Commenced in January 2007
Frequency: Monthly
Edition: International
Paper Count: 4

Search results for: Jair Izaías Kappann

4 Violence against Women: A Study on the Aggressors' Profile

Authors: Giovana Privatte Maciera, Jair Izaías Kappann

Abstract:

Introduction: The violence against woman is a complex phenomenon that accompanies the woman throughout her life and is a result of a social, cultural, political and religious construction, based on the differences among the genders. Those differences are felt, mainly, because of the patriarchal system that is still present which just naturalize and legitimate the asymmetry of power. As consequence of the women’s lasting historical and collective effort for a legislation against the impunity of violence against women in the national scenery, it was ordained, in 2006, a law known as Maria da Penha. The law was created as a protective measure for women that were victims of violence and consequently for the punishment of the aggressor. Methodology: Analysis of police inquiries is established by the Police Station of Defense of the Woman of Assis city, by formal authorization of the justice, in the period of 2013 to 2015. For the evaluating of the results will be used the content analysis and the theoretical referential of Psychoanalysis. Results and Discussion: The final analysis of the inquiries demonstrated that the violence against women is reproduced by the society and the aggressor, in most cases it is a member of their own family, mainly the current or former-spouse. The most common kinds of aggression were: the threat bodily harm, and the physical violence, that normally happens accompanied by psychological violence, being the most painful for the victims. The biggest part of the aggressors was white, older than the victim, worker and had primary school. But, unlike the expected, the minority of the aggressors were users of alcohol and/or drugs and possessed children in common with the victim. There is a contrast among the number of victims who already admitted have suffered some type of violence earlier by the same aggressor and the number of victims who has registered the occurrence before. The aggressors often use the discourse of denial in their testimony or try to justify their act like the blame was of the victim. It is believed in the interaction of several factors that can influence the aggressor to commit the abuse, including psychological, personal and sociocultural factors. One hypothesis is that the aggressor has a violence history in the family origin. After the aggressor being judged, condemned or not, usually there is no rehabilitation plan or supervision that enable his change. Conclusions: It has noticed the importance of studying the aggressor’s characteristics and the reasons that took him to commit such violence, making possible the implementation of an appropriate treatment to prevent and reduce the aggressions, as well the creation of programs and actions that enable communication and understanding concerning the theme. This is because the recurrence is still high, since the punitive system is not enough and the law is still ineffective and inefficient in certain aspects and in its own functioning. It is perceived a compulsion in repeat so much for the victims as for the aggressors, because they end involving, almost always, in disturbed and violent relationships, with the relation of subordination-dominance as characteristic.

Keywords: aggressors' profile, gender equality, Maria da Penha law, violence against women

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3 The Impact of COVID-19 Pandemic on the Issue and Ideological Congruence of Trump and Bolsonaro Administrations

Authors: Flavio Contrera, Paulo Cesar Gregorio

Abstract:

Recent political developments and government control actions in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic draw attention to the contrast between the duties of government and the demands of democratic representation. Elected by mobilizing far-right issues, Trump and Bolsonaro moved away from the WHO guidelines but had to accommodate demands on the health and on the social protection system on the one hand and demands from the economic sector on the other. This study used the MARPOR Project method to assess the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the issue and ideological congruence between the electoral and governmental arena in both the Trump and Bolsonaro Administrations. Findings reveal issue congruence between arenas in "National Way of Life: Positive", "Law and Order," and "Technology and Infrastructure" for Donald Trump, and "Welfare State Expansion" for Bolsonaro. Ideological estimation results show that Trump and Bolsonaro positioned to the right in their presidential elections, initially moved to the center-right. However, welfare policies actions at high frequency during the COVID-19 pandemic moved the ideological estimations of both governments to the center-left, despite their denial rhetoric.

Keywords: congruence, COVID-19, Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro

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2 Teaching Neuroscience from Neuroscience: an Approach Based on the Allosteric Learning Model, Pathfinder Associative Networks and Teacher Professional Knowledge

Authors: Freddy Rodriguez Saza, Erika Sanabria, Jair Tibana

Abstract:

Currently, the important role of neurosciences in the professional training of the physical educator is known, highlighting in the teaching-learning process aspects such as the nervous structures involved in the adjustment of posture and movement, the neurophysiology of locomotion, the process of nerve impulse transmission, and the relationship between physical activity, learning, and cognition. The teaching-learning process of neurosciences is complex, due to the breadth of the contents, the diversity of teaching contexts required, and the demanding ability to relate concepts from different disciplines, necessary for the correct understanding of the function of the nervous system. This text presents the results of the application of a didactic environment based on the Allosteric Learning Model in morphophysiology students of the Faculty of Military Physical Education, Military School of Cadets of the Colombian Army (Bogotá, Colombia). The research focused then, on analyzing the change in the cognitive structure of the students on neurosciences. Methodology. [1] The predominant learning styles were identified. [2] Students' cognitive structure, core concepts, and threshold concepts were analyzed through the construction of Pathfinder Associative Networks. [3] Didactic Units in Neuroscience were designed to favor metacognition, the development of Executive Functions (working memory, cognitive flexibility, and inhibitory control) that led students to recognize their errors and conceptual distortions and to overcome them. [4] The Teacher's Professional Knowledge and the role of the assessment strategies applied were taken into account, taking into account the perspective of the Dynamizer, Obstacle, and Questioning axes. In conclusion, the study found that physical education students achieved significant learning in neuroscience, favored by the development of executive functions and by didactic environments oriented with the predominant learning styles and focused on increasing cognitive networks and overcoming difficulties, neuromyths and neurophobia.

Keywords: allosteric learning model, military physical education, neurosciences, pathfinder associative networks, teacher professional knowledge

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1 Men of Congress in Today’s Brazil: Ethnographic Notes on Neoliberal Masculinities in Support of Bolsonaro

Authors: Joao Vicente Pereira Fernandez

Abstract:

In the context of a democratic crisis, a new wave of authoritarianism prompts domineering male figures to leadership posts worldwide. Although the gendered aspect of this phenomenon has been reasonably documented, recent studies have focused on high-level commanding posts, such as those of president and prime-minister, leaving other positions of political power with limited attention. This natural focus of investigation, however powerful, seems to have restricted our understanding of the phenomenon by precluding a more thorough inquiry of its gendered aspects and its consequences for political representation as a whole. Trying to fill this gap, in recent research, we examined the election results of Jair Bolsonaro’s party for the Legislative Branch in 2018. We found that the party's proportion of non-male representatives was on average, showing it provided reasonable access of women to the legislature in a comparative perspective. However, and perhaps more intuitively, we also found that the elected members of Bolsonaro’s party performed very gendered roles, which allowed us to draw the first lines of the representative profiles gathered around the new-right in Brazil. These results unveiled new horizons for further research, addressing topics that range from the role of women for the new-right on Brazilian institutional politics to the relations between these profiles of representatives, their agendas, and political and electoral strategies. This article aims to deepen the understanding of some of these profiles in order to lay the groundwork for the development of the second research agenda mentioned above. More specifically, it focuses on two out of the three profiles that were grasped predominantly, if not entirely, from masculine subjects during our last research, with the objective of portraying the masculinity standards mobilized and promoted by them. These profiles –the entrepreneur and the army man – were chosen to be developed due to their proximity to both liberal and authoritarian views, and, moreover, because they can possibly represent two facets of the new-right that were integrated in a certain way around Bolsonaro in 2018, but that can be reworked in the future. After a brief introduction of the literature on masculinity and politics in times of democratic crisis, we succinctly present the relevant results of our previous research and then describe these two profiles and their masculinities in detail. We adopt a combination of ethnography and discourse analysis, methods that allow us to make sense of the data we collected on our previous research as well as of the data gathered for this article: social media posts and interactions between the elected members that inspired these profiles and their supporters. Finally, we discuss our results, presenting our main argument on how these descriptions provide a further understanding of the gendered aspect of liberal authoritarianism, from where to better apprehend its political implications in Brazil.

Keywords: Brazilian politics, gendered politics, masculinities, new-right

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