Search results for: political reconciliation

Authors: Bamlaku Tadesse Mengistu

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Resource-based inter-ethnic conflicts are common in eastern Ethiopia among the Afar, Ittu-Oromo, and Issa-Somali pastoral groups. The qualitative data required for the study were collected from community leaders, ordinary members of the communities, and administrative and political bodies at various levels through one-on-one interviews, focus group discussions and field observations. The quantitative data were also collected through a household survey from the 128 households drawn from the three districts of Meiso-Mullu, Meiso, and Amibara. This research tried to assess the triggering factors of inter-ethnic violent conflicts and tensions observed and other motivating factors that encourage the rival groups to instigate the recent conflicts. The research revealed some of the triggering factors that instigate violent conflicts among the rival groups such as the bad actions of conflict entrepreneurs/rent seekers, the incidence of plunder (banditry), the encroachment of farmers’ to pastoral lands/vice versa, the destruction of farmers’ crops by pastoralists’ livestock, and among others. The roles of conflict entrepreneurs such as low and medium level administrators/leaders, illicit arms traffickers, local level elites, and among others are very much significant in fueling up inter-ethnic conflicts and tensions. Leaders of various levels wrongly agitate the politicization of ethnicity and ethnic identity as well as regional boundaries as they are political boundaries rather than administrative boundaries.

Keywords: eastern ethiopia, resource competition, ethnic conflict, AFAR, ISSA and ITTU.

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Authors: Taurai T. Chikotie, Bruce W. Watson

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The manifestation of ‘new’ infectious diseases and the re-emergence of ‘old’ infectious diseases now present global problems and Southern Africa has not been spared from such calamity. Although having an organized public health system, countries in this region have failed to leverage on the proliferation in use of Information and Communication Technologies to promote effective disease surveillance. Objective: The objective of this study was to critically review and analyse the crucial variables to consider in the development and implementation of electronic disease surveillance systems in public health within the context of Southern Africa. Methodology: A critical review of literature published in English using, Google Scholar, EBSCOHOST, Science Direct, databases from the Centre for Disease Control (CDC and articles from the World Health Organisation (WHO) was undertaken. Manual reference and grey literature searches were also conducted. Results: Little has been done towards harnessing the potential of information technologies towards disease surveillance and this has been due to several challenges that include, lack of funding, lack of health informatics experts, poor supporting infrastructure, an unstable socio-political and socio-economic ecosystem in the region and archaic policies towards integration of information technologies in public health governance. Conclusion: The Southern African region stands to achieve better health outcomes if they adopt the use of e-disease surveillance systems in public health. However, the dynamics and complexities of the socio-economic, socio-political and technical variables would need addressing to ensure the successful development and implementation of e-disease surveillance systems in the region.

Keywords: critical review, disease surveillance, public health informatics, Southern Africa

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Authors: Mirko Klaric

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In different countries, sub-municipal units have different organizational and political positions. In some countries, the role of sub-municipal units is important; in others, it is marginal. That depends on the organization of the local government system in different countries, and the political role of local self-government units, their size, public authorities, and the possibility for managing various local public tasks. This paper attempts to analyze the sub-municipal government as an organizational form of local governance participation of citizens in the local community with a comparative perspective. Secondly, it presents elements that generally format sub-municipal government as a tool for strengthening of democratization processes in local government units. Those elements are crucial for the understanding of the dynamic in relation to local government vs. sub-municipal government. Special focus is put on the sub-municipal government in South-Eastern European countries, which have a common history and institutional framework, with this main question: how can sub-municipal government contribute to strengthening democratic processes in these countries. In centralized countries, the sub-municipal government usually has a reduced role, which relates to managing public tasks connected with local community needs. The purpose of this comparative research methodology is used for analyzing the present organization and role of sub-municipal government in local government systems in Croatia and other significant countries in Europe, with a special focus on the states in South-Eastern Europe and Croatia. Comparative analyses attempt to show that local government systems with bigger local government units have more significant sub-municipal government. On the other hand, local government systems with small local government units don’t have a strong sub-municipal government. Finally, this paper aims to present ideas on how the sub-municipal government can improve decentralization and contribute to better development of the local community and the whole of society.

Keywords: public administration, local government, sub-municipal government, decentralization

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Authors: Dalal Benboutrif

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Religion and Development relation is one of the most arguable phrases amongst politicians, philosophers, clerics, scientists, sociologists and even the public. The main objective of this research is to clarify the relations, contrasts and interactions between religion and the major types of development including social, political, economic and scientific developments, by focusing on Islam religion. A review of the literature was performed concerning religion and development relations and conflicts, by focusing on Islam religion and then the unprocessed tips of the review were characterized. Regarding clarification of the key points of the literature, three main sectors were considered in the research. The first sector of the research mainly focused on the philosophical views on religion, which were analyzed by main evaluation of three famous philosophers’ ideas: ‘Kant’, ‘Hegel’ and ‘Weber’, and then a critical discussion on Weber’s idea about Islam and development was applied. The second sector was specified to ‘Religion and Development’ and mainly discussed the role of religion in development through poverty reduction, the interconnection of religion, spirituality and social development, religious education effects on social development, and the relation of religion with political development. The third sector was specified to ‘Islam and Development’ and mainly discussed the Islamic golden age of science, major reasons of today’s backwardness (non-development) of most Islamic countries, and Quranic instructions regarding adaptability of Islam with development. The findings of the current research approved the research hypothesis as: ‘Religious instructions (included Islam) are not in conflict with development’, rather, it could have positive effects mainly on social development and it can pave the way for society to develop. Turkey was considered as a study model, as a successful developed Islamic country demonstrating the non-conflicting relation of Islam and development.

Keywords: development, Islam, philosophy, religion

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Authors: Freda Adomaa, Samuel Oppong Boampong, Charles Gyamfi Rahman

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The living and working environment of migrants and their access to healthcare services induce good or poor health. This study was conducted to assess the factors associated with rural-urban migration and its associated health hazards among female adolescents. A sample size of two hundred (200) was chosen in which all responded to questionnaires comprising closed-ended questions, which were distributed to gather data from the respondents, after which it was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20. The utilized three causes of rural-urban migration thus political, economic and socio-cultural. The study revealed that political situations such as regional inequality (65.4%) and ethnic conflicts (78.2%) whereas economic factors such as lack of amenities (82.3%), lack of employment in rural communities (77.4%), lack of education (74%), and poverty (85.3%) as well as socio-cultural factors such as divorced parents (65.6%), media influence (79.1%), family conflicts (59.4%) and appealing urban informal sector (65.2%) are major causes of migration. Respondents’ encountered challenges such as poor remuneration for services (87.2%), being maltreated by a colleague or worker (69%), sleeping in open space (73.3%), and harassment by the task force (71.4%) and teenage pregnancies (58.5%). The study concluded that the three variables play a key role in adolescent migration and when they travel they end up getting involved in serious health hazardous behaviors such as rapes as well as physical and psychological harassments’. The study, therefore, recommends that vocational training of the rural people on small scale industries (non-farm) activities that could generate an income for the rural household should be introduced.

Keywords: rural, urban, migration, female health hazards

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Authors: Laverne Seales

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When most people think of Panama, they immediately think of the Canal; however, the construction and the people who made it possible are often omitted and seldom acknowledged. The reality is that the construction of this waterway was achieved through forced migration and discriminatory practices toward people of African descent, specifically black people from the Caribbean. From the colonial period to the opening and subsequent operation of the Panama Canal by the United States, this paper goes through the rich layers of Panamanian history to examine the life of Afro-Caribbeans and their descendants in Panama. It also considers the role of the United States in Panama; it explores how the United States in Panama forged a racially complex country that made the integration of Afro-Caribbeans and their descendants difficult. After laying a historical foundation, the exploration of Afro-Caribbean people and Panamanians of Afro-Caribbean descent are analyzed through Afro-Panamanian writer Carlos Guillermo ‘Cubena’ Wilson's novels, short stories, and poetry. This study focuses on how Cubena addresses racism, discrimination, inequality, and social justice issues towards Afro-Caribbeans and their descendants who traveled to Panama to construct the Canal. Content analysis methodology can yield several significant contributions, and analyzing Carlos Guillermo Wilson's literature under this framework allows us to consider social commentary and critique of Panamanian society. It identifies the social issues and concerns of Afro-Caribbeans and people of Afro-Caribbean descent, such as inequality, corruption, racism, political oppression, and cultural identity. Analysis methodology allows us to explore how Cubena's literature engages with questions of cultural identity and belonging in Panamanian society. By examining themes related to race, ethnicity, language, and heritage, this research uncovers the complexities of Panamanian cultural identity, allowing us to interrogate power dynamics and social hierarchies in Panamanian society. Analyzing the portrayal of different social groups, institutions, and power structures helps uncover how power is wielded, contested, and resisted; Cubena's fictional world allows us to see how it functions in Panama. Content analysis methodology also provides for critiquing political systems and governance in Panama. By examining the representation and presentation of political figures, institutions, and events in Cubena's literature, we uncover his commentary on corruption, authoritarianism, governance, and the role of the United States in Panama. Content analysis highlights how Wilson's literature amplifies the voices and experiences of marginalized individuals and communities in Panamanian society. By centering the narratives of Afro-Panamanians and other marginalized groups, this researcher uncovers Cubena's commitment to social justice and inclusion in his writing and helps the reader engage with historical narratives and collective memory in Panama. Overall, analyzing Carlos Guillermo ‘Cubena’ Wilson's literature as a platform for social commentary and critique of Panamanian society using content analysis methodology provides valuable insights into the cultural, social, and political dimensions of Afro-Panamanians during and after the construction of the Panama Canal.

Keywords: Afro-Caribbean, Panama Canal, race, Afro-Panamanian, identity, history

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Authors: Vahid Asadzadeh, Amin Ataee

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Since the advent of social media, there has been a wave of optimism among researchers and civic activists about the influence of virtual networks on the democratization process, which has gradually waned. One of the lesser-known concerns is how to increase the possibility of hearing the voices of different minorities. According to the theory of media logic, the media, using their technological capabilities, act as a structure through which events and ideas are interpreted. Social media, through the use of the learning machine and the use of algorithms, has formed a kind of structure in which the voices of minorities and less popular topics are lost among the commotion of the trends. In fact, the recommended systems and algorithms used in social media are designed to help promote trends and make popular content more popular, and content that belongs to minorities is constantly marginalized. As social networks gradually play a more active role in politics, the possibility of freely participating in the reproduction and reinterpretation of structures in general and political structures in particular (as Laclau‎ and Mouffe had in mind‎) can be considered as criteria to democracy in action. The point is that the media logic of virtual networks is shaped by the rule and even the tyranny of the majority, and this logic does not make it possible to design a self-foundation and self-revolutionary model of democracy. In other words, today's social networks, though seemingly full of variety But they are governed by the logic of homogeneity, and they do not have the possibility of multiplicity as is the case in immanent radical democracies (influenced by Gilles Deleuze). However, with the emergence and increasing popularity of Clubhouse as a new social media, there seems to be a shift in the social media space, and that is the diminishing role of algorithms and systems reconditioners as content delivery interfaces. This has led to the fact that in the Clubhouse, the voices of minorities are better heard, and the diversity of political tendencies manifests itself better. The purpose of this article is to show, first, how social networks serve the elimination of minorities in general, and second, to argue that the media logic of social networks must adapt to new interpretations of democracy that give more space to minorities and human rights. Finally, this article will show how the Clubhouse serves the new interpretations of democracy at least in a minimal way. To achieve the mentioned goals, in this article by a descriptive-analytical method, first, the relation between media logic and postmodern democracy will be inquired. The political economy popularity in social media and its conflict with democracy will be discussed. Finally, it will be explored how the Clubhouse provides a new horizon for the concepts embodied in radical democracy, a horizon that more effectively serves the rights of minorities and human rights in general.

Keywords: algorithmic tyranny, Clubhouse, minority rights, radical democracy, social media

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Authors: Sawsan Saridar masri, Hisham Arnaouty

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Architecture both defines and is defined by social, cultural, political and financial constraints: this is where the discipline and the profession of architecture meet. This mutual sway evolves wherever interferences in the built environment are thought-out and can be strengthened or weakened by the many ways in which the practice of architecture can be undertaken. The more familiar we are about the concerns and factors that control what can be made, the greater the opportunities to propose and make appropriate architectures. Apparently, the criteria in any qualification policy should permit flexibility of approach and will – for reasons including cultural choice, political issues, and son on – vary significantly from country to country. However the weighting of the various criteria have to ensure adequate standards both in educational system as in the professional training. This paper develops, deepens and questions about the regulatory entry routes to the professional practice of architecture in the Arab world. It is also intended to provide an informed basis about strategies for conventional and unconventional models of practice in preparation for the next stages of architect’s work experience and professional experience. With the objective of promoting the implementation of adequate built environment in the practice of architecture, a comprehensive analysis of various pathways of access to the profession are selected as case studies, encompassing examples from across the world. The review of such case studies allows the creation of a comprehensive picture in relation to the conditions for qualification of practitioners of the built environment at the level of the Middle Eastern countries and the Arab World. Such investigation considers the following aspects: professional title and domain of practice, accreditation of courses, internship and professional training, professional examination and continuing professional development.

Keywords: architecture, internship, mobility, professional practice

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Authors: Priscilla Echeverria

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This paper addresses initial teacher formation as a formative space in which pedagogy students develop a pedagogical agency capacity to contribute to social justice, considering ethical, political, and epistemic dimensions. This paper is structured by discussing first the concepts of agency, pedagogical interaction, and social justice from a critical perspective; and continues offering preliminary results on the capacity of pedagogical agency in novice teachers after the analysis of critical incidents as a research methodology. This study is motivated by the concern that responding to the current neoliberal scenario, many initial teacher formation (ITF) programs have reduced the meaning of education to instruction, and pedagogy to methodology, favouring the formation of a technical professional over a reflective or critical one. From this concern, this study proposes that the restitution of the subject is an urgent task in teacher formation, so it is essential to enable him in his capacity for action and advance in eliminating institutionalized oppression insofar as it affects that capacity. Given that oppression takes place in human interaction, through this work, I propose that initial teacher formation develops sensitivity and educates the gaze to identify oppression and take action against it, both in pedagogical interactions -which configure political, ethical, and epistemic subjectivities- as in the hidden and official curriculum. All this from the premise that modelling democratic and dialogical interactions are basic for any program that seeks to contribute to a more just and empowered society. The contribution of this study lies in the fact that it opens a discussion in an area about which we know little: the impact of the type of interactions offered by university teaching at ITF on the capacity of future teachers to be pedagogical agents. For this reason, this study seeks to gather evidence of the result of this formation, analysing the capacity of pedagogical agency of novice teachers, or, in other words, how capable the graduates of secondary pedagogies are in their first pedagogical experiences to act and make decisions putting the formative purposes that they are capable of autonomously defining before technical or bureaucratic issues imposed by the curriculum or the official culture. This discussion is part of my doctoral research, "The importance of developing the capacity for ethical-political-epistemic agency in novice teachers during initial teacher formation to contribute to social justice", which I am currently developing in the Educational Research program of the University of Lancaster, United Kingdom, as a Conicyt fellow for the 2019 cohort.

Keywords: initial teacher formation, pedagogical agency, pedagogical interaction, social justice, hidden curriculum

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Authors: D. Shamatov

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Becoming a teacher is a journey with significant learning experiences. Exploring teachers’ lives and experiences can provide much-needed insights into the multiple realities of teaching. Teachers’ stories through qualitative narrative studies help understand and appreciate the complexities of the socio-political, economic and practical realities facing teachers. Events and experiences, both past and present, that take place at home, school, and in the broader social sphere help to shape these teachers’ lives and careers. Researchers and educators share the responsibility of listening to these teachers’ stories and life experiences and being sensitive to their voices in order to develop effective models for teacher development. A better understanding of how teachers learn to become teachers can help teacher educators prepare more effective teacher education programs. This paper is based on qualitative research which includes individual and focus group interviews, as well as auto-biography stories of Master of Science in School Leadership students at Graduate School of Education of Nazarbayev University. Twenty five MSc students from across Kazakhstan reflected on their professional journey and wrote their professional autobiographies as teachers. Their autobiographies capture the richness of their experiences and beliefs as a teacher, but also serve as window to understand broader socio-economic and political contexts where these teachers live and work. The study also provides an understanding of the systemic and socio-economic challenges of teachers in the context of post-Soviet Kazakhstan. It helps the reader better understand how wider societal forces interact and frame the development of teachers. The paper presents the findings from these stories of MSc students and offers some practical and policy implications for teacher preparation and teacher development.

Keywords: becoming a teacher, Kazakhstan, teacher stories, teacher development

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Authors: Rosni Lakandri

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With the development of science and technology, there has been a complete transformation in the domain of information technology. Particularly after the Second World War and Cold War period, the role of media and communication technology in shaping the political, economic, socio-cultural proceedings across the world has been tremendous. It performs as a channel between the governing bodies of the state and the general masses. As we have seen the international community constantly talking about the onset of Asian Century, India and China happens to be the major player in this. Both have the civilization history, both are neighboring countries, both are witnessing a huge economic growth and, important of all, both are considered the rising powers of Asia. Not negating the fact that both countries have gone to war with each other in 1962 and the common people and even the policy makers of both the sides view each other till now from this prism. A huge contribution to this perception of people goes to the media coverage of both sides, even if there are spaces of cooperation which they share, the negative impacts of media has tended to influence the people’s opinion and government’s perception about each other. Therefore, analysis of media’s impression in both the countries becomes important in order to know their effect on the larger implications of foreign policy towards each other. It is usually said that media not only acts as the information provider but also acts as ombudsman to the government. They provide a kind of check and balance to the governments in taking proper decisions for the people of the country but in attempting to answer this hypothesis we have to analyze does the media really helps in shaping the political landscape of any country? Therefore, this study rests on the following questions; 1.How do China and India depict each other through their respective News media? 2.How much and what influences they make on the policy making process of each country? How do they shape the public opinion in both the countries? In order to address these enquiries, the study employs both primary and secondary sources available, and in generating data and other statistical information, primary sources like reports, government documents, and cartography, agreements between the governments have been used. Secondary sources like books, articles and other writings collected from various sources and opinion from visual media sources like news clippings, videos in this topic are also included as a source of on ground information as this study is not based on field study. As the findings suggest in case of China and India, media has certainly affected people’s knowledge about the political and diplomatic issues at the same time has affected the foreign policy making of both the countries. They have considerable impact on the foreign policy formulation and we can say there is some mediatization happening in foreign policy issues in both the countries.

Keywords: China, foreign policy, India, media, public opinion

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Authors: Ahmad Khoirul Umam, Iin Mayasari

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Indonesia is blessed with rich natural resources and frequently dubbed as the 6th richest country in the world in terms of mining resources, including minerals and coal. Mining can contribute to the socio-economic development by generating state revenue for development, elevating poverty through employment, opening and developing remote areas, putting in basic infrastructure and creating new centres of developments. However, favouritism and rent-seeking behaviour committed by government officials, politicians, and business players in licensing and permit giving in mining and forestry sectors have resisted reforms. Even though Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) successfully targeted untouchable actors, public criticism continues to focus on questions of why corruption apparently remains systemic in mining industry in the country? This paper revealed that structural anomalies, as well as legacies of the Soeharto era’s power inequities, have severely inhibited Indonesia’s bureaucratic arrangements that continue to influence adversely the elements of transparency and accountability in mining industry governance. In the more liberalized and decentralized political system, the deficiencies have gradually assisted vested interest groups to band together, thus creating a coalition that can challenge, resist, and contain anti-graft actions. Therefore, Indonesia needs much more serious anti-corruption actions that would require eliminating the monopoly over power, enhancing competition, limiting discretion, and clarifying the rules of business and political competition in the mining sector in the country.

Keywords: anti-corruption, public integrity, private integrity, mining industry, democratization

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Authors: Anagha Pavithran Vattamparambil, Niranjana Regimon

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Dalit and tribal communities in India have the largest suicide rate; however, the current literature does not reflect this reality. While existing research acknowledges socio-cultural risk factors, it fails to discuss structural issues pertaining to marginalized communities in India. Furthermore, the language is framed in an individualistic manner which denies room for recognizing systemic violence and injustice among causative agents of suicide. We aim to examine the representation of Dalit and tribal identities and their experiences of marginalisation as a contributive factor of suicide, as well as discuss the epistemic injustice involved in its exclusion. Electronic searches of PubMed, PsychInfo, and Web of Science databases will be carried out from inception till January 2023 to conduct a systematic scoping review of peer-reviewed articles; it will include all studies involving psychological autopsy in India. A narrative synthesis will be performed to gain insight into the inclusion of the experiences of Dalits and Tribals, the absence of which indicates a lacking understanding of suicide in India. It is also expected to highlight the alienation of lived experiences and narratives of marginalisation from mainstream discourse on suicide that constitutes epistemic injustice. There is a complex interplay of psychological, socio-cultural, economic, and political factors for suicide in the Indian setting. But, political and systemic issues are often downplayed in suicide etiology, including casteist assault, rape, violence, public humiliation, and discrimination which deserves more research attention.

Keywords: dalits, marginalisation, psychological autopsy, suicide, tribals

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Authors: Syed Toqueer Akhter, Muhammad Muzaffar Abbas

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Conflicts in Pakistan are a result of a configuration of factors, which are directly related to the system of the state, the unstable regional setting, and the geo-strategic location of Pakistan at large. This paper examines the impact of regional conflict onto the socio-political sustainability of Pakistan. The magnitude of the spillover from a conflicted region is similar in size of the equivalent increase in domestic conflict. Pakistan has gone at war three times with India; the border with India is named as the tensest borderlines of the world. Disagreements with India and lack of dispute settlement mechanisms have negatively effected the peace in the region, influx of illegal weapons and refugees from Afghanistan as an outcome of 9/11 incidence, have exasperated the criticality of levels of internal conflict in Pakistan. Our empirical findings are based on the data collected on regional conflict levels, regional trade, global trade, comparative defence capabilities of the region in contrast to Pakistan and the government regime (Autocratic, Democratic) over 1972-2007. It has been proposed in this paper that the intent of domestic conflict is associated with the conflict in the region, regional trade, global trade and the government regime of Pakistan. The estimated model (OLS) implies that domestic conflict is effected positively and significantly with long term impact of conflict in the region. Also, if defence capabilities of the region are better than that of Pakistan it effects domestic conflict positively and significantly. Conflict in neighbouring countries are found as a source of domestic conflict in Pakistan, whereas the regional trade as well as type of government regimes in Pakistan lowered the intensity of domestic conflict significantly, while globalized trade imply risk of domestic conflict to be reduced but not significantly.

Keywords: conflict, regional trade, socio-politcal instability

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Authors: Kais Nasser

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This paper tries to map the right to city, the right to just city, and describes the complications of achieving these rights in practice. It defines the right of city, its theoretical meanings, and approaches; in addition, it discusses the standards for achieving a Just City- equality, democracy, and diversity- and the complicity of ensuring them in practice. The article shows that realizing the right to city involves political, economic, social, and cultural aspects that might disturb the mission of planning a just city. Nevertheless, the article argues that the realization of the right to just city is not impossible.

Keywords: right to city, placemaking, city marketing, just city

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Authors: Morteza Azimi

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The demand for recognition among LGBTQIA+ groups has grown significantly in modern times, particularly since the second half of the twentieth century, when human rights discourse became increasingly prominent, especially in the West. In contrast, the classic readings of the Quran and Hadith, whose roots lie in pre-modern times, and the Shiite Figh (Islamic jurisprudence) seem not to be updated and responsive to the need for recognition by gender minority identities. Moreover, the recognition of such minority identities within Shiite Islam and its intersection with secular frameworks remains an underexplored topic. This paper explores what Islamic texts, such as the Quran, Hadith, and Shiite Fiqh, address regarding the recognition and rights of gender minorities. It further examines the Islamic Republic of Iran as an example of a dominant Shiite political system, comparing it with Turkey and Germany as secular models. While Turkey, a secular state, is deeply influenced by its predominantly Muslim population and culture, Germany represents a Western model characterized by the widespread recognition of LGBTQIA+ rights. The rationale for this comparative approach lies in understanding how different political systems influence the recognition of gender minorities. Moreover, the study investigates whether Shiite Islamic frameworks can provide solutions to these demands or whether secular systems, as exemplified by Turkey and Germany, are more effective in addressing issues of gender minorities. Hence, this study offers a novel perspective by juxtaposing Shiite Islamic textual interpretations with secular legal frameworks to explore the evolving recognition of gender minorities, demonstrating how varying political and cultural contexts shape the lived experiences of LGBTQIA+ individuals in Iran, Turkey, and Germany. This research relies on secondary literature as the primary data source, especially regarding the issue of gender in Shiite Islamic texts. The author employs a comparative textual analysis of Shiite Islamic texts (e.g., Quran, Hadith, and Fiqh) and secular legal frameworks in Turkey and Germany to explore how different systems address the recognition of gender minorities. Findings reveal that classical interpretations of Islamic texts and Shiite Fiqh employed by the Islamic Republic of Iran fail to provide laws and frameworks that recognize LGBTQIA+ identities. This gap contributes to the marginalization of gender minority identities, fostering environments of suppression, violence, and exclusion. The findings of this study could inform policymaking and advocacy efforts by shedding light on the necessity of a change toward inclusive legal and cultural frameworks for gender minorities in Muslim countries like Iran.

Keywords: gender minorities, LGBTQIA+ recognition, shiite islam, comparative analysis

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Authors: Moujib Bahri, Ouafa Sakka, Kallel Rahim

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This study builds on the literature about the effects of corruption on economic growth at the firm level, which analyzes how the payment of bribes affect organizational performance. Traditionally, the literature distinguishes two points of view regarding the impact of corruption: grease view and sand view. The grease view is based on the idea that corruption can compensate for the negative effect of red tape on firms’ activities such as innovation and exports. Therefore, some firms will be motivated to pay some additional money to officials in order to reduce the delay related to bureaucratic procedures. On the contrary, the second point of view considers that corruption sands the wheels of the economy and distorts resource allocation because it increases agency and transaction costs and reduces the returns on the investment. We have tested the effect of corruption on innovation and export activities on a sample of 537 Tunisian manufacturing small and medium enterprises (SMEs) using structural equation modeling and path analysis. Tunisia has undergone a revolution in 2010 and since then, the country is experiencing a political instability and economic hardships. Our results do not support the greasing hypothesis suggesting that corruption can reduce the negative effect of bureaucratic delays and the hard access of companies to public services related to exports. Instead, our results support the sanding hypothesis according to which corruption hinders SMEs’ exports through its negative influence on innovation. Furthermore, our results show that the interaction between excessive bureaucratic red tape and corruption has a negative effect on exports. However, the interaction between political instability and corruption increases exports.

Keywords: corruption, exports, SMEs, economic conditions

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Authors: Jessica J. Gillies

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Human trafficking is a gross violation of human rights and thus invokes a strong response particularly throughout the global academic community. A longstanding tension throughout academic debate remains the question of a relationship between anti-trafficking policy and sex industry policy. In Australia, over the previous decade, many human trafficking investigations have related to the sexual exploitation of female victims, and convictions in Australia to date have often been for trafficking women from Thailand. Sex industry policy in Australia varies between states, providing a rich contextual landscape in which to explore this relationship. The purpose of this study was to deconstruct how meaning is constructed surrounding human trafficking throughout these supposedly related political discourses in Australia. In order to analyse the discursive construction of the problem of human trafficking in relation to sex industry policy, a discursive analysis was conducted. The methodology of the study was informed by a feminist theoretical framework, and included academic sources and grey literature such as organisational reports and policy statements regarding anti-trafficking initiatives. The scope of grey literature was restricted to Australian and Thai government and non-government organisation texts. The chosen methodology facilitated a qualitative exploration of the influence of feminist discourses over political discourse in this arena. The discursive analysis exposed clusters of active feminist debates interacting with sex industry policy within individual states throughout Australia. Additionally, strongly opposed sex industry perspectives were uncovered within these competing feminist frameworks. While the influence these groups may exert over policy differs, the debate constructs a discursive relationship between human trafficking and sex industry policy. This is problematic because anti-trafficking policy is drawn to some extent from this discursive construction, therefore affecting support services for survivors of human trafficking. The discursive analysis further revealed misalignment between government and non-government priorities, Australian government anti-trafficking policy appears to favour criminal justice priorities; whereas non-government settings preference human rights protections. Criminal justice priorities invoke questions of legitimacy, leading to strict eligibility policy for survivors seeking support following exploitation in the Australian sex industry, undermining women’s agency and human rights. In practice, these two main findings demonstrate a construction of policy that has serious outcomes on typical survivors in Australia following a lived experience of human trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation. The discourses constructed by conflicting feminist arguments influence political discourses throughout Australia. The application of a feminist theoretical framework to the discursive analysis of the problem of human trafficking is unique to this study. The study has exposed a longstanding and unresolved feminist debate that has filtered throughout anti-trafficking political discourse. This study illuminates the problematic construction of anti-trafficking policy, and the implications in practice on survivor support services. Australia has received international criticism for the focus on criminal justice rather than human rights throughout anti-trafficking policy discourse. The outcome of this study has the potential to inform future language and constructive conversations contributing to knowledge around how policy effects survivors in the post trafficking experience.

Keywords: Australia, discursive analysis, government, human trafficking, non-government, Thailand

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Authors: Cameron Jones

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Emissions, produced by landfill waste from demolished obsolete buildings, have a damaging effect on both the Earth’s climate and human health. The philosophical theory of material vitalism - the potential for materials to react and emit harmful pollutants - therefore defines this construction and demolition waste (CDW) as having vitality. The European Union’s ‘Circular Economic Action Plan’ (CEAP) aims to mitigate the effects of CDW by prioritising the circularity of building materials. This dissertation examines how the philosophical theory of material vitalism can make an environmentally responsible contribution to CDW policy. The CEAP and Silvertown Quays development are used as case studies for the application of vitalism to policy revision. The study concludes that vitalism has a positive role to play in informing CDW policy, although its contribution is stronger in some areas. This is established by first appraising the aspects that relate to the obsolescence of buildings outlined in the EU’s existing CDW policies. Next, these policy directives are compared with the CE principles employed in the Silvertown Quays development. Subsequently, a keyword analysis model is used to categorise the language used in the CEAP, demonstrating how socio-political approaches to the CE and strategies to address resource scarcity could be strengthened to represent the EU’s policy aspirations more effectively. Recommendations are then made on how material vitalism could be utilised to strengthen legislation, arguing that a notable contribution can be made in most policy areas. Finally, theoretical testing of the impact of these revisions to policy on the case study development identified some practicalities for consideration in improving waste management outcomes.

Keywords: vitalism, construction waste, obsolescence, political ecology, exceptionalism

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Authors: Zsofia Nagy

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A sharp increase in the number of refugees crossing Hungary during 2015, coupled with the Hungarian government’s agenda-setting strategy led to a powerful anti-migrant campaign in public, framing asylum-seekers as external threats to the country. While this campaign was, by and large, unchallenged by the Hungarian parliamentary opposition, Two-Tailed Dog Party, a Hungarian mock-party launched a counter-billboard campaign attacking the governmental discourse. Taking the latter as a case of digitally supported civic action, the paper first discusses two theoretical problems related to contemporary social movements: the problem of voice and the problem of participation. Afterward the paper presents the case of the Hungarian anti-migrant billboard campaign led by the government and the counter-billboard campaign and examines their action repertoires. It argues that a number of strategic differences are noteworthy: contrasts between traditional and digital methods, the reliance on the ’spirals of silence’ on the one hand and the breaking of this very silence on the other, where people are holding a minority opinion were given a platform and visibility in public. On a deeper level, the counter-campaign challenged the hegemonic views about public discourse. It effectively contrasted the government’s one-to-many, top-bottom approach to political communication with a campaign that relied on many-to-many communication and a bottom-up approach. While it is true that through memetic engineering, the original governmental messages were altered and the outcomes were brought back to the streets of Hungary; the effects of the two campaigns nevertheless reinforced the original anti-migrant focus of the political agenda.

Keywords: counterpublics, migration, refugees, social movements

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Authors: Tri Nopiyanto, Rahardhyani Dwiannisa, Arief Ismaryanto

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One main issue for a certain region in order to achieve development is if the government that consists of the executive, legislative and judicial board are able to work together. However, there are certain conditions that these boards are the sources of conflict, especially between the executive and legislative board. One of the example of the conflict is between the Local Government and Legislative Board (DPRD) in the Province of Jakarta in 2015. The cause of this conflict is because of the occurrence of pokir (pokok pikiran or ideas of budgeting). Pokir is driven by a budgeting plan that is arranged by DPRD that is supposed to be sourced from the aspiration of the people and delivered 5 months before the legalization of Local Government Budget (APBD), but the current condition in Jakarta is that pokir is a project by DPRD members itself and delivered just 3 days before the legalization in order to facilitate the interests of the members of the legislative. This paper discusses how pokir happens and what factors caused it. This paper uses political budgeting theory by Andy Norton and Diane Elson to analyze the issue. The method used in this paper is qualitative to collect the data and solve the problem of this research. The methods involved are in depth interview, experimental questionnaire, and literature studies. Results of this research are that Pokir occurs because of the distribution of power among DPRD members, between parties, executive, and legislative board. Beside that, Pokir also occurs because of the lack of the people’s participation in budgeting process and monitoring. Other than that, this paper also found that pokir also happens because of the budgeting system that is not able to provide a clean budgeting process, so it enables the creation of certain slots to add pokir into the budgets. Pokir also affects the development of Jakarta that goes through stagnation. This research recommends the implementation of e-budgeting to prevent the occurrence of pokir itself in the Province of Jakarta.

Keywords: legislative and executive board, Jakarta, political budgeting, Pokir

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Authors: Lou Gargouri

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This paper examines how Fanny Cabon's solo performance, Gardiennes (2018) strategically crafts empathetic witnessing through the artist's vocal and physical embodiment of her female ancestors' testimonies, dramatizing the cyclical inheritance of reproductive trauma across generations. Drawing on affect theory and the concept of ethical co-presence, we argue that Cabon's raw voicing of illegal abortions, miscarriages, and abuse through her shape-shifting presence generates an intimate energy loop with the audience. This affective resonance catalyzes recognition of historical injustices, consecrating each singular experience while building collective solidarity. Central to Cabon's political efficacy is her transparent self-revelation through intimate impersonation, which fosters identification with diverse characters as interconnected subjects rather than objectified others. Her solo form transforms the isolation often associated with women's marginalization into radical inclusion, repositioning them from victims to empowered survivors. Comparative analysis with other contemporary works addressing abortion rights illuminates how Gardiennes subverts the traditional medical and clerical gazes that have long governed women's bodies. Ultimately, we contend Gardiennes models the potential of solo performance to harness empathy as a subversive political force. Cabon's theatrical alchemy circulates the effects of injustice through the ethical co-presence of performer and spectator, forging intersubjective connections that reframe marginalized groups traditionally objectified within dominant structures of patriarchal power. In dramatizing how the act of witnessing another's trauma can generate solidarity and galvanize resistance, Cabon's work demonstrates the role of embodied performance in catalyzing social change through the recuperation of women's voices and lived experiences. This paper thus aims to contribute to the emerging field of feminist solo performance criticism by illuminating how Cabon's innovative dramaturgy bridges the personal and the political. Her strategic mobilization of intimacy, identification, and co-presence offers a model for how the affective dynamics of autobiographical performance can be harnessed to confront gendered oppression and imagine more equitable futures. Gardiennes invites us to consider how the circulation of empathy through ethical spectatorship can foster the collective alliances necessary for advancing the unfinished project of women's liberation.

Keywords: gender and sexuality studies, solo performance, trauma studies, affect theory

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Authors: Ikenna Emmanuel Idoko

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Evolution and evolutionary processes are phenomena that have come to stay in the fabrics of the universal living, hence expressions such as universal evolution. These evolutions in the universe cut across all facets of human accomplishments, which architecture is a part of. There is a notion in political sciences that politics and the act of politicking are local, meaning that politics and political processes are unique and peculiar to a people, all dependent on their sociocultural makeup. The notion is also applicable in architecture because the architecture of a people is mostly dependent on several factors such as climatic conditions, material availability, socio-cultural beliefs and religious inclinations. Stemming from the cultural dimension, it is of course common knowledge that every society is driven by its own unique culture. The fusion of architecture and culture creates the actual uniqueness which underlines the “archi-cultural” representation of a people’s material culture. This paper is aimed at appraising architectural evolution as it affects the representation of the material culture of a people. For effective systemization of the aim, various spectacular kinds of literature were reviewed, coupled with the visitation and study of existing buildings in Nigeria to properly understand the live peculiarity in the architecture of the selected area. Since architecture needs a lot of pictorial pieces of evidence, pictures and graphical representations were extensively utilized, and channelled to aid a better understanding of the study. Amongst all, an important part of this paper is that it adds to the body of existing knowledge in the Arts and Humanities by speaking extensively to the tenets of cultural representation on buildings. Similarly, the field of architecture, specifically, traditional architecture, would be gaining some extra knowledge owing to the study of some important almost-neglected or forgotten architectural elements of various traditional buildings.

Keywords: evolution, architecture, material, culture

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Authors: Khadeeja Munawar, Shamsul Haque

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The claim that traumatic events influence the recalled memories and mental health has received mixed empirical support. This study examines the memories of a sample drawn from Pakistan, a country that has witnessed many life-changing socio-political events, wars, and natural disasters in 72 years of its history. A sample of 210 senior citizens (Mage = 64.35, SD = 6.33) was recruited from Pakistan. The aim was to investigate if participants retrieved more memories related to past traumatic events using a word-cueing technique. Each participant reported ten memories to ten neutral cue words. The results revealed that past traumatic events were not adversely affecting the memories and mental health of participants. When memories were plotted with respect to the ages at which the events happened, a pronounced bump at 11-20 years of age was seen. Memories within as well as outside of the bump were mostly positive. The multilevel logistic regression modelling showed that the memories recalled were personally important and played a role in enhancing resilience. The findings revealed that despite facing an array of ethnic, religious, political, economic, and social conflicts, the participants were resilient, recalled predominantly positive memories, and had intact mental health. The findings have clinical implications in Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT). The patients can be made aware of their negative emotions, troublesome/traumatic memories, and the distorted thinking patterns and their memories can be restructured. The findings can also be used to teach Memory Specificity Training (MEST) by psycho-educating the patients around changes in memory functioning and enhancing the recall of memories, which are more specific, vivid, and filled with sensory details.

Keywords: cognitive behavioral therapy, memories, mental health, resilience, trauma

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Authors: Christopher Meyer, Laima Gerlitz

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European Ports are about to take an important step towards their future economic development. Existing legislatives such as the European Green Deal are changing the perspective on ports as individual logistic institutions and demand a more holistic view on ports in their characteristic as ecosystem involving several different actors in an interdisciplinary and multilevel approach. A special role is taken by small and medium-sized ports facing the same political restriction and future goals - such as reducing environmental impacts with 2030 and 2050 as targets - while suffering from low financing capacity, outdated infrastructure, low innovation measures and missing political support. In contrast, they are playing a key role in regional economic development and cross-border logistics as well as facilitator for the regional hinterland. Also, in comparison to their big counterparts, small and medium-sized ports are often located within or close to city areas. This does not only bear more challenges especially when it comes to the environmental performance, but can also carry out growth potentials by putting the city as a key actor into the port ecosystem. For city development, the Smart City concept is one of the key strategies currently applied mostly on demonstration level in selected cities. Hence, the basic idea behind is par to the Smart Port concept. Thus, this paper is analysing potential synergetic effects resulting from the application of Smart City and Smart Port concepts for small and medium-sized ports' ecosystems closely located to cities with focus on innovation application, greening measurements and economic performances as well as strategic positioning of the ports in Smart City initiatives.

Keywords: port-city ecosystems, regional development, sustainability transition, innovation policy

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Authors: Tek Nath Subedi

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Violent activities used previously to erupt in specific societies owing to unequal, oppressive and unjust social practices have crossed out of their usual place of occurrence and entered the peace-zones such as schools and universities. The recent history of Universities in Nepal is marked with violent activities of students targeting to professors and other university officials. A student in a university is supposed to involve in scholarly activities and cooperate the teacher so as to achieve the academic degree and to enhance knowledge. Besides, the relationship between a teacher and a student is supposed to be the most sacred, which, in other words, is explained as the relationship between deity and devotee in a spiritual ground, carer and the kid in a moral ground, and mutually dependent in a functionalist view. Above all, the interdependence between teacher and student is illustrated as the two sides of the same coin. But the targeted attack on teachers and the degrading relationship between university and students raises serious questions on what makes a student violent and why the academia is terrorized. Therefore, this research aims to find the nexus of deviant activities of students to other social, political, economic and cultural areas of their life. To find possible answer of a few analytical questions, this paper takes an in-depth interview into consideration based on a snowball sampling and inquires some professors and officials how and why they are terrorized. It also reaches to some students who have witnessed or been part of any terror, following the same research method and ask them why violence has become recurring in the university and how university can be converted into a peace-zone. This research has simply hypothesized that the terror-inspired activities carried out by students in the university are the extended version of their deviant activities out of the university premises. But, it was found that the deviant activities of students were connected in particular to their culture and political identity.

Keywords: deviance, relationship, student, teacher, terror, university

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Authors: Rachel K. Cremona

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Forty years ago, Vila Autodromo was a small fishing settlement in southwest Rio de Janeiro. By 2012, Vila Autodromo had established itself into a working class neighborhood – certainly not a slum, but nonetheless designated as a ‘favela’ as a consequence of its history as an illegal settlement that was thus never provided with public services. Vila Autodromo sits on a large lagoon, adjacent to the Olympic Park being constructed for the 2016 Olympic Games to be held in Rio, and looks out over the expensive high rise condominiums that have sprouted across the water. In 2009, when Rio submitted their bid for the Olympic games, there were approximately 900 families that called Vila Autodromo home, and the original plans for the games clearly show their homes remaining in place. Today, only a handful of these homes remain. This paper will utilize the case study of Vila Autodromo to examine the broader issue of Favelas in 21st century Rio de Janeiro. While race and poverty have become synonymous with Brazil’s inegalitarian social order – and personified by the thousands of favelas scattered in and around large cities like Rio and Sao Paulo – much less attention has been given to the political status of the nation’s invisible majority. In particular, this research will examine the question of citizenship and argue that the most fundamental problem of inequality in Brazil is not simply a product of history, race and social order, but more specifically a problem of ‘personhood’. The political marginalization of Brazil’s poor does not simply reinforce their social marginalization, it institutionalizes it in a way that makes it almost impossible to escape. The story of Vila Autodromo captures this problem in a way that not only illustrates the clear (though ambiguous) role of the state in the perpetuation of Brazil’s underclass, but also the human resilience that it has fostered.

Keywords: citizenship, poverty, displacement, favela

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Authors: Chong Zhang

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There is widespread debate about the nationalistic top-down approach to citizenship education. Employing the notion of cultural citizenship as a useful theoretical lens, citizenship education research tends to focus on the process of subjectivity construction among students’ citizenship learning process. As the Communist Party of China (CPC) plays a dominant role in cultivating citizens through ideological and political education (IaPE) in Chinese universities, the research problem herein focuses on the dynamics and complexity of how Chinese university students construct their subjectivities regarding citizenship learning through IaPE, mediated by the interaction between the state and university teachers. Drawing on questionnaire data from 212 students and interview data from 25 students in one university in China, this paper examines the ways in which students understand and respond to dominant discourses. Its findings reveal there is a deficit of citizenship learning in IaPE, and that students feel ideologically pressurized. From its analysis of social contexts’ influence, the article suggests Chinese higher education students act as either mild changemakers or active self-motivators to enact complex subjectivities, in that they must involve themselves in IaPE for personal academic and career development, yet adopt covert strategies to realise their self-conscious citizenship learning expectations. These strategies take the form of passive and active freedoms, ranging from obediently completing basic curriculum requirements and distancing themselves by studying abroad, to actively searching for learning opportunities from other courses and social media. This paper contributes to the research on citizenship education by recognizing the complexities of how subjectivities are formed in formal university settings.

Keywords: university students, citizenship learning, cultural citizenship, subjectivity, Chinese higher education

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Authors: Collins Nkapnwo Formella

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The democratic wave of the 1980s and 1990s brought a lot of hopes to the politics of African states as many nation-states adopted ‘democracy.’ The end of the Cold War ushered in, with a lot of rush, pro-democracy movements, which led to multi-party politics, following constitutional reviews. For the very first time since independence, Africans revolted against personalized dictatorship and adopted the idea of limited office terms for the presidents. This paper dives deep into the history of Africa post-independence with the aim of allowing the readers to understand the nature of the differences in the political setups that currently govern the continent and the central region in particular. Time has proven the euphoria that characterized post-Cold War African politics at least for many countries short-lived, as their leaders were unable to re-design the institutions of governance from the compromise and interest-oriented structures handed down after independence. The result has been that politics in many of the countries have been tailored down along the lines of winner takes all approach, with the accumulation of state power being the sole objective of the leaders. The paper contends that 21ˢᵗ Century African politics is exactly the politics of inclusion/exclusion based on ethnic and interest groups, leading to the flourishing of patrimonial authoritarian regimes. It also puts to the test, whether authoritarian responses to delivering growth (economic, political, social) and peace as has been the model adopted by many leaders is superior compared to democracy. This paper then concludes by adding that the practice of democracy in the Central African region in its current form is inherently flawed from its foundations, thus incapable of rooting out the crises faced in the region.

Keywords: authoritarianism, democracy, development, power, institutions

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Authors: John Tate

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In 2004, the French Parliament banned the “hijab” in public schools, and in 2010 it prohibited the “burqa” and “niqab” in “public places.” The result was a “secular” outcome involving the removal of these garments, often identified with Islamic religious and cultural practice, from the French public sphere. Yet in 2016, the French local council bans on the “burqini” were overruled by France’s highest administrative court, the Conseil d’État, allowing for their retention in the public sphere. Unlike the burqa and hijab bans, the burqini bans produced significant divisions at the highest echelons of the French political class, with the Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, and the President, François Hollande, finding themselves at odds on the issue. This article seeks to achieve four aims. It seeks to (a) explain the contrary outcomes between key French state institutions, such as the Conseil d’État and the French Parliament, concerning the hijab and burqa bans, and the Conseil d’État and French local councils, concerning the burqini bans; (b) to do so by identifying two qualitatively distinct, and at times incompatible, conceptions of laïcité, present within official French public discourse, and applied by these French state institutions to underwrite these respective outcomes; (c) explain why, given these contrary conceptions of laïcité, and these contrary outcomes, the widespread identification of laïcité with “secularism” is both misleading and inaccurate; and (d) provide an explanation why senior members of the French political class were divided on the burqini bans when they were not divided on the nation-wide prohibitions of the hijab in public schools and the burqa in public places. In regard to this last question, the article seeks to ask why the Burqini was “different”?

Keywords: liberalism, republicanism, laïcité, citizenship

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