Search results for: political postmodernism

Authors: Rudy Ralph Martinez

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The 1960s provided us with some of the most iconic protest images of the late-20th century. This was the result of worldwide unrest and the proliferation of filmmaking equipment, which led to a flood of photos and films depicting war and activism. Many of these images and films played a pivotal role in shaping the ever-evolving discussions surrounding the ‘60s. However, too often, radical imagery finds itself subsumed by consumer culture, a degradation that flattens radical imagery and turns it into consumer products. With this in mind, the work that follows is an analysis of one of the little-discussed chapters of the 60s and 70s, and it is that of the New German Cinema movement and its relationship with the Rote Armee Fraktion, or Red Army Faction (RAF), an armed Marxist-Leninist group founded in West Germany in 1970. The RAF arose out of a milieu which included student activists protesting Western military involvement in the Vietnam War, civil rights activists, and third world guerillas. The actions undertaken by the group throughout their first decade in existence, including bombings, and assassinations, would create West Germany’s most dire political crisis since the Nazi era, culminating in a crisis of legitimation remembered as the German Autumn, which saw the suicides of several of the militants and the assassination of SS officer-cum-prominent industrialist, Hans Martin-Schleyer. Throughout the 1970s, young filmmakers associated with the New German Cinema sought to analyze the political situation as it was unfolding, their films contributing to the public discourse in concomitance with the government and the media. Four notable examples of these films are Volker Schlöndorff and Margarethe von Trotta’sDie Verlorene Ehre der Katharina Blum oder: Wie Gewaltentstehen und wohinsieführenkann (The Lost Honour of Katharina Blum, or: How Violence Develops and Where it Can Lead) (1975), a dark drama about the media’s role in forming public opinion, Deutschland im Herbst(Germany in Autumn) (1977), an experimental collective work released mere months after the German Autumn, Rainer Werner Fassbinder’s Die Dritte Generation (The Third Generation) (1979), a satire about an inept cell of radical militants, and Die bleierne Zeit (The Leaden Time, alt. title: Marianne and Juliane) (1981), an intimate portrayal about two sisters whose activism leads them down disparate paths. The filmmakers of the New German Cinema refused to underline their films with the Manichaean claims respectively espoused by the RAF and the government. These complex portrayals found offspring in films such as Christian Petzold’s Die innere Sicherheit(The State I Am In) (2000), a portrait of a family on the run after the reunification of Germany but were countered by glossy high-budget portrayals such as Uli Edel’s Der Baader-Meinhof Komplex(The Baader-Meinhof Complex) (2008). In focusing on the aesthetic structure of these films in relation to the political atmosphere of the late-60s and 70s West Germany, I hope to shed light on questions concerning spectatorship, surveillance, the role of journalism, and how politics disrupts personal relationships, and the kinship between artists and so-called terrorists.

Keywords: new german cinema, film history, red army faction, german cinema

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Authors: Beatriz Salamanca

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In his public lecture ‘On the American Indians’ given at the University of Salamanca in 1538-39, Francisco de Vitoria presented an unsettling defense of freedom of movement, arguing that the Spanish had the right to travel and dwell in the New World, since it was considered part of the law of nations [ius gentium] that men enjoyed free mutual intercourse anywhere they went. The principle of freedom of movement brought hopeful expectations, promising to bring mankind together and strengthen the ties of fraternity. However, it led to polemical situations when those whose mobility was in question represented a harmful threat or was for some reason undesired. In this context, Vitoria’s argument has been seen on multiple occasions as a justification of the expansion of the Spanish empire. In order to examine the meaning of Vitoria’s defense of free mobility, a more detailed look at Vitoria’s text is required, together with the study of some of his earliest works, among them, his commentaries on Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologiae, where he presented relevant insights on the idea of the law of nations. In addition, it is necessary to place Vitoria’s work in the context of the intellectual tradition he belonged to and the responses he obtained from some of his contemporaries who were concerned with similar issues. The claim of this research is that the Spanish right to travel advocated by Vitoria was not intended to be interpreted in absolute terms, for it had to serve the purpose of bringing peace and unity among men, and could not contradict natural law. In addition, Vitoria explicitly observed that the right to travel was only valid if the Spaniards caused no harm, a condition that has been underestimated by his critics. Therefore, Vitoria’s legacy is of enormous value as it initiated a long lasting discussion regarding the question of the grounds under which human mobility could be restricted. Again, under Vitoria’s argument it was clear that this freedom was not absolute, but the controversial nature of his defense of Spanish mobility demonstrates how difficult it was and still is to address the issue of the circulation of peoples across frontiers, and shows the significance of this discussion in today’s globalized world, where the rights and wrongs of notions like immigration, international trade or foreign intervention still lack sufficient consensus. This inquiry about Vitoria’s defense of the principle of freedom of movement is being placed here against the background of the history of political thought, political theory, international law, and international relations, following the methodological framework of contextual history of the ‘Cambridge School’.

Keywords: Francisco de Vitoria, freedom of movement, law of nations, ius gentium, Spanish empire

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Authors: Habiba Ben Abdessalem

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The emergence of giant set of textual data was the push that has encouraged researchers to invest in this field. The purpose of textual data analysis methods is to facilitate access to such type of data by providing various graphic visualizations. Applying these methods requires a corpus pretreatment step, whose standards are set according to the objective of the problem studied. This step determines the forms list contained in contingency table by keeping only those information carriers. This step may, however, lead to noisy contingency tables, so the use of wavelet denoising function. The validity of the proposed approach is tested on a text database that offers economic and political events in Tunisia for a well definite period.

Keywords: textual data, wavelet, denoising, contingency table

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Authors: Amalia Triantafillidoy, Georgios Lappas, Prodromos Yannas, Alexandros Kleftodimos

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In this paper an experiment was conducted to assess the impact of online deliberation on citizens’ attitudes. Specifically, this research compared pre and post deliberation opinions of participants who deliberated online via an asynchronous platform regarding the issue of political opinion polls. Results indicate that online deliberation had a positive effect on citizens’ attitudes since it was found that following deliberation participants changed their views regarding public opinion polls. Specifically, online deliberation improved discussants perceptions regarding the reliability of polls, while suppressing their negative views about the misuse of polls by media, polling organizations and politicians.

Keywords: attitudes change, e-democracy, online deliberation, opinion polls

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Authors: Sabrina Howard

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'Window Seat' uses public transportation as an entry point for understanding the relationship between public space, politics, and social identity construction. This project argues that by bringing people of different races, classes, and genders in 'contact' with one another, public transit operates as a site of exposure, as people consciously and unconsciously perform social identity within these spaces. These performances offer a form of freedom that we associate with being in urban spaces while simultaneously rendering certain racialized, gendered, and classed bodies vulnerable to violence. Furthermore, due to its exposing function, public transit operates as a site through which we, as urbanites and scholars, can read social injustice and reflect on the work that is necessary to become a truly democratic society. The major questions guiding this research are: How does using public transit as the entry point provide unique insights into the relationship between social identity, politics, and public space? What ideas do Americans hold about public space and how might these ideas reflect a liberal yearning for a more democratic society? To address these research questions, 'Window Seat' critically examines ethnographic data collected on public buses and trains in Los Angeles, California, and online news media. It analyzes these sources through literature in socio-cultural psychology, sociology, and political science. It investigates the 'everyday urban hero' narrative or popular news stories that feature an individual or group of people acting against discriminatory or 'Anti-American' behavior on public buses and trains. 'Window Seat' studies these narratives to assert that by circulating stories of civility in news media, United Statsians construct and maintain ideas of the 'liberal city,' which is characterized by ideals of freedom and democracy. Furthermore, for those involved, these moments create an opportunity to perform the role of the Good Samaritan, an identity that is wrapped up in liberal beliefs in diversity and inclusion. This research expands conversations in urban studies by making a case for the political significance of urban public space. It demonstrates how these sites serve as spaces through which liberal beliefs are circulated and upheld through identity performance.

Keywords: social identity, public space, public transportation, liberalism

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Authors: Na Young Kim

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This is a study on the relation between the introduction bill of the Whistle Blowing Act and the CPI (Corruption Perception Index) from 1998 to 2019. It shows that the degree of corruption can be relatively lowered when WBA is introduced, and the system is matured. And when WBA was introduced at the national level and matured, it was found that it could have a greater impact on corruption. Secondly, it shows that OECD countries may have relatively low levels of corruption. In addition to the two variables representing democracy, when additional control variables (GDP (economic power), population size, HDI (education level), etc.) are controlled under the same conditions, the degree of corruption in countries with high political rights can be low (it means clean), while those with high civil freedom can be serious (it means not clean).

Keywords: Whistle Blowing Act, anti-corruption, CPI, GDP

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Authors: Mausumi Chetia

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One of the main causes of impoverishment of the rural areas of Assam has been the recurrent floods and riverbank erosion. One of the life-changing consequences is displacement. This results not only in a loss of livelihoods but also has wide-reaching socio-economic and cultural effects. Thus, due to such disasters, not only families but communities too are being displaced at large. This compels them to find temporary shelter and begin life from scratch. The role of the state has been highly negligible, with a displacement not being perceived as an ‘issue’ to be addressed. A more holistic approach is thus needed to take socio-economic, cultural, political as well as ecological considerations into account.

Keywords: displacement, policy-framework, human-induced disasters, marginalised communities, India, Assam

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Authors: Charles A. Khamala

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In 2003, constrained by an absent “rule of law culture” and negative economic growth, the new Kenyan government chose to pursue incremental judicial reforms rather than comprehensive constitutional reforms. President Mwai Kibaki’s first administration’s judicial reform strategy was two pronged. First, to implement unprecedented “radical surgery,” he appointed a new Chief Justice who instrumentally recommended that half the purportedly-corrupt judiciary should be removed by Presidential tribunals of inquiry. Second, the replacement High Court judges, initially, instrumentally-endorsed the “radical surgery’s” administrative decisions removing their corrupt predecessors. Meanwhile, retention of the welfare-reducing Constitution perpetuated declining public confidence in judicial institutions culminating in refusal by the dissatisfied opposition party to petition the disputed 2007 presidential election results, alleging biased and corrupt courts. Fatefully, widespread post-election violence ensued. Consequently, the international community prompted the second Kibaki administration to concede to a new Constitution. Suddenly, the High Court then adopted a non-instrumental interpretation to reject the 2003 “radical surgery.” This paper therefore critically analyzes whether the Kenyan court’s inconsistent interpretations–pertaining to the constitutionality of the 2003 “radical surgery” removing corruption from Kenya’s courts–was predicated on political expediency or human rights principles. If justice “must also seen to be done,” then pursuit of the CJ’s, Judicial Service Commission’s and president’s political or economic interests must be limited by respect for the suspected judges and magistrates’ due process rights. The separation of powers doctrine demands that the dismissed judges should have a right of appeal which entails impartial review by a special independent oversight mechanism. Instead, ignoring fundamental rights, Kenya’s new Supreme Court’s interpretation of another round of vetting under the new 2010 Constitution, ousts the High Court’s judicial review jurisdiction altogether, since removal of judicial corruption is “a constitutional imperative, akin to a national duty upon every judicial officer to pave way for judicial realignment and reformulation.”

Keywords: administrative decisions, corruption, fair hearing, judicial review, (non) instrumental

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Authors: S. Murr, S. Phillips

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One of the biggest challenges entering a market with a carsharing or any other shared mobility (SM) service is sound investment decision-making. To support this process, the authors think that a city index evaluating different criteria is necessary. The goal of such an index is to benchmark cities along a set of external measures to answer the main two challenges: financially viability and the understanding of its specific requirements. The authors have consulted several shared mobility projects and industry experts to create such a Shared Mobility City Index (SMCI). The current proposal of the SMCI consists of 11 individual index measures: general data (demographics, geography, climate and city culture), shared mobility landscape (current SM providers, public transit options, commuting patterns and driving culture) and political vision and goals (vision of the Mayor, sustainability plan, bylaws/tenders supporting SM). To evaluate the suitability of the index, 16 cities on the East Coast of North America were selected and secondary research was conducted. The main sources of this study were census data, organisational records, independent press releases and informational websites. Only non-academic sources where used because the relevant data for the chosen cities is not published in academia. Applying the index measures to the selected cities resulted in three major findings. Firstly, density (city area divided by number of inhabitants) is not an indicator for the number of SM services offered: the city with the lowest density has five bike and carsharing options. Secondly, there is a direct correlation between commuting patterns and how many shared mobility services are offered. New York, Toronto and Washington DC have the highest public transit ridership and the most shared mobility providers. Lastly, except one, all surveyed cities support shared mobility with their sustainability plan. The current version of the shared mobility index is proving a practical tool to evaluate cities, and to understand functional, political, social and environmental considerations. More cities will have to be evaluated to refine the criteria further. However, the current version of the index can be used to assess cities on their suitability for shared mobility services and will assist investors deciding which city is a financially viable market.

Keywords: carsharing, transportation, urban planning, shared mobility city index

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Authors: João Boaventura Branco De Matos

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Currently, in Brazil, there is a considerable collection of publications on the supplementary health sector, but the vast majority is limited to retrospective examination of the sector. The present contribution starts from the diagnosis of an overwhelming change in the role of the State and its institutions, as well as an accelerated and no less forceful change in the way of producing goods and services, resulting in a clash between these different waves (state and market). This shock produces unique energy, capable of imposing major changes in the most varied sectors. Based on this diagnosis, there was an opportunity to offer the perspective and propositional study of regulatory measures relevant to the best conduct and performance of this sector in the future.

Keywords: private health regulation, state and market, forecasts in Brazilian regulation, political economy

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Authors: Masnur Marzuki

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As in other democratic countries, the constitutional court of Indonesia has the role of interpreting and applying the Constitution in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. With its strong power to enforce and guard the Constitution, the court is now challenged to provide people an opportunity to understand their constitutional rights close up. At the same time, the court has built up an enviable reputation among constitutional courts in new democracies for the technical quality of its legitimacy in the legal sense. Since its establishment in 2003, the Constitutional Court of Indonesia has decided more than 190 statutes in judicial review case. It has been remarkably successful to make a credible start on its work of guarding the Constitution. Unsurprisingly, many argue that the Court has elevated Indonesia’s democracy to a whole new level. In accomplishing its roles judicial review, the basic principle that can be identified is that the Constitutional Court must always be subordinated to the Constitution. It is not being allowed to invade the field of the legislator. In doing so, the court does not have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. When interpreting a statute “in accordance with the constitution”, the court recognizes and reasserts that it is strictly forbidden to extend the scope of a legal provision in such a way that would create a general norm not established by the law-maker. This paper aims to identify and assess the latest role of Indonesian Constitutional Court in interpreting and applying the Constitution. In particular, it questions 1) the role of the Constitutional Court in judicial review; and 2) the role of the court to assist the legislators in the accomplishment of their functions in order to preserve its supremacy testing the constitutionality of statutes. Concerning positive legislator, jurisprudential and judicial review theories will be approached. The empirical part will include qualitative and comparative research. Main questions to be addressed: Can the Constitutional Court be functionalized as positive legislator? What are the criteria for conducting role of Constitutional Courts as Positive Legislators and how can it be accepted? Concerning the subordination of Constitutional Courts to the Constitution and judicial review, both qualitative and quantitative methods will be used, and differences between Indonesia and German Constitutional Court will be observed. Other questions to be addressed: Can Constitutional Courts have any discretionary political basis in order to create legal norms or provisions that could not be deducted from the Constitution itself. Should the Constitutional Court always act as a negative legislator? However, the Constitutional Court in Indonesia has played role as positive legislators which create dynamic of Indonesian legal development. In performing the task of reviewing the constitutionality of statutes, the Constitutional Court has created legal norms or provisions that could be deducted from the Constitution itself.

Keywords: constitution, court, law, rights

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Authors: Ciolomic Ioana Andreea, Farcas Teodora, Tiron-Tudor Adriana

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Investments in research and innovation are widely acknowledged as being crucial drivers for economic growth, for job-creation and to secure social and economic welfare. The aim of this article is to disseminate the results of a Leonardo da Vinci Innovation Transfer project, AdapTykes Adaptation of trainings based up on the Finnish Workplace Development Programme. This project aims to analyses the adaptability of the Finnish model to the economic and political environment of the two emergent countries Romania and Hungary, in order to develop workplace innovation. The focus of this paper is to present the adaptability of the Finnish model to the Romanian context.

Keywords: innovation, human resources, education, tools

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Authors: Tsegay Kahsay Gebrekidan, Gebremariam Gebrezgabher Gebremedhin, Abraha Kahsay Weldemariam, Meaza Kidane Teferi

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Municipal solid waste management (MSWM) in Ethiopia is a complex issue with institutional, social, political, environmental, and economic dimensions, impacting sustainable development. Effective MSWM planning necessitates understanding the generation rate and composition of waste. This systematic review synthesizes qualitative and quantitative data from various sources to aggregate current knowledge, identify gaps, and provide a comprehensive understanding of municipal solid waste management in Ethiopia. The findings reveal that the generation rate of municipal solid waste in Ethiopia is 0.38 kg/ca/day, with the waste composition being predominantly food waste, followed by ash, dust, and sand, and yard waste. Over 85% of this MSW is either reusable or recyclable, with a significant portion being organic matter (73.13% biodegradable) and 11.78% recyclable materials. Physicochemical analyses reveal that Ethiopian MSW is suitable for composting and biogas production, offering opportunities to reduce environmental pollution, and GHGs, support urban agriculture, and create job opportunities. However; challenges persist, including a lack of political will, weak municipal planning, limited community awareness, and inadequate waste management infrastructure, and only 31.8% of MSW is collected legally, leading to inefficient and harmful disposal practices. To improve MSWM, Ethiopia should focus on public awareness; increased funding, infrastructure investment, private sector partnerships, and implementing the 4 R principles (reduce, reuse, and recycle). An integrated approach involving government, industry, and civil society is essential. Further research on the physicochemical properties and strategic uses of MSW is needed to enhance management practices. Implications: The comprehensive study of municipal solid waste management (MSWM) in Ethiopia reveals the intricate interplay of institutional, social, political, environmental, and economic factors that influence the nation’s sustainable development. The findings underscore the urgent need for tailored, integrated waste management strategies that are informed by a thorough understanding of MSW generation rates, composition, and current management practices. Ethiopia’s lower per capita MSW generation compared to developed countries and the predominantly organic composition of its waste present significant opportunities for sustainable waste management practices such as composting and recycling. These practices can not only minimize the environmental impact but also support urban greening, agriculture, and renewable energy production. The high organic content, suitable physicochemical properties of MSW for composting, and potential for biogas and briquette production highlight pathways for creating employment, reducing waste, and enhancing soil fertility. Despite these opportunities, Ethiopia faces substantial challenges due to inadequate political will, weak municipal planning, limited community awareness, insufficient waste management infrastructure, and poor policy implementation. The high rate of illegal waste disposal further exacerbates environmental and health issues, emphasizing the need for a more effective and integrated MSWM approach. To address these challenges and harness the potential of MSW, Ethiopia must prioritize increasing public awareness; investing in infrastructure, fostering private sector partnerships, and implementing the principles of reduce, reuse, and recycle (3 R). Developing strategies that involve all stakeholders and turning waste into valuable resources is crucial. Government, industry, and civil society must collaborate to implement integrated MSWM systems that focus on waste reduction at the source, alternative material use, and advanced recycling technologies. Further research at both federal and regional levels is essential to optimize the physicochemical analysis and strategic use of MSW. Prompt action is required to transform waste management into a pillar of sustainable urban development, ultimately improving environmental quality and human health in Ethiopia.

Keywords: biodegradable, healthy environment, integrated solid waste management, municipal

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Authors: Justus Enninga

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Enthusiasts and skeptics about economic growth have not much in common in their preference for institutional arrangements that solve ecological conflicts. This paper argues that agreement between both opposing schools can be found in the Bloomington Schools’ concept of polycentricity. Growth-enthusiasts who will be referred to as Simons after the economist Julian Simon and growth-skeptics named Ehrlichs after the ecologist Paul R. Ehrlich both profit from a governance structure where many officials and decision structures are assigned limited and relatively autonomous prerogatives to determine, enforce and alter legal relationships. The paper advances this argument in four steps. First, it will provide clarification of what Simons and Ehrlichs mean when they talk about growth and what the arguments for and against growth-enhancing or degrowth policies are for them and for the other site. Secondly, the paper advances the concept of polycentricity as first introduced by Michael Polanyi and later refined to the study of governance by the Bloomington School of institutional analysis around the Nobel Prize laureate Elinor Ostrom. The Bloomington School defines polycentricity as a non-hierarchical, institutional, and cultural framework that makes possible the coexistence of multiple centers of decision making with different objectives and values, that sets the stage for an evolutionary competition between the complementary ideas and methods of those different decision centers. In the third and fourth parts, it is shown how the concept of polycentricity is of crucial importance for growth-enthusiasts and growth-skeptics alike. The shorter third part demonstrates the literature on growth-enhancing policies and argues that large parts of the literature already accept that polycentric forms of governance like markets, the rule of law and federalism are an important part of economic growth. Part four delves into the more nuanced question of how a stagnant steady-state economy or even an economy that de-grows will still find polycentric governance desirable. While the majority of degrowth proposals follow a top-down approach by requiring direct governmental control, a contrasting bottom-up approach is advanced. A decentralized, polycentric approach is desirable because it allows for the utilization of tacit information dispersed in society and an institutionalized discovery process for new solutions to the problem of ecological collective action – no matter whether you belong to the Simons or Ehrlichs in a green political economy.

Keywords: degrowth, green political theory, polycentricity, institutional robustness

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Authors: Renaud Gaucher

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Research on happiness has developed significantly in the past fifty years and economics and the political science are starting to be influenced by advances in the field. Until recently, finance has stayed outside this movement. The goal of our research is to integrate finance into this movement conceptually. We explain the why, the what and the how of the finance of happiness. We then study the relationship between corporate finance and happiness. We discuss the optimization of the relationship between the financial performance of a firm and the happiness at work of its employees, and the reduction of financial risk by developing goods that foster the happiness of their users. Finally we look at the development of happiness investment funds, that is investment funds founded on happiness research, and the best ways to share risks and earnings to build a happier society.

Keywords: finance, happiness, investment fund, risk

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Authors: Samir Kittaniy

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The “Mirrors of Princes” is considered one of the most important literary types in Arabic and Islamic heritage. The term can be found in various types of “Adab”. The paper deals with the phrase: “Mirrors of princes” itself, showing its nature and the extent of its spread among researchers. Thus, the article relates to one of the main cultural pillars of the literary heritage. Creative individuals within the framework of this type of “Adab” have viewed the rulers as the ultimate goal they try to reach in their classification efforts, with the aim of educating, entertaining and amusing. Most literary classifications were submitted as a gift to the rulers, in an attempt to get closer to them. Pragmatic moral and political advices were among the most prominent issues to gain the approval of rulers.

Keywords: Islam, Arabic, literature, Middle East, mirrors of princes

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Authors: Warner Woodworth

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While the explosion of autocratic governments is growing globally, perhaps nowhere is it more obvious than in the United States since 2015. In that nation, democracy is increasingly caving to extreme Right-wing movements, especially after Donald Trump lost to Joe Biden in the 2020 election. Angered by that rejection, he and his support groups that foster extremism began an all-out assault on freedom, beginning with the attack on the US Capitol itself on January 6, 2021. Since then, following Trump’s two presidential impeachments, 34 felony convictions, 88 impending court cases by the Department of Justice, and crimes by some of his most ardent co-conspirators, the rule of law, traditional political values, and even the Constitution became threatened. Now, since his Nov. 5, 2024, campaign victory, the dark clouds of autocracies loom larger every day. To wit: Appointments to Trump’s cabinet are all extremists promising to eliminate major beneficiary citizen programs such as healthcare, civil rights, education, justice, and a massive move to drive millions of immigrants from the country. The political divide is at its highest extreme since the 1861 Civil War between North and South. Autocratization is manifest daily in fake news media, as well as traditional conspiracy organizations such as politically violent motorcycle gangs, the John Birch Society, Eagle Forum, and Anti-Constitutional Sheriffs and other law enforcement groups. Even worse is the expansion of violent groups such as the Proud Boys, Aryan Nations, Patriot Front, White Nationalists, Stormfront, Oath Keepers, Three Percenters, Ku Klux Klan, Moms for Liberty, American Nazi Party, Operation Homeland, Skinhead organizations, America First, Veterans on Patrol, hundreds of militia groups from coast to coast, and of course, hundreds more under the banner of Trump’s movement, ‘Make America Great Again.’ This paper will draw on the author’s decades of researching these groups and Trump's new authoritarian agenda. Qualitative data will include expert analysis from multiple academic disciplines as Americans, and the larger world seek to understand these dangerous U.S. trends and future prospects. The paper concludes by sharing the prospects of America’s future over the next four years, or longer if Trump’s vow to be a dictator is extended.

Keywords: American authoritarianism, trump, fascism, conspiracies, extremism

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Authors: Jesús Ulloa

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The creation, rise, and consolidation of far right-wing, ultranationalist, and eurosceptic parties in Europe after the Second World War pose a real threat towards the disintegration of the European Union. Starting more than thirty years ago with Jean-Marie Le Pen's FN and Margaret Thatcher's policies, to Marine Le Pen's current FN and anti-immigration proposals along with Nigel Farage's UKIP and their intentions to leave the European Union, the progress of right-wing parties should be noted, taking into account that they may have very important differences within their postures but that they also reach common ground in certain areas. The actual disintegration of the EU would represent an enormous failure of the new liberal world order. Through this essay, the roots of this political parties will be analyzed and the conclusion of whether the disintegration may become a reality or if the principles of cooperation and unity will prevail will be answered.

Keywords: eurosceptic, ultarnationalist, right-wing, European Union

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Authors: Nwachukwu Ihiejeto Celestine

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Rural poverty in Nigeria has been the bake of the society. It has been a canker worm which has eaten deep into the fabric of Nigerian society. Different models and principles have been applied to eradicate it, such as operation feed the nation, green revolution, NAPEP etc. Little or nothing has been done in the area of entrepreneurship education to tame this monster. It is based on this that the author wants to x-ray the role entrepreneurship education which studies “the process of identifying, bringing a vision to life” could play in the eradication of rural poverty in Nigeria. This will go along in providing appropriate principles for poverty alleviation and eradication in Nigeria. Some selected states in the eastern Geo-political region could be x-rayed in this circumstance. It is hoped that policy makers etc will find the work cogent in formulating and implementing policy decisions.

Keywords: poverty, entrepreneurship, education, Nigeria

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Authors: Fernando Nobre Cavalcante

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In Brazil, and more recently in the city of Fortaleza, there is a new form of entrepreneurship that is focused on the information and communication technology service sector and that draws the attention of young people, investors, governments, authors and media companies: it is known as the start-up movement. Today, it is considered to be a driving force behind the creative economy. Rooted on progressive discourse, the words enterprise and innovation seduce new economic agents motivated by success stories from Silicon Valley in America along with increasing commercial activity for digital goods and services. This article assesses, from a sociological point of view, the new productive wave problematized by the light of Manuel Castells’ informational capitalism. Considering the skeptical as well as the optimistic opinions about the impact of this new entrepreneurial rearrangement, the following question is asked: How Brazilian entrepreneurs evaluate public policy incentives for startups Brazilian Federal Government? The raised hypotheses are based on employability factors as well as cultural, economical, and political matters related to innovation and technology. This study has produced a nationwide quantitative assessment with a special focus on the reality of these Ceará firms; as well as comparative qualitative interviews on Brazilian experiences lived by identified agents. This article outlines the public incentive policy of the federal government, the Start-up Brasil Program, from the perspective of these companies and provides details as to the discipline methods of the new enterprising way born in the United States. The startups are very young companies that are headed towards the economic sustainment of the productive sector services. These companies are dropping the seeds that will produce the re-enchantment of young people and bring them back to participation in political debate; they provide relief and reheats the job market; and they produce a democratization of the entrepreneurial ‘Do-It-Yourself’ culture. They capitalize the pivot of the wall street wolves and of agents being charged for new masks. There are developmental logic’s prophylaxis in the face of dreadful innovation stagnation. The lack of continuity in Brazilian governmental politics and cultural nuances related to entrepreneurship are barring the desired regional success of this ecosystem.

Keywords: creative economy, entrepreneurship, informationalism, innovation, startups, start-up brasil program

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Authors: Muzaffer Topgul, Hasan Atac

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In case of explaining the migration concept, although it is not a new phenomenon, it is easy to understand that communities have migrated for variety of reasons such as natural disasters, famine, wars, economic problems, and several theories have been put forth to define and find solution for migration within its changing nature. Examining of migration theories denotes that the circumstances under which they appear reflect political, social, and economic conditions of the age they appear. In this day and time, security is considered not only from military perspective but also from economic, political, sociological dimensions. Based on the changing security environment new impacts of migration has occurred; the migration is proceed to be conferred as a type of war, qualified as a transnational crime because of its outcomes and interpreted in a different dimension owing to its effects on the health and education areas. Social security dimension in the context of expanding concept of security; when dealing with the safety of people and social groups with the assumption that national unity and identity are threatened, it sees immigrants as a source of threat. The human security assesses the safety of individuals in terms of survival and quality of life. Changes in the standard of living under the influence of immigrants and possible terrorist acts can be seen as a threat source in this type of security. Economic security of the individuals and the regional changes at the micro level created by the immigrants are covered issues of economic security. Due to the factors such as terrorism and civil war, the increasing numbers of displaced people who have taken refugee status affect the countries, whether it is near or far to the crisis areas, in the new and different dimensions of security day by day. In this study, the term of immigration through the eyes of national and international law will be evaluated, the place of the irregular and illegal immigration in the changing security sphere will be revealed and the effects of the irregular migration to short-term, mid-term and long-term security issues will be assessed through human and social security aspects. In order to analyze the threats for the human security; the parameters such as living conditions of the immigrants, the ratio of the genders, birth rate occasions, the education circumstances of the immigrant children and the effects of the illegal passing on the public order will be evaluated. The outcomes of the problem areas for the human security and the demographic alteration resulting from the human flow of displaced people will be discussed thorough social security extent. The fizzling economic diversity, which has shown up by irregular migration, will be presented within the scope of economic dimension of security.

Keywords: irregular migration, the changing dimensions of security, human security, social security

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Authors: Andre Sanches Siqueira Campos

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Central banks can play a significant role in promoting regional economic and monetary integration by strengthening the payment and settlement systems. However, close coordination and cooperation require facilitating the implementation of reforms at domestic and cross-border levels in order to benchmark with international standards and commitments to the liberal order. This situation reflects the normative power of the regulatory globalization dimension of strong states, which may drive or constrain regional integration. In the MERCOSUR and SAARC regions, central banks have set financial initiatives that could facilitate South America and South Asia regions to move towards convergence integration and facilitate trade and investments connectivities. This is qualitative method research based on a combination of the Process-Tracing method with Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This research approaches multiple forms of data based on central banks, regional organisations, national governments, and financial institutions supported by existing literature. The aim of this research is to analyze the decision-making process of the Central Bank of Brazil (BCB) and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) towards regional financial cooperation by identifying connectivity instruments that foster, gridlock, or redefine cooperation. The BCB and The RBI manage the monetary policy of the largest economies of those regions, which makes regional cooperation a relevant framework to understand how they provide an effective institutional arrangement for regional organisations to achieve some of their key policies and economic objectives. The preliminary conclusion is that both BCB and RBI demonstrate a reluctance to deepen regional cooperation because of the existing economic, political, and institutional asymmetries. Deepening regional cooperation is constrained by the interests of central banks in protecting their economies from risks of instability due to different degrees of development between countries in their regions and international financial crises that have impacted the international system in the 21st century. Reluctant regional integration also provides autonomy for national development and political ground for the contestation of Global Financial Governance by Brazil and India.

Keywords: Brazil, central banks, decision-making process, global financial governance, India, MERCOSUR, connectivity, payment system, regional cooperation, SAARC

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Authors: Nur Azha Putra Abdul Azim, Denise Cheong, S. Nivedita

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Currently, there are no nuclear power reactors among the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) member states (AMS) but there are seven operational nuclear research reactors, and Indonesia is about to construct the region’s first experimental power reactor by the end of the decade. If successful, the experimental power reactor will lay the foundation for the country’s and region’s first nuclear power plant. Despite projecting confidence during the period of nuclear power renaissance in the region in the last decade, none of the AMS has committed to a political decision on the use of nuclear energy and this is largely due to the Fukushima nuclear power accident in 2011. Of the ten AMS, Vietnam, Indonesia and Malaysia have demonstrated the most progress in developing nuclear energy based on the nuclear power infrastructure development assessments made by the International Atomic Energy Agency. Of these three states, Vietnam came closest to building its first nuclear power plant but decided to delay construction further due to safety and security concerns. Meanwhile, Vietnam along with Indonesia and Malaysia continue with their nuclear power infrastructure development and the remaining SEA states, with the exception of Brunei and Singapore, continue to build their expertise and capacity for nuclear power energy. At the current rate of progress, Indonesia is expected to make a national decision on the use of nuclear power by 2023 while Malaysia, the Philippines, and Thailand have included the use of nuclear power in their mid to long-term power development plans. Vietnam remains open to nuclear power but has not placed a timeline. The medium to short-term power development projection in the region suggests that the use of nuclear energy in the region is a matter of 'when' rather than 'if'. In lieu of the prospects for nuclear energy in Southeast Asia (SEA), this presentation will review the literature on ASEAN radiological emergency and preparedness response (EPR) plans and examine ASEAN’s disaster management and emergency framework. Through a combination of institutional mapping and stakeholder analysis methods, which we examine in the context of the international EPR, and nuclear safety and security regimes, we will identify the issues and challenges in developing a regional radiological EPR framework in the SEA. We will conclude with the observation that ASEAN faces serious structural, institutional and governance challenges due to the AMS inherent political structures and history of interstate conflicts, and propose that ASEAN should either enlarge the existing scope of its disaster management and response framework or that its radiological EPR framework should exist as a separate entity.

Keywords: nuclear power, nuclear accident, ASEAN, Southeast Asia

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Authors: Hosein Rahmati

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The Fatimid government was one of the powerful Shiite governments that was formed in 297 AH in the Islamic Maghreb based on Ismaili ideas and played an important role in promoting the culture and civilization of the Islamic world. Ismaili is one of the Shiite sects that has its own beliefs and teachings. This research seeks to find out which of the Ismaili beliefs and teachings were considered by the Fatimid political government and which the Fatimid government paid serious attention to highlighting. The present study, based on library sources and descriptive-analytical method, has concluded that the Ismaili doctrinal foundations, especially the doctrine of Imamate, are essential elements in the formation and continuation of the Fatimid rule. Their goals were approaching.

Keywords: Fatimid rule, The Ismaili, The Islamic Maghreb, Imamate

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Authors: Malizgani Paul Chavula

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Background: Comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) plays a critical role in promoting youth and adolescents’ sexual and reproductive health and well-being. However, little is known about the enablers and barriers affecting the integration of CSE into educational programmes. The aim of this review is to explore positive and negative factors influencing the integration of CSE into national curricula and educational systems in low- and middle-income countries. Methods: We conducted a systematic literature review (January 2010 to August 2022). The results accord with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-analysis standards for systematic reviews. Data were retrieved from the PubMed, Cochrane, Google Scholar, and Web of Hinari databases. The search yielded 431 publications, of which 23 met the inclusion criteria for full-text screening. The review is guided by an established conceptual framework that incorporates the integration of health innovations into health systems. Data were analyzed using a thematic synthesis approach. Results: The magnitude of the problem is evidenced by sexual and reproductive health challenges such as high teenage pregnancies, early marriages, and sexually transmitted infections. Awareness of these challenges can facilitate the development of interventions and the implementation and integration of CSE. Reported aspects of the interventions include core CSE content, delivery methods, training materials and resources, and various teacher-training factors. Reasons for adoption include perceived benefits of CSE, experiences and characteristics of both teachers and learners, and religious, social, and cultural factors. Broad system characteristics include strengthening links between schools and health facilities, school and community-based collaboration, coordination of CSE implementation, and the monitoring and evaluation of CSE. Ultimately, the availability of resources, national policies and laws, international agendas, and political commitment will impact upon the extent and level of integration. Conclusion: Social, economic, cultural, political, legal, and financial contextual factors influence the implementation and integration of CSE into national curricula and educational systems. Stakeholder collaboration and involvement in the design and appropriateness of interventions is critical.

Keywords: comprehensive sexuality education, factors, integration, sexual reproductive health rights

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Authors: Joseph Ignagni, Rebecca Deen

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In this study, the decision making of the Justices of the United States Supreme Court will be considered in terms of constrained maximization and cognitive-cybernetic theory. This paper will integrate research in such fields as law, psychology, political science, economics and decision-making theory. It will be argued that due to its heavy workload, the Supreme Court may be forced to make decisions in a boundedly rational manner. The ideas and theory put forward here will be considered in the area of the Court’s decisions involving religion. Therefore, the cases involving the U.S. Constitution’s Free Exercise Clause and Establishment Clause will be analyzed.

Keywords: bounded rationality, cognitive-cybernetic, US supreme court, religion

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Authors: Chupicai Manuel

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The global efforts to end child labour have been increasingly challenged by adages of global capitalism, inequalities and poverty affecting the global south. In the face the of rising inequalities whose origin can be explained from historical and political economy analysis between the poor and the rich countries, child labour is also on the rise particularly on the global south. The socio-economic and political context of Zimbabwe has undergone serious transition from colonial times through the post-independence normally referred to as the transition period up to the present day. These transitions have aided companies and entities in the business and agriculture sector to exploit child labour while country provided conditions that enhance child labour due to vulnerability of children and anomic child welfare system that plagued the country. Children from marginalised communities dominated by plantations and farms are affected most. This paper explores the experiences and perceptions of children working in tea estates, plantations and farms, and the adults who formerly worked in these plantations during their childhood to share their experiences and perceptions on child labour in Zimbabwe. Childhood theories that view children as apprentices and a human rights perspectives were employed to interrogate the concept of childhood, child labour and poverty alleviation strategies. Phenomenological research design was adopted to describe the experiences of children working in plantations and interpret the meanings they have on their work and livelihoods. The paper drew form 30 children from two plantations through semi-structured interviews and 15 key informant interviews from civil society organisations, international labour organisation, adults who formerly worked in the plantations and the personnel of the plantations. The findings of the study revealed that children work on the farms as an alternative model for survival against economic challenges while the majority cited that poverty compel them to work and get their fees and food paid for. Civil society organisations were of the view that child rights are violated and the welfare system of the country is malfunctional. The perceptions of the majority of the children interviewed are that the system on the plantations is better and this confirmed the socio-constructivist theory that views children as apprentices. The study recommended child sensitive policies and welfare regime that protects children from exploitation together with policing and legal measures that secure child rights.

Keywords: child labour, child rights, phenomenology, poverty reduction

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Authors: Chanaphop Vannaolarn, Weena Eiamprapai

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Thai noblewomen and lady-in-waiting in the era of King Rama V stayed only inside the palace. King Rama V decided to build Dusit Palace in 1897 and another palace called Suan Sunandha in 1900 after his royal visit to Europe. This palace became the residence for noblewomen in the court until the change of political system in 1932. The study about noblewomen in the palace can educate people about how our nation was affected by western civilization in terms of architecture, food, outfit and recreations. It is a way to develop the modern society by studying the great historical value of the past. A learning center about noblewomen will not only provide knowledge but also create bond and patriotic feeling among Thais.

Keywords: noblewomen, palace, management, learning center

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Authors: Erhan Turgut, Salih Ergün, Abdülkadir Öz

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Terror is a modern war strategy which uses violence as a means of communication in order to achieve political objectives. In today’s security environment narrowing the propaganda field of terrorist organization is the primary goal for the security forces. In this sense, providing and maintaining public support is the most necessary ability for security units. Rather than enemy and threat-oriented approach, homeland security oriented approach is essential to ensure public support. In this study, terror assumed as a homeland security issue and assigning the law enforcement forces with military status is analyzed.

Keywords: terrorism, counter-terrorism, military status law-enforcement, terrorist groups

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Authors: Mandy Tao Benec

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Propaganda, understood as a ‘deliberate attempt to persuade people to think and behave in a desired way’, contributes to the fabric of mass media discourse as an important component, albeit often under various alternative expressions except ‘propaganda’. When the word ‘propaganda’ does appear in the mainstream media of the West, it is often selectively applied upon undesiring parties such as China, the North Korea, Russia’s Putin, or terrorists, etc.. This attitude reveals an ‘us verse them’ mentality; and a presupposition that propaganda is something only ‘they’ do whilst ‘we’ do not. This phenomenon not only runs in danger of generating political naivety, but also calls for the necessity of re-examining propaganda which will benefit from analysing it in contrasting social and political environments. Therefore, this paper aims to compare how propaganda has been understood and put in practice both in the Anglo-American context and by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). By revealing the convergence and divergence of the propaganda discourses between China and the West, it will help clarify the misconception and misunderstanding of the term. Historical narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis are the main methodologies. By carefully examining data from academic research on propaganda in both English and Chinese, the landscape of how propaganda is defined throughout different eras is mapped, with special attention paid to analysing the parallelism and/or correspondence between China and the West when applicable. Meanwhile, critically analysing the official documents such as speeches and guidelines for propaganda administration given by top-rank CCP leaders will help reveal that in contrast to the West’s ‘us-them’ mentality, China sees oneself in no difference with the Western democracies when propaganda is concerned. Major findings of this study will identify a series of convergence and divergence between Chinese and Western propaganda discourses, and the relationship between propaganda the ‘signified’ (its essence) and propaganda the ‘signifier’ (the term itself), including (yet not limited to): 1) convergence in China catching up with the West, acknowledging the perceived pejorative connotation of the term 2) divergence in propaganda activities disassociated from the term in the West; and convergence in adopting such practice when China following suit in its external propaganda towards the West 3) convergence in utilising alternative notions to replace ‘propaganda’, first by the West, then imported and incorporated enthusiastically by China into its propaganda discourse 4) divergence between China’s internal and external propaganda and the subsequent differentiation between in which contexts the CCP sees fit to utilise the concept 5) convergence between China and the West in their English language propaganda discourses, whilst simultaneous divergence in their presuppositions: ‘usthem’ by the West and ‘we are the same’ by China. To conclude, this paper will contribute to the study of propaganda and its discourse by analysing how propaganda is understood and utilised in both worlds, and hence to uncover the discourse power struggle between the two, which contributes to the propaganda discourse itself. Hence, to untie the misconception of propaganda.

Keywords: China, discourse, power, propaganda

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