Search results for: SAARC

Authors: Sumit Roy, A. Uddin

Abstract:

One of the significant reasons that increase the delay time in the intersections at heterogeneous traffic condition is a sudden reduction of the capacity of the roads. In this study, the delay for this sudden capacity reduction is estimated. Two intersections at Dhaka city were brought in to thestudy, i.e., Kakrail intersection, and SAARC Foara intersection. At Kakrail intersection, the sudden reduction of capacity in the roads is seen at three downstream legs of the intersection, which are because of slowing down or stopping of buses for loading and unloading of passengers. At SAARC Foara intersection, sudden reduction of capacity was seen at two downstream legs. At one leg, it was due to loading and unloading of buses, and at another leg, it was for both loading and unloading of buses and reduction of the number of lanes. With these considerations, the delay due to intentional stoppage or slowing down of buses and reduction of the number of lanes for these two intersections are estimated. Here the delay was calculated by two approaches. The first approach came from the concept of shock waves in traffic streams. Here the delay was calculated by determining the flow, density, and speed before and after the sudden capacity reduction. The second approach came from the deterministic analysis of queues. Here the delay is calculated by determining the volume, capacity and reduced capacity of the road. After determining the delay from these two approaches, the results were compared. For this study, the video of each of the two intersections was recorded for one hour at the evening peak. Necessary geometric data were also taken to determine speed, flow, and density, etc. parameters. The delay was calculated for one hour with one-hour data at both intersections. In case of Kakrail intersection, the per hour delay for Kakrail circle leg was 5.79, and 7.15 minutes, for Shantinagar cross intersection leg they were 13.02 and 15.65 minutes, and for Paltan T intersection leg, they were 3 and 1.3 minutes for 1st and 2nd approaches respectively. In the case of SAARC Foara intersection, the delay at Shahbag leg was only due to intentional stopping or slowing down of busses, which were 3.2 and 3 minutes respectively for both approaches. For the Karwan Bazar leg, the delays for buses by both approaches were 5 and 7.5 minutes respectively, and for reduction of the number of lanes, the delays for both approaches were 2 and 1.78 minutes respectively. Measuring the delay per hour for the Kakrail leg at Kakrail circle, it is seen that, with consideration of the first approach of delay estimation, the intentional stoppage and lowering of speed by buses contribute to 26.24% of total delay at Kakrail circle. If the loading and unloading of buses at intersection is made forbidden near intersection, and any other measures for loading and unloading of passengers are established far enough from the intersections, then the delay at intersections can be reduced at significant scale, and the performance of the intersections can be enhanced.

Keywords: delay, deterministic queue analysis, shock wave, passenger loading-unloading

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Authors: Andre Sanches Siqueira Campos

Abstract:

Central banks can play a significant role in promoting regional economic and monetary integration by strengthening the payment and settlement systems. However, close coordination and cooperation require facilitating the implementation of reforms at domestic and cross-border levels in order to benchmark with international standards and commitments to the liberal order. This situation reflects the normative power of the regulatory globalization dimension of strong states, which may drive or constrain regional integration. In the MERCOSUR and SAARC regions, central banks have set financial initiatives that could facilitate South America and South Asia regions to move towards convergence integration and facilitate trade and investments connectivities. This is qualitative method research based on a combination of the Process-Tracing method with Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). This research approaches multiple forms of data based on central banks, regional organisations, national governments, and financial institutions supported by existing literature. The aim of this research is to analyze the decision-making process of the Central Bank of Brazil (BCB) and the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) towards regional financial cooperation by identifying connectivity instruments that foster, gridlock, or redefine cooperation. The BCB and The RBI manage the monetary policy of the largest economies of those regions, which makes regional cooperation a relevant framework to understand how they provide an effective institutional arrangement for regional organisations to achieve some of their key policies and economic objectives. The preliminary conclusion is that both BCB and RBI demonstrate a reluctance to deepen regional cooperation because of the existing economic, political, and institutional asymmetries. Deepening regional cooperation is constrained by the interests of central banks in protecting their economies from risks of instability due to different degrees of development between countries in their regions and international financial crises that have impacted the international system in the 21st century. Reluctant regional integration also provides autonomy for national development and political ground for the contestation of Global Financial Governance by Brazil and India.

Keywords: Brazil, central banks, decision-making process, global financial governance, India, MERCOSUR, connectivity, payment system, regional cooperation, SAARC

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Authors: Esha Banerji

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This paper attempts an assessment of India's behaviour as a foreign policy actor amidst the COVID 19 pandemic by briefly surveying the various introductions and alterations made to India's foreign policy. First, the paper attempts to establish the key strategic pillars of Indian foreign policy after reviewing the existing works. It then proceeds to assess the prominent part played by Health Diplomacy ("Vaccine Maitri") in India's bilateral and multilateral relations during the pandemic and the role of the Indian diaspora in shaping India's foreign policy. This is followed by examining "India's Neighbourhood First policy" and the way it's been employed by the Indian government to extend India’s strategic influence during the pandemic. An empirical assessment will be done to examine the changing dynamics of India's relation with different regional groupings like SAARC, ASEAN, BIMSTEC, etc. The paper also explores the new alliances formed post-pandemic and India's role in them. This paper analyses the contemporary challenges that the largest nation in South Asia faces with the onset of a global pandemic and how Ancient Indian values like "Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam" have influenced India's foreign policy, especially during the pandemic. It also attempts to grasp the changes within the negotiation style of the Indian government, and the role played by various stakeholders in shaping India's position in the present geopolitical landscape. The study has been conducted using data collected from government records, External Affairs Ministry database, and other available literature. The paper concludes with an attempt to predict the far-reaching strategic implications that the policy, as mentioned above, may have for India.

Keywords: Indian foreign policy, COVID19, diplomacy, post pandemic world

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Authors: Muhammed Shahriar Haque

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As an offshoot of journalistic discourse, the documentary should be objective in nature without harbouring any preconceived notion to foster ulterior motifs. When it comes to a social issue like rape in South Asian countries, as media in recent times is inundated with this violent act in India, Pakistan, Myanmar, Bangladesh, how does one document it in terms of objectivity and subjectivity? The objective of this study is twofold: to document the history of documentaries, and to critically analyze South Asian rape/flesh trade-documentaries. The overall goal is to trace the (re/de)construction of objectivity-subjectivity in documentaries. This paper adopts a qualitative approach to documentarist discourse through the lens of critical discourse analysis (CDA). Data was gathered for 10 documentaries on the theme of rape and/or flesh trade from eight South Asian countries, predominantly the South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) region. The documentaries were primarily categorised by using three frameworks based on six modes, six subgenres, and four basic approaches of documentary. Subsequently, the findings were critiqued from CDA perspective. The outcome suggests that there a two schools of thoughts regarding documentaries. According to journalistic ethics, news and/or documentaries should be objective in orientation and focus on informing the audience and/common people. The empirical findings tend to challenge ethical parameters of objectivity. At times, it seems that journalistic discourse is discursively (re)constructed to give an augmented simulation of objectivity. Based on the findings it may be recommended that if documentaries steer away from empirical facts and indulge in poetic naivety, their credibility could be questioned. A research of this nature is significant as it raises questions with regard to ethical and moral conscience of documentary filmmakers. Furthermore, it looks at whether they uphold journalistic integrity or succumb to their bias, and thereby depict subjective views, which could be tainted with political and/or propagandist ulterior motifs.

Keywords: discursive (re/de)construction, documentaries, journalistic integrity, rape/flesh trade

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Authors: Priyal Sepaha

Abstract:

A refugee crisis is manifested by challenges, both for the refugees and the asylum giving state. The situation turns into a mega-crisis when the situation is prejudicially handled by the home state, inappropriate refugee laws, exploding refugee population, and above all, no hope of any foreseeable solution or remedy. This paper studies the impact on the capability of stateless Rohingyas to migrate and seek refuge due to the enforcement of rigid criteria of movement imposed both by Myanmar as well as the adjoining countries in the name of national security. This theoretical study identifies the issues and the key factors and players which have precipitated the crisis. It further discusses the possible ramifications in the home, asylum giving, and the adjoining countries for not discharging their roles aptly. Additionally, an attempt has been made to understand the scarce response given to the impending crisis by the regional organizations like SAARC, ASEAN and CHOGAM as well as international organizations like United Nations Human Rights Council, Security Council, Office of High Commissioner for Refugees and so on, in the name of inadequacy of monetary funds and physical resources. Based on the refugee laws and practices pertaining to the case of Rohingyas, this paper analyses that the Rohingya Crisis is in dire need of an effective action plan to curb and resolve the biggest humanitarian crisis situation of the century. This mounting human tragedy can be mitigated permanently, by strengthening existing and creating new interdependencies among all stakeholders, as further ignorance can drive the countries of the Indian Sub-continent, in particular, and South East Asia, by and large into a violent civil war for seizing long-awaited civil rights by the marginalized Rohingyas. To curb this mass crisis, it will require the application of coercive pressure and diplomatic pursuance on the home country to acknowledge the rights of its fleeing citizens. This further necessitates mustering adequate monetary funds and physical resources for the asylum providing state. Additional challenges such as devising mechanisms for the refugee’s safe return, comprehensive planning for their holistic economic development and rehabilitation plan are needed. These, however, can only come into effect with a conscious strive by the regional and international community to fulfil their assigned role.

Keywords: asylum, citizenship, crisis, humanitarian, human rights, refugee, rohingya

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Authors: Debasish Nandy

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India’s foreign policy towards all of her neighbor countries is determinate on the basis of multi-dimensional factors. India’s relations with its South Asian neighbor can be classified into three categories. In the first category, there are four countries -Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Afghanistan- whose bilateral relationships have encompassed cooperation, irritants, problems and crisis at different points in time. With Pakistan, the relationship has been perpetually adversarial. The third category includes Bhutan and Maldives whose relations are marked by friendship and cooperation, free of any bilateral problems. It is needless to say that Jawaharlal Nehru emphasized on friendly relations with the neighboring countries. The subsequent Prime Ministers of India especially I.K. Gujral had advocated in making of peaceful and friendly relations with the subcontinental countries. He had given a unique idea to foster bilateral relations with the neighbors. His idea is known as ‘Gujral Doctrine’. A dramatical change has been witnessed in Indian foreign policy since 1991.In the post-Cold War period, India’s national security has been vehemently threatened by terrorism, which originated from Pakistan-Afghanistan and partly Bangladesh. India has required a cooperative security, which can be made by mutual understanding among the South Asian countries. Additionally, the countries of South Asia need to evolve the concept of ‘Cooperative Security’ to explain the underlying logic of regional cooperation. According to C. Rajamohan, ‘cooperative security could be understood, as policies of governments, which see themselves as former adversaries or potential adversaries to shift from or avoid confrontationist policies.’ A cooperative security essentially reflects a policy of dealing peacefully with conflicts, not merely by abstention from violence or threats but by active engagement in negotiation, a search for practical solutions and with a commitment to preventive measures. Cooperative assumes the existence of a condition in which the two sides possess the military capabilities to harm each other. Establishing cooperative security runs into a complex process building confidence. South Asian nations often engaged with hostility to each other. Extra-regional powers have been influencing their powers in this region since a long time. South Asian nations are busy to purchase military equipment. In spite of weakened economic systems, these states are spending a huge amount of money for their security. India is the big power in this region in every aspect. The big states- small states syndrome is a negative factor in this respect. However, India will have to an initiative to extended ‘track II diplomacy’ or soft diplomacy for its security as well as the security of this region.Confidence building measures could help rejuvenate not only SAARC but also build trust and mutual confidence between India and its neighbors in South Asia. In this paper, I will focus on different aspects of India’s policy towards it, South-Asian neighbors. It will also be searched that how India is dealing with these countries by using a mixed type of diplomacy – both idealistic and realistic points of view. Security and cooperation are two major determinants of India’s foreign policy towards its South Asian neighbors.

Keywords: bilateral, diplomacy, infiltration, terrorism

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Authors: Sachoiba Inkah

Abstract:

The Northeast region has not been a major factor in India’s foreign policy calculation since independence. Instead, the region was ignored and marginalized even to the extent of using force and repressive Acts such as AFSPA(Armed Forces Special Powers Act) to suppress the voices of both states and non-state actors. The liberalization of the economy in the 90s in the wake of globalization gave India a new outlook and the Look East Policy (LEP) was a paradigm shift in India’s engagement with the Southeast Asian nations as it seeks to explore the benefits of the ASEAN. The reorienting of India’s foreign policy to ‘Neighborhood First” is attributed to the present political dispensation, which is further widened to include ‘Extended Neighborhood.’ As a result, the Northeastern states have become key players in India’s participation in regional groupings such as SAARC, BIMSTEC, and BCIM. The need for external balancing, diplomacy and development has reset India’s foreign policy priorities as the Northeast states lie in the confluence of South Asia, Southeast and East Asia, and a stakeholder in Act East Policy. The paper will explore the role of Northeastern states in the framework of Indian foreign policy as it shares international boundaries with China, Bhutan, Bangladesh, and Myanmar and most importantly, study the case of Nagas who are spread across Manipur, Nagaland, and Arunachal Pradesh bordering Myanmar. The Indo-Myanmar border is an area of conflict and various illegal activities such as arms trafficking, illegal migrants, drug, and human trafficking are still being carried out and in order to address this issue, both India and Myanmar need to take into consideration the various communities living across the border. And conflict and insurgency should not be a yardstick to curtailed development of infrastructures such as roads, health facilities, transport, and communication in the contested region. The realities, perceptions, and contentions of the Northeastern states and the different communities living in the border areas need a wider discourse as the region the potential to drive India’s diplomatic relations with its neighbors and extended neighborhood. The methods employed are analytical and more of a descriptive analysis on India’s foreign policy framework with a focus on Nagas in Myanmar, drawing from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources include official documents, data, and statistics released by various governmental agencies, parliamentary debates, political speeches, press releases, treaties and agreements, historical biographies and organizational policy papers, protocols and procedures of government conferences, regional organization study reports etc. The paper concludes that the recent proactive engagement between India and Myanmar on trade, defense, economic, and infrastructure development are positive signs cementing bilateral ties, but there is not much room for the people-to-people connect, especially for people living in the borderland. The Freedom of Movement Regime that is in place is limited and there is more scope for improvement as people in the borderland looks towards trade and commerce to not only uplift the border economy but also act as a catalyst for robust engagement between the two countries, albeit with more infrastructure such as road, healthcare, education, a tourist hotspot, trade centers, mobile connectivity, etc.

Keywords: foreign policy, infrastructure development, insurgency, people to people connect

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