Search results for: political discourse analysis

Authors: Yuzhi Ruan

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This paper investigates the dual functionality of gossip in shaping the action of the comic character, Mrs. Cyrus Packard, in the play “He Said, She Said” by the Chicago playwright Alice Gerstenberg. During the American Little Theater Movement in the early 20th century, when small experimental centers of drama were established, Alice Gerstenberg challenged gender inequality through the use of social satire in her play. Incorporating textual evidence from the play, this study demonstrates that Mrs. Packard is both empowered and disempowered by her gossiping habit in terms of her self-perception and her social relationships within the play. It argues for the dramatic and satirical representation of female identity through the pragmatics of discourse analysis. These perspectives are evident in combining linguistics and literature.

Keywords: discursive power, female identity, feminism in little theater movement, gossip

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Authors: Ari Alamäki, Timo Kaski

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The value of co-creation has gained much attention in sales research, but less is known about how salespeople and customers interact in the authentic business to business (B2B) sales meetings. The study presented in this paper empirically contributes to existing research by presenting authentic B2B sales meetings that were video recorded and analyzed using observation and qualitative content analysis methods. This paper aims to study key elements of successful sales interactions between salespeople and customers/buyers. This study points out that salespeople are selling value rather than the products or services themselves, which are only enablers in realizing business benefits. Therefore, our findings suggest that promoting and easing open discourse is an essential part of a successful sales encounter. A better understanding of how salespeople and customers successfully interact would help salespeople to develop their interpersonal sales skills.

Keywords: personal selling, relationship, sales management, value co-creation

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: Elza Jurun, Damir Piplica, Tea Poklepović

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Numerous studies carried out in the developed western democratic countries have shown that the ideological framework of the governing party has a significant influence on the monetary policy. The executive authority consisting of a left-wing party gives a higher weight to unemployment suppression and central bank implements a more expansionary monetary policy. On the other hand, right-wing governing party considers the monetary stability to be more important than unemployment suppression and in such a political framework the main macroeconomic objective becomes the inflation rate reduction. The political framework conditions in the transition countries which are new European Union (EU) members are still highly specific in relation to the other EU member countries. In the focus of this paper is the question whether the same monetary policy principles are valid in these transitional countries as well as they apply in developed western democratic EU member countries. The data base consists of inflation rate and unemployment rate for 11 transitional EU member countries covering the period from 2001 to 2012. The essential information for each of these 11 countries and for each year of the observed period is right or left political orientation of the ruling party. In this paper we use t-statistics to test our hypothesis that there are differences in inflation and unemployment between right and left political orientation of the governing party. To explore the influence of different countries, through years and different political orientations descriptive statistics is used. Inflation and unemployment should be strongly negatively correlated through time, which is tested using Pearson correlation coefficient. Regarding the fact whether the governing authority is consisted from left or right politically oriented parties, monetary authorities will adjust its policy setting the higher priority on lower inflation or unemployment reduction.

Keywords: inflation rate, monetary policy orientation, transition EU countries, unemployment rate

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Authors: Dimitrios Akrivos, Alexandros K. Antoniou

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This paper looks at the crucial role of the British news media in the construction of extreme pornography as a social problem, suggesting that this paved the way for the subsequent criminalization of such material through the introduction of the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008. Focusing on the high-profile case of Graham Coutts, it examines the British national press’ reaction to Jane Longhurst’s murder through a qualitative content analysis of 251 relevant news articles. Specifically, the paper documents the key arguments expressed in the corresponding claims-making process. It considers the different ways in which the consequent ‘trial by media’ presented this exceptional case as the ‘tip of the iceberg’ and eventually translated into policy. The analysis sheds light on the attempts to ‘piggyback’ the issue of extreme pornography on child sexual abuse images as well as the textual and visual mechanisms used to establish an ‘us versus them’ dichotomy in the pertinent media discourse. Finally, the paper assesses the severity of the actual risk posed by extreme pornography, concluding that its criminalization should not merely be dismissed as the outcome of an institutionalized media panic.

Keywords: criminalization, extreme pornography, social problem, trial by media

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Authors: Nuhu Bitrus Mailabari

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Nigeria is a highly multifarious nation trapped between affluence and affliction. On one hand, the state has vast territorial size, economic strength, relative internal cohesion, and good external linkages. On the other, it is bedeviled with enormous challenges. It is common knowledge that the North-East geo-political zone has suffered colossal destruction for the most part of the last ten years due to the activities of the insurgent group Boko Haram. Several factors (political, economic, religious, socio-cultural) have been credited with the heightened insecurity in the region. Without a doubt, the security crisis in the region has rekindled several discussions critical to Nigeria’s security architecture. However, the debate on finding an enduring solution to the devastation in the North East continually neglects the nexus between cross border migration and national security. Using content analysis, this paper debates two main issues that continue to affect security in the North East. One, the cumulative impact of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) protocol on the free movement of people and goods. Two, the porous nature of Nigeria’s borders. Theoretically, the paper will rely on the systems theory because of its broad focus on structure, linkage, and process. The work concludes in twofold. First, that cross border migration and poor border management processes further worsened the political and socio-economic conditions of a region that is already in a bad state. Secondly, in addition to the existing strategies, Nigeria must develop a holistic approach including new methods of handling cross border movements in solving the security issues.

Keywords: border, cross border, migration, Nigeria, northeast region, security

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Authors: Silvia Sommella

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Islamic terrorism has gained a lot of media attention in the last years also because of the striking increase of terror attacks since 2014. The main aim of this paper is to illustrate the phenomenon of Islamic terrorism by applying frame semantics and metaphor analysis to German and Italian press headlines of the two online weekly publications Der Spiegel and L’Espresso between 2014 and 2019. This study focuses on how media discourse – through the use of conceptual metaphors – let arise in people a particular reception of the phenomenon of Islamic terrorism and accept governmental strategies and policies, perceiving terrorists as evildoers, as the members of an uncivilised group ‘other’ opposed to the civilised group ‘we’: two groups that are perceived as opposed. The press headlines are analyzed on the basis of the cognitive linguistics, namely Lakoff and Johnson’s conceptualization of metaphor to distinguish between abstract conceptual metaphors and specific metaphorical expressions. The study focuses on the contexts, frames, and metaphors. The method adopted in this study is Konerding’s frame semantics (1993). Konerding carried out on the basis of dictionaries – in particular of the Duden Deutsches Universalwörterbuch (Duden Universal German Dictionary) – in a pilot study of a lexicological work hyperonym reduction of substantives, working exclusively with nouns because hyperonyms usually occur in the dictionary meaning explanations as for the main elements of nominal phrases. The results of Konerding’s hyperonym type reduction is a small set of German nouns and they correspond to the highest hyperonyms, the so-called categories, matrix frames: ‘object’, ‘organism’, ‘person/actant’, ‘event’, ‘action/interaction/communication’, ‘institution/social group’, ‘surroundings’, ‘part/piece’, ‘totality/whole’, ‘state/property’. The second step of Konerding’s pilot study consists in determining the potential reference points of each category so that conventionally expectable routinized predications arise as predictors. Konerding found out which predicators the ascertained noun types can be linked to. For the purpose of this study, metaphorical expressions will be listed and categorized in conceptual metaphors and under the matrix frames that correspond to the particular conceptual metaphor. All of the corpus analyses are carried out using Ant Conc corpus software. The research will verify some previously analyzed metaphors such as TERRORISM AS WAR, A CRIME, A NATURAL EVENT, A DISEASE and will identify new conceptualizations and metaphors about Islamic terrorism, especially in the Italian language like TERRORISM AS A GAME, WARES, A DRAMATIC PLAY. Through the identification of particular frames and their construction, the research seeks to understand the public reception and the way to handle the discourse about Islamic terrorism in the above mentioned online weekly publications under a contrastive analysis in the German and in the Italian language.

Keywords: cognitive linguistics, frame semantics, Islamic terrorism, media

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Authors: Loide Sambo

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Achieving energy security has, in the past few decades, become one of the main goals in the security agenda of every country around the world. For Southern African Countries (SAC) the aim is not different, yet these countries face a particular challenge in the pursuit of their energy security. More than just secure enough energy sources to fuel their industrial and societal needs, SAC have as well to ensure that they trade their rich energy resources to the global market in a way that promotes and safeguards their economic development objectives. Considering the relevance of this issue to the SAC, the present paper explores the possibility of these countries to achieve energy security through regional cooperation, under the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) platform. It discusses the challenges and opportunities for advancing energy security in this region through cooperation. After analyzing the data through the documentary analysis method, it was found that regional cooperation among SAC to improve energy security is not effective since cooperation in the region is still very susceptible to a plethora of challenges, such as political instability, lack of development of infrastructure and expertise, lack of good governance, lack of sense of cohesiveness, and most important lack of political commitment. It was also found that significant commitment on regional cooperation had been centered on the electricity sub-sector due to the region’s huge electricity deficit. Thus less commitment is dedicated to the development and policy harmonization of the other sub-sectors such as the one of natural gas and oil, for instance. Hence, it is recommended that the leadership of the SAC is fully committed to cooperate and harmonize the policies, the strategic plans, as well as the infrastructure concerning to all the natural energy resources and its respective sub-sectors. This would provide the SAC significant leverage to negotiate for the energy market access, ensuring that the region’s energy commodities are traded, while the countries themselves retain enough energy to sustain their economic growth and development, improving, therefore, their energy security.

Keywords: regional cooperation, energy security, economic development, political commitment

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Authors: Yaron Katz

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The investigation of immigrants' electoral choices has remained relatively uncharted territory despite the fact that numerous nations extend political rights to their expatriates. This paper centers its attention on the matter of public trust in democracy, with a focus on the intricacies of Israeli politics as a divided system. It delves into the potential implications of political and social transformations stemming from the involvement of expatriate voters in elections taking place in their country of origin. In doing so, the article endeavors to explore a pathway for resolving a persistent challenge facing the stability of the Israeli political landscape over the past decade: the difficulty in forming a resilient government that genuinely represents the majority of voters. An examination is conducted into the role played by a demographic with the capacity to exert significant influence on election outcomes, namely, individuals residing outside of Israel. The objective of this research is to delve into this subject, dissecting social developments and political prospects that may shape the country's trajectory in the coming decades. This inquiry is especially pertinent given the extensive engagement of migrants in Israeli politics and the link between Israelis living abroad and their home country. Nevertheless, the study's findings reveal that while former citizens exhibit extensive involvement in Israeli politics and are cognizant of the potential consequences of permitting them to participate in elections, they maintain steadfastly unfavorable views regarding the inclusion of Israelis living overseas in their home country's electoral processes.

Keywords: trust, globalization, policy, democracy

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Authors: Adnan Skhawat Ali

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Overseas voting was a long debatable issue in Pakistan because major political parties claimed that their overseas voters could not participate in the electoral system. In the history of Pakistan, the first time Election Management body- Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), gave political rights to overseas Pakistanis in 2018 and promoted the true spirit of democracy to give political rights to those people who are living abroad. The main aim of this study is to highlight the crucial factors that are the main hindrance to overseas voting registration. This study conducted purposive sampling and held overseas voters’, from all over the world interviewed for the deep understanding of their behavior towards national politics and elections. This study highlighted the factors which are hindrances in the registration of overseas voters and election administration. These factors are lack of mass media campaign, lack of technical knowledge, complicated registration process, and no information sharing cells in concerned embassies and consulates. ECP should disseminate information about overseas voting via foreign embassies or consulate generals because these are more effective ways to provide information to the Pakistani community/overseas and conduct mass media awareness campaigns to properly inform citizens. Citizens have not only supported the country in terms of remittances but have also made the country’s image in front of other country’s citizens.

Keywords: election administration, political parties, election management body, overseas Pakistanis, elections, registration of overseas voters

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Authors: Foluke Abimbola

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There are two separate groups of a recognised body of human rights. These are known as Civil and Political Rights, and Economic and Social Rights. There is however an impression that civil and political rights are enforceable in courts while socio-economic rights are not. Nigeria is an example of one of such countries whose constitution has social, economic and cultural rights’ provisions as well as civil and political rights. However, the socio-economic rights provided in the Nigerian constitution are not justiciable or are unenforceable in a court of law. On the other hand, a comparative examination of the socio-economic right provisions in the South African constitution and judgments of the constitutional court of South Africa reveals that socio-economic rights may be enforceable. This position may ensure the protection of the socio-economic rights of the poor and vulnerable groups. These rights include the rights to food, adequate shelter, health, and education. Moreover, the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter) which incorporates similar socio-economic right provisions, has been recognized as a domestic law in Nigeria and its provisions are enforceable by the domestic courts by virtue of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act Cap A9 Laws of the Federation of Nigeria 2004. It is not only a regional treaty signed and adopted by Nigeria but has been passed into law by the National Assembly and can be enforced like any other local law. This paper will propose that in view of the provisions of the African Charter and mechanisms for implementation as well as other international conventions and national constitutional provisions on human rights, domestic courts may be able to assess state responsibilities in the light of socio-economic rights. Cases decided by South African courts and other jurisdictions will be discussed in order to lend weight to the notion that socio-economic rights can be enforced in jurisdictions such as Nigeria even though the constitution provides otherwise.

Keywords: african charter, constitutional court of south africa, nigerian constitution, socio-economic rights, south african constitution

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Authors: Kriangkrai Vathanalaoha

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Misery generates fear and anxiety in readers through its intense plot associated with the unpredictable emotional states of the nurse, Annie Wilkes. At the same time, she mentally and physically abuses the novelist victim, Paul Sheldon. The suspense is not only at the story level, where the violent expressions are used but also at the discourse level, where the linguistic structures may intentionally cause the reader to view language as disturbing performative. This performativity could be reflected through linguistic choices where the writer triggers a new imaginative world through experiential metafunction and schema disruption. This study explores striking excerpts from the fiction through mind style and transitivity analysis to demonstrate how the horrific experience contrasts when the protagonist and the antagonist converse extensively. The results reveal that stylistic deviation can be found at the syntactic levels, where the intensity of emotions can be apparent when the protagonist is verbally abused. In addition, transitivity can flesh out how the protagonist is expressed chiefly through the internalized process, whereas the antagonist is eminent with the externalized process. The findings suggest that the application of cognitive stylistics, such as mind style and transitivity analysis, could contribute to the mental representation of horrific reality.

Keywords: horror, mind style, misery, stylistics, transitivity

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Authors: Dianah Kitiabi

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This study examines the experiences of graduate international students in Study Abroad (SA) in order to understand the evolution of their second language (L2) skills during the period of their sojourn abroad. The study documents students’ perspectives through analysis of interview data situated within the context of their overall SA experience. Based on a phenomenological approach, the study focuses on a sample of nine graduate students with at least one year of SA experience. Gass & Mackey’s (2007) interaction approach and Vygotsky’s (1962) sociocultural theory help frame the study within the discourse of second language acquisition (SLA) in SA, such as to highlight the effects of SA on L2 skills of advanced-level learners. The findings of the study are first presented as individual case vignettes where students’ interpretations of their personal experiences are described in entirety, followed by an analysis across the cases that highlight emergent themes. The results of this study show that the linguistic outcomes of international students studying abroad are highly individualized. Although students reported to have improved some of their L2 skills, they also reported a lack of improvement in other L2 skills, most of which differed by case. What emerges is that besides contextual factors, students’ pre-program exposure to L2, interactions with NSs, frequency of L2 use in context, and personal beliefs contribute to their linguistic gains in SA.

Keywords: context, interaction, second language acquisition, study abroad

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Authors: Jim O'brien

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Contemporary global representation and consumption of La Liga across a plethora of media platform outlets has resulted in significant implications for the historical, political and cultural developments which shaped the development of Spanish club football. This has established and reinforced a hierarchy of a small number of teams belonging to or aspiring to belong to a cluster of global elite clubs seeking to imitate the blueprint of the English Premier League in respect of corporate branding and marketing in order to secure a global fan base through success and exposure in La Liga itself and through the Champions League. The synthesis between globalization, global sport and the status of high profile clubs has created radical change within the folkloric iconography of Spanish football. The main focus of this paper is to critically evaluate the consequences of globalization on the rich tapestry at the core of the game’s distinctive history in Spain. The seminal debate underpinning the study considers whether the divergent aspects of globalization have acted as a malevolent force, eroding tradition, causing financial meltdown and reducing much of the fabric of club football to the status of by standers, or have promoted a renaissance of these traditions, securing their legacies through new fans and audiences. The study draws on extensive sources on the history, politics and culture of Spanish football, in both English and Spanish. It also uses primary and archive material derived from interviews and fieldwork undertaken with scholars, media professionals and club representatives in Spain. The paper has four main themes. Firstly, it contextualizes the key historical, political and cultural forces which shaped the landscape of Spanish football from the late nineteenth century. The seminal notions of region, locality and cultural divergence are pivotal to this discourse. The study then considers the relationship between football, ethnicity and identity as a barometer of continuity and change, suggesting that tradition is being reinvented and re-framed to reflect the shifting demographic and societal patterns within the Spanish state. Following on from this, consideration is given to the paradoxical function of ‘El Clasico’ and the dominant duopoly of the FC Barcelona – Real Madrid axis in both eroding tradition in the global nexus of football’s commodification and in protecting historic political rivalries. To most global consumers of La Liga, the mega- spectacle and hyperbole of ‘El Clasico’ is the essence of Spanish football, with cultural misrepresentation and distortion catapulting the event to the global media audience. Finally, the paper examines La Liga as a sporting phenomenon in which elite clubs, cult managers and galacticos serve as commodities on the altar of mass consumption in football’s global entertainment matrix. These processes accentuate a homogenous mosaic of cultural conformity which obscures local, regional and national identities and paradoxically fuses the global with the local to maintain the distinctive hue of La Liga, as witnessed by the extraordinary successes of Athletico Madrid and FC Eibar in recent seasons.

Keywords: Spanish football, globalization, cultural identity, tradition, folklore

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Authors: Jyoti Brahma

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Folk epics of India are found in various Indian languages. The study of folk epics and its importance in folkloristic study in India came into prominence only during the nineteenth century. The British administrators and missionaries collected and documented folk epics from various parts of the country. The paper is an attempt to investigate how colonial outpost appears to penetrate the interiors of Indian land and society and triggered off the Indian Renaissance. It takes into account the compositions of the epics of India and the attention it received during the nineteenth century, which in turn gave, rise to the national consciousness shaping the culture of India. Composed as oral traditions these folk epics are now seen as repositories of historical consciousness whereas in earlier times societies without literacy were said to be without history. So, there is an urgent need to re-examine the British impact on Indian literary traditions. The Bhakti poets through their nuanced responses in their efforts to change the behavior of Indian society gives us the perfect example of deferment in the clear cut distinction between the folk and the classical in the context of India. It evades a pure categorization and classification of the classical and constitutes part of the folk traditions of the cultural heritage of India. Therefore, the ethical question of what is ontologically known as ordinary discourse in the case of the “folk” forms metaphors and folk language gains importance once more. The paper also thus seeks simultaneously to outline the significant factors responsible for shaping the destiny of folklore in South India particularly the four political states of the Indian Union: Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu, what could be termed as South Indian “cultural zones”.

Keywords: colonial, folk, folklore, tradition

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Authors: Sibo Lu, Zhongkai Qian

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This study endeavors to articulate a spectrum of capitalist transformation from a politico-economic perspective, categorizing the development of capitalism into pre-modern, modern, and post-modern stages while examining the transitions between these states. It critically engages with the concepts of pre-modernity, modernity, and post-modernity, typically aligned with cultural studies, to shed light on their objective changes in the politico-economic realm. Post-modernity, in this context, is associated with the transition to high-value-added services and economic growth in ‘developed’ countries amidst globalization, framing a ‘neoliberal’ economic transformation. The paper scrutinizes the neoliberal economic shifts in the latter half of the 20th century as part of the post-modern state, arguing against viewing post-modernity merely as a cultural or subjective interpretative stance. Instead, it is posited as a concrete politico-economic phase marked by the dominance of post-Fordist systems. Through integrating insights from the political economy with continental philosophy, this research provides a nuanced analysis of capitalism's evolution, challenging conventional class analyses under the capitalist system and fostering a broader understanding of socio-economic paradigms.

Keywords: post marxism, critical theory, political economy, capitalism transformation

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Authors: Joy Olayemi Gbala, Fatai Olatokunbo, Philip Cloud

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Catastrophic dictatorship has been discovered to be the major leadership challenge that orchestrates stagnated and contrasted economy with dysfunctional democracy in Africa through willful misappropriation of resources and egregious subversion of the rule of law. Almost invariably, most African leaders inexplicably often become power drunk and addicted which usually leads to abuse of state power, abdication of constitutional duties, unjustly withdrawal of business license of operation, human right violation, election malpractices, financial corruption, disruptions of policies of democratic government transition, annulment of free and fair election, and disruptions of legal electoral procedures and unachievable dividends of democracy and many more. Owing to this, most African nations have gone and still go through political unrest and insurgencies leading to loss of lives and property, violent protests, detention of detractors and political activists and massive human displacement. This research work is concerned with, and investigates the causes, menace, consequences and impacts of subverting the rule of law in Africa on the economy and the development of the continent with a suggested practical solution to the plights.

Keywords: corruption, law, leadership, violation

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Authors: Ghazala Kausar

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This study investigates Pakistani first year university students’ perception of the role of pragmatics in their general approach to learning English. The research is triggered by National Curriculum’s initiative to provide holistic opportunities to the students for language development and to equip them with competencies to use English language in academic and social contexts (New English National Curriculum for I-XII). The traditional grammar translation and examination oriented method is believed to reduce learners to silent listener (Zhang, 2008: Zhao 2009). This lead to the inability of the students to interpret discourse by relating utterances to their meaning, understanding the intentions of the users and how language is used in specific setting (Bachman & Palmer, 1996, 2010). Pragmatic competence is a neglected area as far as teaching and learning English in Pakistan is concerned. This study focuses on the different types of pragmatic knowledge, learners perception of such knowledge and learning strategies employed by different learners to process the learning in general and pragmatic in particular. This study employed three data collecting tools; a questionnaire, discourse completion task and interviews to elicit data from first year university students regarding their perception of pragmatic competence. Results showed that Pakistani first year university learners have limited pragmatic knowledge. Although they acknowledged the importance of linguistic knowledge for linguistic competence in the students but argued that insufficient English proficiency, limited knowledge of pragmatics, insufficient language material and tasks were major reasons of pragmatic failure.

Keywords: pragmatic competence, Pakistani college learners, linguistic competence

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Authors: Stefanie M. Vanneste, Stijn Goeminne

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This paper studies the effect of political characteristics of 308 Flemish municipalities on their budget balance in the period 1995-2011. All local governments experience the same economic and financial setting, however some governments have high budget balances, while others have low budget balances. The aim of this paper is to explain the differences in municipal budget balances by a number of economic, socio-demographic and political variables. The economic and socio-demographic variables will be used as control variables, while the focus of this paper will be on the political variables. We test four hypotheses resulting from the literature, namely (i) the partisan hypothesis tests if left wing governments have lower budget balances, (ii) the fragmentation hypothesis stating that more fragmented governments have lower budget balances, (iii) the hypothesis regarding the power of the government, higher powered governments would resolve in higher budget balances, and (iv) the opportunistic budget cycle to test whether politicians manipulate the economic situation before elections in order to maximize their reelection possibilities and therefore have lower budget balances before elections. The contributions of our paper to the existing literature are multiple. First, we use the whole array of political variables and not just a selection of them. Second, we are dealing with a homogeneous database with the same budget and election rules, making it easier to focus on the political factors without having to control for the impact of differences in the political systems. Third, our research extends the existing literature on Flemish municipalities as this is the first dynamic research on local budget balances. We use a dynamic panel data model. Because of the two lagged dependent variables as explanatory variables, we employ the system GMM (Generalized Method of Moments) estimator. This is the best possible estimator as we are dealing with political panel data that is rather persistent. Our empirical results show that the effect of the ideological position and the power of the coalition are of less importance to explain the budget balance. The political fragmentation of the government on the other hand has a negative and significant effect on the budget balance. The more parties in a coalition the worse the budget balance is ceteris paribus. Our results also provide evidence of an opportunistic budget cycle, the budget balances are lower in pre-election years relative to the other years to try and increase the incumbents reelection possibilities. An additional finding is that the incremental effect of the budget balance is very important and should not be ignored like is being done in a lot of empirical research. The coefficients of the lagged dependent variables are always positive and very significant. This proves that the budget balance is subject to incrementalism. It is not possible to change the entire policy from one year to another so the actions taken in recent past years still have an impact on the current budget balance. Only a relatively small amount of research concerning the budget balance takes this considerable incremental effect into account. Our findings survive several robustness checks.

Keywords: budget balance, fragmentation, ideology, incrementalism, municipalities, opportunistic budget cycle, panel data, political characteristics, power, system GMM

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Mahnaz Motamedi, Mohammad Shahbazi, Shahrzad Rahimi-Naghani, Mehrdad Salehi

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Introduction: Identifying sexual health needs, developing appropriate plans, and delivering services to meet those needs is an essential component of health programs for women, men, and children all over the world, especially in poor countries. Main Subject: The aim of this study was to describe the needs of sexual health from the viewpoint of health policymakers in Iran. Methods: A qualitative study using thematic content analysis was designed and conducted. Data gathering was conducted through semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 25 key informants within the healthcare system. Key informants were selected through both purposive and snowball sampling. MAXQUDA software (version 10) was used to facilitate transcription, classification of codes, and conversion of data into meaningful units, by the process of reduction and compression. Results: The analysis of narratives and information categorized sexual health needs into five categories: culturalization of sexual health discourse, sexual health care services, sexual health educational needs, sexual health research needs, and organizational needs. Conclusion: Identifying and explaining sexual health needs is an important factor in determining the priority of sexual health programs and identification of barriers to meet these needs. This can help other policymakers and health planners to develop appropriate programs to promote sexual and reproductive health.

Keywords: sexual health, sexual health needs, policy makers, health system, qualitative study

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Authors: Hatun Korkmaz

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Todays, the developing countries of the world widely face challenges of economic growth, political, social and human development. One of the ways to achieve economic, political and human development is good governance. Without an improvement in good governance, the objectives of human development cannot be achieved. The good governance has become a key issue over preceding two decades and it is the very important component of good economic growth and human development. This paper argues that good governance impacts positively human development with the case of Rwanda. Rwanda is a good example of this subject. In this paper, firstly we explained that what is good governance and human development and how we measure them. Then we researched the relationship between good governance and human development in case of Rwanda with the indexes of many international institutions which are researching in this topics. Rwanda has recorded the 'best progress' since the year 2000, making it the ‘most successful' about governance. Rwanda is seen as one of the top ten countries in the region in terms of relative peace, political stability and economic progress. Part of the reason for Rwanda's success is accountability, which comprises access to information, elimination of corruption and bureaucracy and transparency in public service, which variables cumulatively earned it 72.1 percent. According to this research If countries want batter growth and human development then good reforms of good governance is needed.

Keywords: human development, Rwanda, good governance, governance, development

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Authors: Zahra Bakhtiari

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Middle East countries confront a multitude of main environmental challenges which are inevitable. The unstable economic and political structure which dominates numerous middle East countries makes it difficult to react effectively to unfavorable climate change impacts. This study applies a qualitative methodology and relies on secondary literature aimed to investigate how countries in the Middle East are balancing economic security and climatic security in terms of budgeting, infrastructure investment, political engagement (domestically through discourses or internationally in terms of participation in international organizations or bargaining, etc.) There has been provided an outline of innovative measures in both economic and environmental fields that are in progress in the Middle East countries and what capacity they have for economic development and environmental adaptation, as well as what has already been performed. The primary outcome is that countries that rely more on infrastructure investment such as negative emissions technologies (NET) through green social capital enterprises and political engagement, especially nationally determined contributions (NDCs) commitments and United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), experience more economic and climatological security balance in the Middle East. Since implementing these measures is not the same in all countries in the region, we see different levels of balance between climate security and economic security. The overall suggestion is that the collaboration of both the bottom-up and top-down approaches helps create strategic environmental strategies which are in line with the economic circumstances of each country and creates the desired balance.

Keywords: climate change, economic growth, sustainability, the Middle East, green economy, renewable energy

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Authors: Mangesh Govindrao Acharya

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The influence of religion on politics in India can be seen in the British period. The British used partition politics to create a schism between Hindus and Muslims in India. India was partitioned in1947 due to this policy of the British. In independent India, the principle of secularism was prioritized as a solution to this in the constitution created by the people. Secularism was provided for in 1978 by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment. Although India has embraced secularism, the role of religion in politics has not ended. Although 75 years of India's independence have been completed, politics is still done in the name of religion in India. Political parties choose their candidates, keeping in mind the influence of religion in a particular constituency. People think more about religion and caste while choosing their candidates. Caste riots occur due to the influence of religion-influenced politics. There is a new dispute between the minority and the majority. The Temple-Masjid controversy has become a focal point of Indian politics. Religious hatred in India is causing a huge loss of lives and property and is creating tension among the citizens. All the aspects of Indian politics that have been corrupted by religious fanaticism have been studied in this research paper. This paper mainly explores the causality of the influence of religion on Indian politics.

Keywords: religion, Indian politics, equality and justice, Muslim society, political parties

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Authors: Nura Suleiman

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The democratic dispensation in Nigeria witnessed allot of changes since its beginning up to the 2015 election. The issues of zoning formula, rigging, money politics, god fatherism, and political thuggery among the youths became the centre stage from 1999-2014. But 2015 came with new tune that brings about a little shift from the traditional politics mentioned above, the political socialisation and knowledge penetrated into the sense of electorate where people suddenly change and look for the better option. The paper will examine the democratic change in relation to the 2015 General election which brings General MohammaduBuhari on the mantle of leadership of Nigeria. Many reasons were attributed to the sudden change of government in Nigeria, but the major ones are lack of good governance, corruption, insecurity, political parties’ merger to formed APCand change in INEC leadership. Others are weakness of the leadership and undemocratic nature of PDP government at different level in the country. The glamor for change became necessary because People become more informs about the manifestation of good hope and better Nigeria from the major opposition party (APC). During 2015 election the electorate voted the incumbent government out and replaced it with their choice.

Keywords: democracy, election, insecurity, good governance

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Authors: Leili Nekounazar

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Since 2009, when the Green movement, Iran’s most significant political uprising in post-Islamic revolution materialized, the term 'soft war' has become an integral part of the Iranian regime’s lexicon when addressing the media propaganda waged by the west and the regime’s so-called 'enemies'. Iran’s authorities describe soft war as a western campaign aiming at undermining the revolutionary values by covert activities, deploying cultural tools and purposeful dissemination of information. With this respect, Internet and in particular, the social media networks, and oppositional radio-television broadcasts have been considered as the west’s soft war conduits. With the rising of the underground fashion industry in the past couple of years that does not conform to the compulsory dress codes prescribed by the state, the Islamic regime expands the soft war narrative to include any undesired fashion-related activities and frames the rising fashion industry as a cultural war intoxicating the Iranian-Islamic identity. Accordingly, fashion products created by the Iranian fashion intermediators have been attributed to the westerners and outsiders and are regarded as the matter of national security. This study examines the reactive and proactive measures deployed by the Iranian regime to control the rise of fashion industry. It further puts under the scrutiny how the state as a part of its proactive measure shapes the narrative of 'soft war' in relation to fashion in Iran and explores how the notion of soft war has been articulated in relation to the modeling and fashion in the state’s political rhetoric. Through conducting a content analysis of the authorities’ statements, it describes how the narrative of soft war assists the state policing the fashion industry.

Keywords: censorship, fashion, Iran, soft war

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Authors: Katarina Ott, Velibor Mačkić, Mihaela Bronić, Branko Stanić

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The determinants of national budget transparency have been widely discussed in the literature, while research on determinants of local budget transparency are scarce and empirically inconclusive, particularly in the new, fiscally centralised, EU member states. To fill the gap, we combine two strands of the literature: that concerned with public administration and public finance, shedding light on the economic and financial determinants of local budget transparency, and that on the political economy of transparency (principal agent theory), covering the relationships among politicians and between politicians and voters. Our main hypothesis states that variables describing residents’ capacity have a greater impact on local budget transparency than variables indicating the institutional capacity of local government units (LGUs). Additional subhypotheses test the impact of each variable analysed on local budget transparency. We address the determinants of local budget transparency in Croatia, measured by the number of key local budget documents published on the LGUs’ websites. By using a data set of 128 cities and 428 municipalities over the 2015-2017 period and by applying panel data analysis based on Poisson and negative binomial distribution, we test our main hypothesis and sub-hypotheses empirically. We measure different characteristics of institutional and residents’ capacity for each LGU. Age, education and ideology of the mayor/municipality head, political competition indicators, number of employees, current budget revenues and direct debt per capita have been used as a measure of the institutional capacity of LGU. Residents’ capacity in each LGU has been measured through the numbers of citizens and their average age as well as by average income per capita. The most important determinant of local budget transparency is average residents' income per capita at both city and municipality level. The results are in line with most previous research results in fiscally decentralised countries. In the context of a fiscally centralised country with numerous small LGUs, most of whom have low administrative and fiscal capacity, this has a theoretical rationale in the legitimacy and principal-agent theory (opportunistic motives of the incumbent). The result is robust and significant, but because of the various other results that change between city and municipality levels (e.g. ideology and political competition), there is a need for further research (both on identifying other determinates and/or methods of analysis). Since in Croatia the fiscal capacity of a LGU depends heavily on the income of its residents, units with higher per capita incomes in many cases have also higher budget revenues allowing them to engage more employees and resources. In addition, residents’ incomes might be also positively associated with local budget transparency because of higher citizen demand for such transparency. Residents with higher incomes expect more public services and have more access to and experience in using the Internet, and will thus typically demand more budget information on the LGUs’ websites.

Keywords: budget transparency, count data, Croatia, local government, political economy

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Authors: Cristina Sá, Carlos Gomes, António Martins

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The reasons that explain different behaviors towards tax obligations in similar countries are not completely understood yet. The main purpose of this paper is to identify and compare the factors that influence tax morale levels in Portugal and Spain. We use data from European Values Study (EVS). Using a sample of 2,652 individuals, a factor analysis was used to extract the underlying dimensions of tax morale of Portuguese and Spanish taxpayers. Based on a factor analysis, the results of this paper show that sociological and behavioral factors, psychological factors and political factors are important for a good understanding of taxpayers’ behavior in Iberian Peninsula. This paper added value relies on the analyses of a wide range of variables and on the comparison between Portugal and Spain. Our conclusions provided insights that tax authorities and politicians can use to better focus their strategies and actions in order to increase compliance, reduce tax evasion, fight underground economy and increase country´s competitiveness.

Keywords: compliance, tax morale, Portugal, Spain

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Authors: Abeer Heider

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This paper explores and classifies the different kinds of avoidances that students commonly make in the acquisition of Arabic as a second/foreign language, and suggests specific strategies to help students lessen their avoidance trends in hopes of streamlining the learning process. Students most commonly use avoidance strategies in grammar, and word choice. These different types of strategies have different implications and naturally require different approaches. Thus the question remains as to the most effective way to help students improve their Arabic, and how teachers can efficiently utilize these techniques. It is hoped that this research will contribute to understand the role of avoidance in the field of the second language acquisition in general, and as a type of input. Yet some researchers also note that similarity between L1 and L2 may be problematic as well since the learner may doubt that such similarity indeed exists and consequently avoid the identical constructions or elements (Jordens, 1977; Kellermann, 1977, 1978, 1986). In an effort to resolve this issue, a case study is being conducted. The present case study attempts to provide a broader analysis of what is acquired than is usually the case, analyzing the learners ‘accomplishments in terms of three –part framework of the components of communicative competence suggested by Michele Canale: grammatical competence, sociolinguistic competence and discourse competence. The subjects of this study are 15 students’ 22th year who came to study Arabic at Qatar University of Cairo. The 15 students are in the advanced level. They were complete intermediate level in Arabic when they arrive in Qatar for the first time. The study used discourse analytic method to examine how the first language affects students’ production and output in the second language, and how and when students use avoidance methods in their learning. The study will be conducted through Fall 2015 through analyzing audio recordings that are recorded throughout the entire semester. The recordings will be around 30 clips. The students are using supplementary listening and speaking materials. The group will be tested at the end of the term to assess any measurable difference between the techniques. Questionnaires will be administered to teachers and students before and after the semester to assess any change in attitude toward avoidance and selectivity methods. Responses to these questionnaires are analyzed and discussed to assess the relative merits of the aforementioned strategies to avoidance and selectivity to further support on. Implications and recommendations for teacher training are proposed.

Keywords: the second language acquisition, learning languages, selectivity, avoidance

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Authors: Anchana Sooksomchitra

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This study aims to explore and compare the current condition of community radio stations in Phutthamonthon district, Nakhon Pathom province, Thailand, as well as the challenges they are facing. Qualitative research tools including in-depth interviews, documentary analysis, focus group interviews, and observation are used to examine the content, programming, and management structure of three community radio stations currently in operation within the district. Research findings indicate that the management and operational approaches adopted by the two non-profit stations included in the study, Salaya Pattana and Voice of Dhamma, are more structured and effective than that of the for-profit Tune Radio. Salaya Pattana, backed by the Faculty of Engineering, Mahidol University, and the charity-funded Voice of Dhamma are comparatively free from political and commercial influence, and able to provide more relevant and consistent community-oriented content to meet the real demand of the audience. Tune Radio, on the other hand, has to rely solely on financial support from political factions and business groups, which heavily influence its content.

Keywords: radio broadcasting, programming, management, community radio, Thailand

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