to participate in municipal budgeting processes. This challenge is further compounded by the barrenness of the jurisprudence of courts that interpret the obligation of municipalities in this regard. It is submitted that the wording of s 27(4) of the Municipal Finance Management Act (MFMA) 53 of 2003 - which expressly stipulates that non-compliance by a municipality with a provision relating to the budget process or a provision in any legislation relating to the approval of a budget-related policy, does not affect the validity of an annual or adjustments budget – is problematic as it seems to trivialise the obligation to facilitate public participation in budgeting processes. It is submitted that where this provision is abused by municipal officials, this could lead to the sidelining of the real interests of communities in local budgets. This research is based on a critical and integrated review of primary and secondary sources of law.

Keywords: courts and jurisprudence, local government law, participatory budgeting, South Africa

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Authors: Sun-Hee Lee, Amanda Kraley

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The “MeToo” movement is a social movement against sexual abuse and harassment. Though the hashtag went viral in 2017 following different cultural flashpoints in different countries, the initial response was quiet in South Korea. This radically changed in January 2018, when a high-ranking senior prosecutor, Seo Ji-hyun, gave a televised interview discussing being sexually assaulted by a colleague. Acknowledging public anger, particularly among women, on the long-existing problems of sexual harassment and abuse, the South Korean media have focused on several high-profile cases. Analyzing the media representation of these cases is a window into the evolving South Korean discourse around “MeToo.” This study presents a linguistic analysis of “MeToo” discourse in South Korea by utilizing a corpus-based approach. The term corpus (pl. corpora) is used to refer to electronic language data, that is, any collection of recorded instances of spoken or written language. A “MeToo” corpus has been collected by extracting newspaper articles containing the keyword “MeToo” from BIGKinds, big data analysis, and service and Nexis Uni, an online academic database search engine, to conduct this language analysis. The corpus analysis explores how Korean media represent accusers and the accused, victims and perpetrators. The extracted data includes 5,885 articles from four broadsheet newspapers (Chosun, JoongAng, Hangyore, and Kyunghyang) and 88 articles from two Korea-based English newspapers (Korea Times and Korea Herald) between January 2017 and November 2020. The information includes basic data analysis with respect to keyword frequency and network analysis and adds refined examinations of select corpus samples through naming strategies, semantic relations, and pragmatic properties. Along with the exponential increase of the number of articles containing the keyword “MeToo” from 104 articles in 2017 to 3,546 articles in 2018, the network and keyword analysis highlights ‘US,’ ‘Harvey Weinstein’, and ‘Hollywood,’ as keywords for 2017, with articles in 2018 highlighting ‘Seo Ji-Hyun, ‘politics,’ ‘President Moon,’ ‘An Ui-Jeong, ‘Lee Yoon-taek’ (the names of perpetrators), and ‘(Korean) society.’ This outcome demonstrates the shift of media focus from international affairs to domestic cases. Another crucial finding is that word ‘defamation’ is widely distributed in the “MeToo” corpus. This relates to the South Korean legal system, in which a person who defames another by publicly alleging information detrimental to their reputation—factual or fabricated—is punishable by law (Article 307 of the Criminal Act of Korea). If the defamation occurs on the internet, it is subject to aggravated punishment under the Act on Promotion of Information and Communications Network Utilization and Information Protection. These laws, in particular, have been used against accusers who have publicly come forward in the wake of “MeToo” in South Korea, adding an extra dimension of risk. This corpus analysis of “MeToo” newspaper articles contributes to the analysis of the media representation of the “MeToo” movement and sheds light on the shifting landscape of gender relations in the public sphere in South Korea.

Keywords: corpus linguistics, MeToo, newspapers, South Korea

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Authors: Dr. Luigi Iannacci

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This research critically explores the current educational landscape with respect to special education and dominant deficit/medical model discourses that continue to forward unresponsive problematic approaches to teaching students with disabilities. Asset-oriented perspectives and social/critical models of disability are defined and explicated in order to offer alternatives to these dominant discourses. To that end, a framework that draws on Brian Camborne’s conditions of learning and applications of his work in relation to instruction conceptualize learning conditions and their significance to students with special needs. Methodologically, the research is designed as Critical Narrative Inquiry (CNI). Critical incidents, interviews, documents, artefacts etc. are drawn on and narratively constructed to explore how disability is presently configured in language, discourses, pedagogies and interactions with students deemed disabled. This data was collected using ethnographic methods and as such, through participant-observer field work that occurred directly in classrooms. This narrative approach aims to make sense of complex classroom interactions and ways of reconceptualizing approaches to students with special needs. CNI is situated in the critical paradigm and primarily concerned with culture, language and participation as issues of power in need of critique with the intent of change in the direction of social justice. Research findings highlight the ways in which Cambourne’s learning conditions, such as demonstration, approximation, engagement, responsibility, immersion, expectation, employment (transfer, use), provide a clear understanding of what is central to and constitutes a responsive and inclusive this instructional frame. Examples of what each of these conditions look like in practice are therefore offered in order to concretely demonstrate the ways in which various pedagogical choices and questions can enable classroom spaces to be responsive to the assets and challenges students with special needs have and experience. These particular approaches are also illustrated through an exploration of multiliteracies theory and pedagogy and what this research and approach allows educators to draw on, facilitate and foster in terms of the ways in which students with special needs can make sense of and demonstrate their understanding of skills, content and knowledge. The contextual information, theory, research and instructional frame focused on throughout this inquiry ultimately demonstrate what inclusive classroom spaces and practice can look like. These perspectives and conceptualizations are in stark contrast to dominant deficit driven approaches that ensure current pedagogically impoverished teaching focused on narrow, limited and limiting understandings of special needs learners and their ways of knowing and acquiring/demonstrating knowledge.

Keywords: asset-oriented approach, social/critical model of disability, conditions for learning and teaching, students with special needs

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Authors: Tiera Tanksley, Amanda M. McLeroy

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The advent of technology and social media has ushered in a new era of communication, providing platforms for news dissemination and cause advocacy. However, this digital landscape has also exposed a distressing phenomenon termed "Black death," or trauma porn. This paper delves into the profound effects of repeated exposure to traumatic content on Black youth via social media, exploring the psychological impacts and potential reinforcing of stereotypes. Employing Critical Race Technology Theory (CRTT), the study sheds light on algorithmic anti-blackness and its influence on Black youth's lives and educational experiences. Through ethnographic content analysis, the research investigates common manifestations of Black death encountered online by Black adolescents. Findings unveil distressing viral videos, traumatic images, racial slurs, and hate speech, perpetuating stereotypes. However, amidst the distress, the study identifies narratives of activism and social justice on social media platforms, empowering Black youth to engage in positive change. Coping mechanisms and community support emerge as significant factors in navigating the digital landscape. The study underscores the need for comprehensive interventions and policies informed by evidence-based research. By addressing algorithmic anti-blackness and promoting digital resilience, the paper advocates for a more empathetic and inclusive online environment. Understanding coping mechanisms and community support becomes imperative for fostering mental well-being among Black adolescents navigating social media. In education, the implications are substantial. Acknowledging the impact of Black death content, educators play a pivotal role in promoting media literacy and digital resilience. Creating inclusive and safe online spaces, educators can mitigate negative effects and encourage open discussions about traumatic content. The application of CRTT in educational technology emphasizes dismantling systemic biases and promoting equity. In conclusion, this study calls for educators to be cognizant of the impact of Black death content on social media. By prioritizing media literacy, fostering digital resilience, and advocating for unbiased technologies, educators contribute to an inclusive and just educational environment for all students, irrespective of their race or background. Addressing challenges related to Black death content proactively ensures the well-being and mental health of Black adolescents, fostering an empathetic and inclusive digital space.

Keywords: algorithmic anti-Blackness, digital resilience, media literacy, traumatic content

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Authors: Anurag Devkota

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Foreign employment serves to be the strongest pillar in engendering employment options for a large number of the young Nepali population. Nepali workers are forced to leave the comfort of their homes and are exposed to precarious conditions while on a journey to earn enough money to live better their lives. The exponential rise in foreign labour migration has produced a snowball effect on the economy of the nation. The dramatic variation in the economic development of the state has proved to establish the fact that migration is increasingly significant for livelihood, economic development, political stability, academic discourse and policy planning in Nepal. The foreign employment practice in Nepal largely incorporates the role of individual agents in the entire process of migration. With the fraudulent acts and false promises of these agents, the problems associated with every Nepali migrant worker starts at home. The workers encounter tremendous pre-departure malpractice and exploitation at home by different individual agents during different stages of processing. Although these epidemic and repetitive ill activities of intermediaries are dominant and deeply rooted, the agents have been allowed to walk free in the absence of proper laws to curb their wrongdoings and misconduct. It has been found that the existing regulatory mechanisms have not been utilised to their full efficacy and often fall short in addressing the actual concerns of the workers because of the complex legal and judicial procedures. Structural changes in the judicial setting will help bring perpetrators under the law and victims towards access to justice. Thus, a qualitative improvement of the overall situation of Nepali migrant workers calls for a proper 'regulatory' arrangement vis-à-vis these brokers. Hence, the author aims to carry out a doctrinal study using reports and scholarly articles as a major source of data collection. Various reports published by different non-governmental and governmental organizations working in the field of labour migration will be examined and the research will focus on the inductive and deductive data analysis. Hence, the real challenge of establishing a pro-migrant worker regime in recent times is to bring the agents under the jurisdiction of the court in Nepal. The Gulf Visit Study Report, 2017 prepared and launched by the International Relation and Labour Committee of Legislature-Parliament of Nepal finds that solving the problems at home solves 80 percent of the problems concerning migrant workers in Nepal. Against this backdrop, this research study is intended to determine the ways and measures to curb the role of agents in the foreign employment and labour migration process of Nepal. It will further dig deeper into the regulatory mechanisms of Nepal and map out essential determinant behind the impunity of agents.

Keywords: foreign employment, labour migration, human rights, migrant workers

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Authors: Ayoola Adekunle Dada, Tolulope Omolola Fateropa

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There is no gain saying the fact that the Nigerian correctional services lack rehabilitation reformation. Owing to this, some so many inmates, including the female, become more emotionally bruised and hardened instead of coming out of the prison reformed. Although female inmates constitute only a small percentage worldwide, the challenges resulting from women falling under the provision of the penal system have prompted ficial and humanitarian bodies to consider female inmateas as vulnerable persons who need particular social work measures that meet their specific needs. Female inmates’condition may become worseinprisondue to the absence of the standard living condition. A survey of 100 female inmates will be used to determine the assessment of the living condition of the female inmates within the contexts in which they occur. Employing field methods from Medical Sociology and Law, the study seeks to make use of the collaboration of both disciplines for a comprehensive understanding of the scenario. Its specific objectives encompassed: (1) To examine access and use of health facilities among the female inmates;(2) To examine the effect of officers/warders attitude towards female inmates;(3)To investigate the perception of the female inmates towards the housing facilities in the centre and; (4) To investigate the feeding habit of the female inmates. Due to the exploratory nature of the study, the researchers will make use of mixed-method, such qualitative methods as interviews will be undertaken to complement survey research (quantitative). By adopting the above-explained inter-method triangulation, the study will not only ensure that the advantages of both methods are exploited but will also fulfil the basic purposes of research. The sampling for this study will be purposive. The study aims at sampling two correctional centres (Ado Ekiti and Akure) in order to generate representative data for the female inmates in South West Nigeria. In all, the total number of respondents will be 100. A cross-section of female inmates will be selected as respondents using a multi-stage sampling technique. 100 questionnaires will be administered. A semi structured (in-depth) interviews will be conducted among workers in the two selected correctional centres, respectively, to gain further insight on the living conditions of female inmates, which the survey may not readily elicit. These participants will be selected purposively in respect to their status in the organisation. Ethical issues in research on human subjects will be given due consideration. Such issues rest on principles of beneficence, non-maleficence, autonomy/justice and confidentiality. In the final analysis, qualitative data will be analyzed using manual content analysis. Both the descriptive and inferential statistics will be used for analytical purposes. Frequency, simple percentage, pie chart, bar chart, curve and cross-tabulations will form part of the descriptive analysis.

Keywords: assessment, health facilities, inmates, perception, living conditions

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Authors: Rahul Ranjan

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Using gender as a category to cull out historical analysis, feminist scholars have produced plethora of literature on the sexual symbolics and carnal practices of modern European empires. At a symbolic level, the penetration and conquest of faraway lands was charged with sexual significance and intrigue. The white male’s domination and possession of dark and fertile lands in Africa, Asia and the Americas offered, in Anne McClintock’s words, ‘a fantastic magic lantern of the mind onto which Europe projected its forbidden sexual desires and fears’. The politics of rape were also symbolically a question significant to the politics of empire. To the colonized subject, rape was a fearsome factor, a language that spoke of violent and voracious nature of imperial exploitation. The colonized often looked at rape as an act which colonizers used as tool of oppression. The rape as act of violence got encoded into the legal structure under the helm of Lord Macaulay in the so called ‘Age of Reform’ in 1860 under IPC (Indian penal code). Initially Lord Macaulay formed Indian Law Commission in 1837 in which he drafted a bill and defined the ‘crime of rape as sexual intercourse by a man to a woman against her will and without her consent , except in cases involving girls under nine years of age where consent was immaterial’. The modern English law of rape formulated under the colonial era introduced twofold issues to the forefront. On the one hand it deployed ‘technical experts’ who wrote textbooks of medical jurisprudence that were used as credential citation to make case more ‘objective’, while on the other hand the presumptions about barbaric subjects, the colonized women’s body that was docile which is prone to adultery reflected in cases. The untrustworthiness of native witness also remained an imperative for British jurists to put extra emphasis making ‘objective’ and ‘presumptuous’. This sort of formulation put women down on the pedestrian of justice because it disadvantaged her doubly through British legality and their thinking about the rape. The Imperial morality that acted as vanguards of women’s chastity coincided language of science propagated in the post-enlightenment which not only annulled non-conformist ideas but also made itself a hegemonic language, was often used as a tool and language in encoding of law. The medico-legal understanding of rape in the colonial India has its clear imprints in the post-colonial legality. The onus on the part of rape’s victim was dictated for the longest time and still continues does by widely referred idea that ‘there should signs, marks of resistance on the body of the victim’ otherwise it is likely to be considered consensual. Having said so, this paper looks at the textual continuity that had prolonged the colonial construct of women’s body and the self.

Keywords: body, politics, textual construct, phallocentric

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Authors: Nur Rafeeda Daut

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The significance of this paper is to provide an insight on the role of social movement in building stronger ethnic relations in Malaysia. In particular, it focuses on how the BERSIH movement have been able to bring together the different ethnic groups in Malaysia to resist the present political administration that is seen to manipulate the electoral process and oppress the basic freedom of expression of Malaysians. Attention is given on how and why this group emerged and its mobilisation strategies. Malaysia which is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious society gained its independence from the British in 1957. Like many other new nations, it faces the challenges of nation building and governance. From economic issues to racial and religious tension, Malaysia is experiencing high level of corruption and income disparity among the different ethnic groups. The political parties in Malaysia are also divided along ethnic lines. BERSIH which is translated as ‘clean’ is a movement which seeks to reform the current electoral system in Malaysia to ensure equality, justice, free and fair elections. It was originally formed in 2007 as a joint committee that comprised leaders from political parties, civil society groups and NGOs. In April 2010, the coalition developed as an entirely civil society movement unaffiliated to any political party. BERSIH claimed that the electoral roll in Malaysia has been marred by fraud and other irregularities. In 2015, the BERSIH movement organised its biggest rally in Malaysia which also includes 38 other rallies held internationally. Supporters of BERSIH that participated in the demonstration were comprised of all the different ethnic groups in Malaysia. In this paper, two social movement theories are used: resource mobilization theory and political opportunity structure to explain the emergence and mobilization of the BERSIH movement in Malaysia. Based on these two theories, corruption which is believed to have contributed to the income disparity among Malaysians has generated the development of this movement. The rise of re-islamisation values propagated by certain groups in Malaysia and the shift in political leadership has also created political opportunities for this movement to emerge. In line with the political opportunity structure theory, the BERSIH movement will continue to create more opportunities for the empowerment of civil society and the unity of ethnic relations in Malaysia. Comparison is made on the degree of ethnic unity in the country before and after BERSIH was formed. This would include analysing the level of re-islamisation values and also the level of corruption in relation to economic income under the premiership of the former Prime Minister Mahathir and the present Prime Minister Najib Razak. The country has never seen such uprisings like BERSIH where ethnic groups which over the years have been divided by ethnic based political parties and economic disparity joined together with a common goal for equality and fair elections. As such, the BERSIH movement is a unique case where it illustrates the change of political landscape, ethnic relations and civil society in Malaysia.

Keywords: ethnic relations, Malaysia, political opportunity structure, resource mobilization theory and social movement

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Authors: Adriana Anselmo Oliveira

Abstract:

The present project showcases a tile work from the Franco-Portuguese artist Maria Helena Vieira da Silva (1908-1992). It is a set of 8 panels composed of figurative and geometric tiles, with extra tiles framing nearby doors and windows in a study room in the (UFRRJ, Universidade Federal Rural do Rio de Janeiro). The aforementioned work was created between 1942 and 1943, during the artist's 6 year exile in the Brazilian city. This one-of-a-kind tileset was designed and made by Vieira da Silva between 1942 and 1943. Over the years, several units were lost, which led to their replacement in the nineties. However, these replacements don't do justice to the original work of art. In 2007, a project was initiated to fully repair and maintain the set. Three panels are removed and restored, but the project is halted. To this day, the three fully restored panels remain in boxes. In 2016 a new restoration project is submitted by the (Faculdade de Belas Artes da Universidade de Lisboa) in collaboration with de (Fundacão Árpád Szenes-Vieira da Silva). There are many varied opinions on restoring and conserving older pieces of art, however, we have the moral duty to safeguard the original materials used by the artist along with the artists original vision and also to care for the future generations of students who will use the space in which the tile-work was inserted. Many tiles have been replaced by white tiles, tiles with a divergent colour pallet and technique, and in a few cases, the incorrect place or way around. These many factors make it increasingly difficult to maintain the artists original vision and destroy and chance of coherence within the artwork itself. The conservative technician cannot make new images to fill the empty spaces or mark the remaining images with their own creative input. with reliable photographic documentation that can provide us with the necessary vision to allow us to proceed with an accurate reconstruction, we have the obligation to proceed and return the piece of art to its true form, as in its current state, it is impossible to maintain its original glory. Using the information we have, we must find a way to differentiate the original tiles from the reconstructions in order to recreate and reclaim the original message from the artist. The objective of this project is to understand the significance of tiles in Vieira da Silva's art as well as the influence they had on the artist's pictorial language since the colour definition on tile work is vastly different from the painting process as the materials change during their merger. Another primary goal is to understand what the previous interventions achieved besides increasing the artworks durability. The main objective is to submit a proposal that can salvage the artist's visual intention and supports it for posteriority. In summary, this proposal goes further than the usual conservative interventions as it intends to recreate the original artistic worth, prioritising the aesthetics and keeping its soul alive.

Keywords: Vieira da Silva, tiles, conservation, restoration

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Authors: Rose Hattab

Abstract:

Women have been an important dynamic in religious context and the state-building process of Arab countries throughout history. During the 1970s as the movement for women’s activism and rights developed, the Iraqi state under the Ba’ath Party began to provide Iraqi women with legal and civil rights. This was done to liberate women from the grasps of social traditions and was a tangible espousing of equality between men and women in the process of nation-building. Whereas women’s rights were stronger and more supported throughout the earliest years of the Ba’ath Regime (1970-1990), the aftermath of the Gulf War and economic sanctions on the conditions of Iraqi society laid the foundation for a division of women’s rights between civil and religious authorities. Personal status codes that were secured in 1959 were being pushed back by amendments made in coordination with religious leaders. Civil laws were present on paper, but religious authority took prominence in practice. The written legal codes were inclusive of women’s rights, but there is not an active or ensured practice of these rights within Iraqi society. This is due to many different factors, such as religious, sectarian, political and conservative reasons that hold back or limit the ability for Iraqi women to have autonomy in aspects such as participation in the workforce, getting married, and ensuring social justice. This paper argues that the Personal Status Code introduced in 1959 – which replaced Sharia-run courts with personal status courts – provided Iraqi women with equality and increased mobility in social and economic dynamics. The statewide crisis felt after the Gulf War and the economic sanctions imposed by the United Nations led to a stark shift in the Ba’ath party’s political ideology. This ideological turn guided the social system to the embracement of social conservatism and religious traditions in the 1990s. The effect of this implementation continued after the establishment of a new Iraqi government during 2003-2005. Consequently, Iraqi women's rights in employment, marriage, and family became divided into paper and practice by religious authorities and civil law from that period to the present day. This paper also contributes to the literature by expanding on the gap between legal codes on paper and in practice, through providing an analysis of Iraqi women’s rights in the Iraqi Constitution of 2005 and Iraq’s Penal Code. The turn to conservative and religious traditions is derived from the multiplicity of identities that make up the Iraqi social fabric. In the aftermath of a totalitarian regime, active wars, and economic sanctions, the Iraqi people attempted to unite together through their different identities to create a sense of security in the midst of violence and chaos. This is not an excuse to diminish the importance of women’s rights, but in the process of building a new nation-state, women were lost from the narrative. Thus, the presence of gender equity is found in the written text but is not practiced and upheld in the social context.

Keywords: civil rights, Iraqi women, nation building, religion and conflict

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Authors: Robert H. Bradley

Abstract:

Many minority adolescents in the United States live in adverse circumstances that pose long-term threats to their well-being. A strong sense of personal control and self-efficacy can help youth mitigate some of those risks and may help protect youth from influences connected with deviant peer groups. Accordingly, it is important to identify conditions that help foster feelings of efficacy in areas that seem critical for the accomplishment of developmental tasks during adolescence. The purpose of this study is to examine two aspects of the home environment (modeling and encouragement of maturity, family companionship and investment) and their relation to three components of self efficacy (self efficacy in enlisting social resources, self efficacy for engaging in independent learning, and self-efficacy for self-regulatory behavior) in three groups of minority adolescents (Native American, African American, Latino). The sample for this study included 54 Native American, 131 African American, and 159 Latino families, each with a child between 16 and 20 years old. The families were recruited from four states: Arizona, Arkansas, California, and Oklahoma. Each family was administered the Late Adolescence version of the Home Observation for Measurement of the Environment (HOME) Inventory and each adolescent completed a 30-item measure of perceived self-efficacy. Three areas of self-efficacy beliefs were examined for this study: enlisting social resources, independent learning, and self-regulation. Each of the three areas of self-efficacy was regressed on the two aspects of the home environment plus overall household risk. For Native Americans, modeling and encouragement were significant for self-efficacy pertaining to enlisting social resources and independent learning. For African Americans, companionship and investment was significant in all three models. For Latinos, modeling and encouragement was significant for self-efficacy pertaining to enlisting social resources and companionship and investment were significant for the other two areas of self-efficacy. The findings show that even as minority adolescents are becoming more individuated from their parents, the quality of experiences at home continues to be associated with their feelings of self-efficacy in areas important for adaptive functioning in adult life. Specifically, individuals can develop a sense that they are efficacious in performing key tasks relevant to work, social relationships, and management of their own behavior if they are guided in how to deal with key challenges and they have been exposed and supported by others who are competent in dealing with such challenges. The findings presented in this study would seem useful given that there is so little current research on home environmental factors connected to self-efficacy beliefs among adolescents in the three groups examined. It would seem worthwhile that personnel from health, human service and juvenile justice agencies give attention to supporting parents in communicating with adolescents, offering expectations to adolescents in mutually supportive ways, and in engaging with adolescents in productive activities. In comparison to programs for parents of young children, there are few specifically designed for parents of children in middle childhood and adolescence.

Keywords: family companionship, home environment, household income, modeling, self-efficacy

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