Search results for: racial or ethnic politics

Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Farzane Yusef Ghanbari

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A sociological analysis on the ancient poetry of Vis and Ramin reveals important points about the political, cultural, and social conditions of the Iranian ancient history. The reciprocal relationship between the effect and structure of society helps the understanding and interpretation of the work. Therefore, informed by the Goldman genetic structuralism and through a glance at social epistemology, this study attempts to explain the role of spell in shaping the social knowledge of ancient people. The results suggest that due to the lack of a central government, and secularism in politics and freedom of speech and opinion, such romantic stories as Vis and Ramin, with a focal female character, has emerged.

Keywords: persian literature, Vis and Ramin, sociology, developmental structuralism

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Authors: Gloria Chen

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In the past, when we complimented someone who had a good command of English, we would say ‘She/He speaks/writes standard English,’ or ‘His/Her English is standard.’ However, with English has becoming a ‘global language,’ many scholars and English users even create a plural form for English as ‘world Englishes,’ which indicates that national/racial varieties of English not only exist, but also are accepted to a certain degree. Now, a question will be raised when it comes to English teaching and learning: ‘What variety/varieties of English should be taught?’ This presentation will first explore Braj Kachru’s well-known categorization of the inner circle, the outer circle, and the expanding circle of English users, as well as inner circle varieties such as ‘Ebonics’ and ‘cockney’. The presentation then will discuss the purposes and contexts of English learning, and apply different approaches to different purposes and contexts. Three major purposes of English teaching/learning will be emphasized and considered: (1) communicative competence, (2) academic competence, and (3) intercultural competence. This presentation will complete with the strategies of ‘code switch’ and ‘register switch’ in teaching English to non-standard English speakers in both speaking and writing.

Keywords: world Englishes, standard and non-standard English, inner, outer, expanded circle communicative, academic, intercultural competence

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Authors: Wafaa Hasan

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In May of 2022, Palestinian parents in Toronto, Canada, became aware that educators and staff in the Toronto District School Board were attempting to include the International Holocaust and Remembrance Definition of Antisemitism (IHRA) in The Child Abuse and Neglect Policy of the largest school board in Canada, The Toronto District School Board (TDSB). The idea was that if students were to express any form of antisemitism, as defined by the IHRA, then an investigation could follow with Child Protective Services (CPS). That is, the student’s parents could be reported to the state and investigated for custodial rights to their children. The TDSB has set apparent goals for “Decolonizing Pedagogy” (“TDSB Equity Leadership Competencies”), Culturally Responsive and Relevant Practices (CRRP) and inclusive education. These goals promote the centering of colonized, racialized and marginalized voices. CRRP cannot be effective without the application of anti-racist and settler colonial analyses. In order for CRRP to be effective, school boards need a comprehensive understanding of the ways in which the vilification of Palestinians operates through anti-indigenous and white supremacist systems and logic. Otherwise, their inclusion will always be in tension with the inclusion of settler colonial agendas and worldviews. Feminist maternalism frames racial mothering as degenerate (viewing the contributions of racialized students and their parents as products of primitive and violent cultures) and also indirectly inhibits the actualization of the tenets of CRRP and inclusive education through its extensions into the welfare state and public education. The contradiction between the tenets of CRRP and settler colonial systems of erasure and repression is resolved by the continuation of tactics to 1) force assimilation, 2) punish those who push back on that assimilation and 3) literally fragment familial and community structures of racialized students, educators and parents. This paper draws on interdisciplinary (history, philosophy, anthropology) critiques of white feminist “maternalism” from the 19th century onwards in North America and Europe (Jacobs, Weber), as well as “anti-racist education” theory (Dei), and more specifically,” culturally responsive learning,” (Muhammad) and “bandwidth” pedagogy theory (Verschelden) to make its claims. This research contributes to vibrant debates about anti-racist and decolonial pedagogies in public education systems globally. This paper also documents first-hand interviews and experiences of diasporic Palestinian mothers and motherhoods and situates their experiences within longstanding histories of white feminist maternalist (and eugenicist) politics. This informal qualitative data from "participatory conversations" (Swain) is situated within a set of formal interview data collected with Palestinian women in the West Bank (approved by the McMaster University Humanities Research Ethics Board) relating to white feminist maternalism in the peace and dialogue industry.

Keywords: decolonial feminism, maternal feminism, anti-racist pedagogies, settler colonial studies, motherhood studies, pedagogy theory, cultural theory

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Authors: Sender Dovchin, Alastair Pennycook

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This paper looks at the relationship between online space, urban space and digital literacies. The everyday digital literacy practices of Facebook users (with a particular focus on young urban Mongolians) can be understood as ‘metrolingual’ because of the varied ways in which linguistic and cultural resources, spatial repertoires, and online activities are bound together to make meaning. Whereas the initial development of the term metrolingualism was dependent on a notion of physical urban space, we here argue that the digital practices of these Facebook users perform a range of social and cultural identities (sexual, ethnic, and class-based identities) that are both parts of but also adjacent to the metrolingual fabric.

Keywords: metrolingualism, digital literacy, Mongolia, Facebook

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Authors: Arpita Sabat, Kanaklata Samal

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A child is the most innocent being on the earth. It is born innocent but the family, the community, the institution and the world at large always butcher its innocence. This paper aims at the role of family for the development of a child in different ethnic or social groups. Family, in fact, is the nucleus in the growth and development of the child. A child grows up with the idea that a family is the world around him. The child tries to emulate consciously or unconsciously from the surrounding. This imitation has serious impact on the development of the child. It even sometimes cripples or stunts the growth of a mind. It results in the disability of the child. All policies about education or changing of curriculum can not bring about a change in the plight of a child’s life unless there is a serious thinking about the role of a family and the contribution of a family to the development of a child.

Keywords: vulnerable child, grooming, surrounding, role of family

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Authors: Regan Harper, Song Yang, Douglas Adams

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During the historically unprecedent time of Covid-19 pandemic, we survey college students with social issue generators to measure their core discussion groups. For the total 191 students, we elicit 847 conversation partners (alters) with our five social issue generators such as school closing, facemasks, collegiate sports, race and policing, and social inequality, producing an average of 4.43 alters per respondent. The core discussion groups of our sample are very gender balanced, with female alters slightly outnumbering male alters. However, the core discussion groups are racially homogenous, consisting of mostly white students (around or above 80 percent). Explanatory analyses reveal that gender and race of respondents significantly impact the size, gender composition, and racial composition of their core discussion networks. We discuss those major findings and implications of future studies in our conclusion section.

Keywords: core discussion groups, social issue generators, ego-centric network, Covid-19 pandemic

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Authors: Kendall Artz

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In the 1950s, a wave of violent labor unrest shook a small town in south-western Louisiana leading to the racialisation of workers—previously considered white—as ‘mixed-race’ or, in local terms, ‘Redbone.’ This paper examines why the group known as ‘Redbones’ were marked as non-white in relation to strike violence and their opposition to capitalist expansion. Utilising archival research, historiography and oral testimony, I examine how an instance of labor unrest was reinterpreted by local law enforcement, an interstate capitalist class and the national press as calling into question the racial integrity of a group of workers who had been formerly marked as white. This explosive and largely unstudied strike provides an opportunity to better understand how racialisation operates as a technology of control, even over individuals who appear phenotypically white. The strike at Elizabeth allows a glimpse at the tactics of representatives of white supremacy when white workers do not fully embrace the ‘wages of whiteness.

Keywords: American federation of labor, labor history, Louisiana history, wages of whiteness

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Authors: Mary Emilia Aboekwe

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Nigeria is a country with different ethnic groups and diverse religious affiliations. Owing to these differences, there continue to arise at various points and times conflicts. Lives and unquantifiable amounts of property have been lost as a result. It is the aim of this paper to show that despite these diverse religious affiliations, there can be unity and peace. The paper using a phenomenological approach, argues that religion is fundamentally oriented towards peace. Hence, one who is truly religious is to be disposed towards peaceful coexistence. This paper advocates tolerance, respect, appreciation, love, willingness to cooperate, accepting other persons with all they have in common but their differences as well. In other words, there is need for dialogue between the religions, involving inter-religious conference and possible inter-religious prayer services.

Keywords: dialogue, diversity, tolerance, understanding.

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Authors: Marthinus Conradie

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The conversational dynamics of democratically orientated deliberation continue to stimulate critical scholarship for its potential to bolster robust engagement between different sections of pluralist societies. Several axes of deliberation that have attracted academic attention include face-to-face vs. online interaction, and citizen-to-citizen communication vs. engagement between citizens and political elites. In all these areas, numerous researchers have explored deliberative procedures aimed at achieving instrumental goals such a securing consensus on policy issues, against procedures that prioritise expressive outcomes such as broadening the range of argumentative repertoires that discursively construct and mediate specific political issues. The study that informs this paper, works in the latter stream. Drawing its data from the reader-comments section of a South African broadsheet newspaper, the study investigates online, citizen-to-citizen deliberation by analysing the discursive practices through which competing understandings of social problems are articulated and contested. To advance this agenda, the paper deals specifically with user-generated comments posted in response to news stories on questions of race and racism in South Africa. The analysis works to discern and interpret the various sets of discourse practices that shape how citizens deliberate contentious political issues, especially racism. Since the website in question is designed to encourage the critical comparison of divergent interpretations of news events, without feeding directly into national policymaking, the study adopts an analytic framework that traces how citizens articulate arguments, rather than the instrumental effects that citizen deliberations might exert on policy. The paper starts from the argument that such expressive interactions are particularly crucial to current trends in South African politics, given that the precise nature of race and racism remain contested and uncertain. Centred on a sample of 2358 conversational moves in 814 posts to 18 news stories emanating from issues of race and racism, the analysis proceeds in a two-step fashion. The first stage conducts a qualitative content analysis that offers insights into the levels of reciprocity among commenters (do readers engage with each other or simply post isolated opinions?), as well as the structures of argumentation (do readers support opinions by citing evidence?). The second stage involves a more fine-grained discourse analysis, based on a theorisation of argumentation that delineates it into three components: opinions/conclusions, evidence/data to support opinions/conclusions and warrants that explicate precisely how evidence/data buttress opinions/conclusions. By tracing the manifestation and frequency of specific argumentative practices, this study contributes to the archive of research currently aggregating around the practices that characterise South Africans’ engagement with provocative political questions, especially racism and racial inequity. Additionally, the study also contributes to recent scholarship on the affordances of Web 2.0 software by eschewing a simplistic bifurcation between cyber-optimist vs. pessimism, in favour of a more nuanced and context-specific analysis of the patterns that structure online deliberation.

Keywords: online deliberation, discourse analysis, qualitative content analysis, racism

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Authors: Dwi Yulian Fahruddin Shah, Salman Al Farizi, Elyada Ahastari Liunome

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Indonesia is a multicultural society. A wide variety of arts and culture spread throughout in all of part of Indonesia with natural appearance will cause the social behavior differentiation. Similarly, with Tengger people's lives also have different social behaviors that distinguish them from other ethnic groups spread across the Indonesian archipelago. Tengger tribe has an appropriate ethic to build nation character. If all the people of Indonesia who heterogeneous and multicultural can understand, and follow the example of ethical behavior of Tengger tribe, it will be a force in the development of the character of the nation in this modern and globalization era.

Keywords: Tengger tribe, national character, ethics society, Indonesia

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Authors: Debora Caetano Dahas

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In ‘Ethics’ and in ‘A Political Treatise’ Spinoza presents his very influential take on natural law and the principles that guide his philosophical work and observations. Spinoza’s ideas about rationalization, God, and ethical behavior are undeniably relevant to many debates in the field of legal theory. In addition, it is important to note that Spinoza's takes on body, mind, and imagination played an important role in building a certain way of understanding the female figure in western societies and of their differences in regards to the male figure. It is important to emphasize that the constant and insistent presentation of women as inferior and irrational beings corroborates the institutionalization of discriminatory public policies and practices legitimized by the legal system that cooperates with the aggravation of gender inequalities. Therefore, his arguments in relation to women and their nature have been highly criticized, especially by feminist theorists during the second half of the 21st century. The questioning of this traditional philosophy –often phallocentric– and its way of describing women as irrational and less capable than men, as well as the attempt to reformulate postulates and concepts, takes place in such a way as to create a deconstruction of classical concepts. Some of the arguments developed by Spinoza, however, can serve as a basis for elucidating in what way and to what extent the social and political construction of the feminine identity served as a basis for gender inequality. Thus, based on to the observations elaborated by Moira Gantes, the present research addresses the relationship between Spinoza and the feminist demands in the juridical and political spheres, elaborating arguments that corroborate the convergence between his philosophy and feminist critical theory. Finally, this research aims to discuss how the feminists' critics of Spinoza’s writings have deconstructed and rehabilitated his principles and, in doing so, can further help to illustrate the importance of his philosophy –and, consequently, of his notes on Natural Law– in understanding gender equality as a vital part of the effective implementation of democratic debate and inclusive political participation and representation. In doing so, philosophical and legal arguments based on the feminist re-reading of Spinoza’s principles are presented and then used to explain the controversial political reform in Brazil, especially in regards to the applicability of the legislative act known as Law n. 9.504/1997 which establishes that at least 30% of legislative seats must be occupied by women.

Keywords: natural law, feminism, politics, gender equality

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Authors: Thoudam Jomita Devi

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This paper is an attempt to analyze the problems of translating Manipuri folktales into English and the strategies deployed. In Manipuri, folktales are known as Fungawari/Phungawari, which is similar to a western bed time story. The work is with the special reference to folktales of Meetei community. Meetei are the majority ethnic group of Manipur, India. For this paper’s purpose, two folktales Shandrembi Cheisra and Pebet will be chosen for analysis and discussion. The translation of folktales can contribute to intercultural communication and bridge the gap between the generations. Translating Manipuri Folktales is problematic on both cultural and linguistic levels. Therefore, the aim of this analysis is to understand, how the idea of André Lefevere (1992) translation could be implicated in translating Manipuri folktales.

Keywords: cultural, folktales, intercultural, interlingual, translation

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Authors: Tholaine Matadi

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South Africa is a democratic country with a historical record of racially-motivated marginalisation and exclusion of the majority. During the apartheid era the country was run along pieces of legislation and policies based on racial segregation. The system held a tight clamp on interracial mixing which forced people to remain in segregated areas. For example, a citizen from the Indian community could not own property in an area allocated to white people. In this way, a great majority of people were denied basic human rights. Now, there is a supreme constitution with an entrenched justiciable Bill of Rights founded on democratic values of social justice, human dignity, equality and the advancement of human rights and freedoms. The Constitution also enshrines the values of non-racialism and non-sexism. The Constitutional Court has the power to declare unconstitutional any law or conduct considered to be inconsistent with it. Now, more than two decades down the line, despite the abolition of apartheid, there is evidence that South Africa still experiences hate crimes which violate the entrenched right of vulnerable groups not to be discriminated against on the basis of race, sexual orientation, gender, national origin, occupation, or disability. To remedy this mischief parliament has responded by drafting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. The Bill has been disseminated for public comment and suggestions. It is intended to combat hate crimes and hate speech based on sheer prejudice. The other purpose of the Bill is to bring South Africa in line with international human rights instruments against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related expressions of intolerance identified in several international instruments. It is against this backdrop that this paper intends to analyse the impact of the Bill on the rights to human dignity, equality, and freedom. This study is significant because the Bill was highly contested and creates a huge debate. This study relies on a qualitative evaluative approach based on desktop and library research. The article recurs to primary and secondary sources. For comparative purpose, the paper compares South Africa with countries such as Australia, Canada, Kenya, Cuba, and United Kingdom which have criminalised hate crimes and hate speech. The finding from this study is that despite the Bill’s expressed positive intentions, this draft legislation is problematic for several reasons. The main reason is that it generates considerable controversy mostly because it is considered to infringe the right to freedom of expression. Though the author suggests that the Bill should not be rejected in its entirety, she notes the brutal psychological effect of hate crimes on their direct victims and the writer emphasises that a legislature can succeed to combat hate-crimes only if it provides for them as a separate stand-alone category of offences. In view of these findings, the study recommended that since hate speech clauses have a negative impact on freedom of expression it can be promulgated, subject to the legislature enacting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate-Crimes Bill as a stand-alone law which criminalises hate crimes.

Keywords: freedom of expression, hate crimes, hate speech, human dignity

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Authors: Mohammad Hadi Khorashadi Zadeh ‎

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An entrepreneur is a manager or the owner of the commercial company that creates resources and money by risking and initiative. The Netpreneur is the capability to run an online business. It needs only the Connectivity. An Entrepreneur, as long as he has a service which the market demands can set up a feasible and viable trade with his Intellectual Capital as the principle input and the Connectivity Infrastructure as the only physical input. The internet is possibly the most significant revolution in science and technology that our generation could fantasize or imagine. It has introduced in various benefits to the society, culture, economics and politics. The entrepreneur is a premium member in the community. She/he provides services to the society and community including employment.

Keywords: entrepreneur, Netpreneur, intellectual capital, infrastructure

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Authors: Selifontova Darya Yurievna

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The study of the process of the emergence and evolution of socio-cultural ideas about the "Asian states" in the context of the development of US cinema in 1941-1945 will contribute both to the approbation of a new approach to the classical subject and will allow using the methodological tools of history, political science, philology, sociology for understanding modern military-political, historical, ideological, socio-cultural processes on a concrete example. This is especially important for understanding the process of constructing the image of the Japanese Empire in the USA. Assessments and images of China and Japan in World War II, created in American cinema, had an immediate impact on the media, public sentiment, and opinions. During the war, the US cinema created new myths and actively exploited old ones, combining them with traditional Hollywood cliches - all this served as a basis for creating the image of China and the Japanese Empire on the screen, which were necessary to solve many foreign policy and domestic political tasks related to the construction of two completely different, but at the same time, similar images of Asia (China and the Japanese Empire). In modern studies devoted to the history of wars, the study of the specifics of the information confrontation of the parties is in demand. A special role in this confrontation is played by propaganda through cinema, which uses images, historical symbols, and stable metaphors, the appeal to which can form a certain public reaction. Soviet documentaries of the war years are proof of this. The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that cinema as a means of propaganda was very popular and in demand during the Second World War. This period was the time of creation of real masterpieces in the field of propaganda films, in the documentary space of the cinema of 1941 – 1945. The traditions of depicting the Second World War were laid down. The study of the peculiarities of visualization and mythologization of the Second World War in Soviet cinema is the most important stage for studying the development of the specifics of propaganda methods since the methods and techniques of depicting the war formed in 1941-1945 are also significant at the present stage of the study of society.

Keywords: asian countries, politics, sociology, domestic politics, USA, cinema

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Authors: Helyeh Doutaghi

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In 2005, the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was created by the UN Member States agreeing to not only to have the primary responsibility to protect their civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, but also to be responsible towards those civilians whose State was found manifestly failing in that regard. This paper will assess the doctrine of R2P and will argue that R2P too, just like humanitarian intervention, suffers from a lack of legal basis and political will to implement it. Or better said, it is being selectively used by the hegemon’s power to achieve its political will. In doing so, the origin and development shall be explained. Furthermore, it will be submitted that R2P has failed to achieve its purpose due to the unresolved Security Council’s deadlock. Lastly, the concept of legal morality entailed in R2P and its use in real life cases since 2005 will be examined.

Keywords: responsibility to protect, humanitarian intervention, United Nations, legitimacy, legality

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Authors: Teresa Wanjiru Mbatia

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On 7th June 2011, the government Minister of Roads in Kenya announced the proposed construction of a major highway known as a southern bypass to run on the northern border of the Nairobi National Park. The following day on 8th June 2011, the chairperson of the Friends of Nairobi National Park (FONNAP) posted a protest statement on their website, with the heading, ‘Nairobi Park is Not a cake’ alerting its members and conservation groups, with the aim of getting support to the campaign against the government’s intention to hive off a section of the park for road construction. This was the first and earliest statement that led to a series of other events that culminated in conservationists and some other members of the public campaign against the government’s plan to hive off sections of the park to build road and railway infrastructure in or around the park. Together with other non-state actors, mostly non-governmental organisations in conservation/environment and tourism businesses, FoNNAP issued a series of other statements on social, print and electronic media to battle against road and railway construction. This paper examined the strategies, outcomes and interests of actors involved in opposing/proposing the development of transport infrastructure in and around the Nairobi National Park. Specifically, the objectives were to analyse the: (1) Arguments put forward by the eco-warriors to protest infrastructure development; (2) Background and interests of the eco-warriors; (3) Needs/interests and opinions of ordinary common citizens on transport infrastructural development, particularly in and around the urban nature reserve and (4) Final outcomes of the eco-politics surrounding infrastructure development in and around Nairobi National Park. The methodological approach used was environmental history and the social construction of nature. The study collected combined qualitative data using four main approaches, the grounded theory approach, narratives, case studies and a phenomenological approach. The information collected was analysed using critical discourse analysis. The major findings of the study were that under the guise of “public participation,” influential non-state actors have the capacity to perpetuate social-spatial inequalities in the form of curtailing the majority from accessing common public goods. A case in point in this study is how the efforts of powerful conservationists, environmentalists, and tourism businesspersons managed to stall the construction of much-needed road and railway infrastructure severally through litigations in lengthy environmental court processes involving injunctions and stop orders to the government bodies in charge. Moreover, powerful non-state actors were found to have formed informal and sometimes formal coalitions with politicians with selfish interests, which serves to deepen the exclusionary practices and the common good. The study concludes that mostly composed of certain types of elites (NGOs, business communities, politicians and privileged social-cultural groups), non-state actors have used participatory policies to advance their own interests at the expense of the majority whom they claim to represent. These practices are traced to the historically unjust social, political, and economic forces involved in the production of space in Nairobi.

Keywords: eco-politics, exclusion, infrastructure, Nairobi national park, non-state actors, protests

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Authors: Oludele A. Akinboade

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The paper discusses cultural aspects of tax compliance of medium size companies (MEs) in South Africa to enhance tax compliance. A survey of 641 companies in eight provinces was made. Racial identities of ME owners are not significant in explaining differences in tax registration compliance. Black ownership of MEs is negatively and highly significantly correlated with pay as you earn compliance. The opposite is found in favour of Asian ME owners. White ownership of MEs is negative and weakly (10%) significantly correlated with company income tax compliance while the opposite is found in favour of Asian ownership. Race is negative and highly significant in explaining White owned MEs value added tax compliance behaviour. The opposite is found in favour of Asian ME owners. Black ownership of MEs is negatively and weakly significantly(10%) associated with timely submission of tax returns.

Keywords: tax compliance, cultural diversity, medium size companies, South Africa

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Authors: Suzanne Overstreet-Juenke

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Disproportionate minority contact (DMC) is a salient issue that has been found at every stage of the decision-making process in the juvenile justice system. Existing research indicates that DMC influences adjudication for drug, property, and personal crimes. Because intimate partner violence (IPV) is a major public health problem and global concern, the current study examines DMC at adjudication among youth charged for crimes of interpersonal violence. This research uses administrative, Court Designated Worker (CDW) data collected from 2014 to 2016. The results are contextualized using Steffensmeier’s version of focal concerns theory of judicial decision-making. This study assesses race and two seriousness of offense measures to establish whether a link exists between race and adjudication. The results of the study is similar to prior research on the topic. These results are discussed in terms of policy implications, limitations, and future research.

Keywords: race, disproportionate minority contact, focal concerns theory, juvenile

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Authors: Sideri Katerina, Chanania Eleni

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The reasons why people remain unvaccinated, especially health workers, are complex. In Greece, 2 percent of health workers (around 7,000) remain unvaccinated, despite the fact that for this group of people vaccination against COVID-19 is mandatory. In April 2022, the Greek health minister repeated that unvaccinated health care workers will remain suspended from their jobs ‘for as long as the pandemic lasts,’ explaining that the suspension of the workers in question was ‘entirely their choice’ and that health professionals who do not believe in vaccines ‘do not believe in their own science.’ Although policy circles around the world often link vaccine hesitancy to ignorance of science or misinformation, various recently published qualitative studies show that vaccine hesitancy is the result of a combination of factors, which include distrust towards elites and the system of innovation and distrust towards government. In a similar spirit, some commentators warn that labeling hesitancy as “anti-science” is bad politics. In this paper, we worked within the tradition of STS taking the view that people draw upon personal associations to enact and express civic concern with an issue, the enactment of public concern involves the articulation of threats to actors’ way of life, personal values, relationships, lived experiences, broader societal values and institutional structures. To this effect, we have conducted 27 in depth interviews with unvaccinated Greek health workers and we are in the process of conducting 20 more interviews. We have so far found that rather than a question of believing in ‘facts’ vaccine hesitancy reflects deep distrust towards those charged with the making of decisions and pharmaceutical companies and that emotions (rather than rational thinking) play a crucial role in the formation of attitudes and the making of decisions. We need to dig deeper so as to understand the causes of distrust towards technical government and the ways in which public(s) conceive of and want to be part in the politics of innovation. We particularly address the question of the effectiveness of mandatory vaccination of health workers and whether such top-down regulatory measures further polarize society, to finally discuss alternative regulatory approaches and governance structures.

Keywords: vaccine hesitancy, innovation, trust in vaccines, sociology of vaccines, attitude drivers towards scientific information, governance

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Authors: A. Beril Tugrul

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Demand on production and thereby the global need of energy is growing continuously. Each country has different trends on energy demand and supply according to their geopolitical and geographical locations, underground reserves, weather conditions and level of industrialization. Conventional energy resources such as oil, gas and coal –in other words fossil resources- remain dominant on primary energy supply in spite of causing of environmental problems. Energy supply and demand securities are essential within the energy importing and exporting countries. This concept affected all sectors, but especially impressed on political aspects of the countries and also global economic views.

Keywords: energy policy, energy economics, energy strategy, global trends, petro-dollar recycling

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Authors: Wenfan Yan, Yumei Han

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Objectives: Educational inequality persists between China's ethnic minority regions and the mainland. The key to rectifying this disparity lies in enhancing the quality of educators. This paper delves into the Chinese government's innovative policy, "Group Educators Supporting Tibet" (GEST), designed to bridge the shortage of high-quality teachers in Tibet, a representative underprivileged ethnic minority area. GEST aims to foster collective action by networking provincial expert educators with Tibetan counterparts and collaborating between supporting provincial educational entities and Tibetan education entities. Theoretical Framework: The unequal distribution of social capital contributes significantly to the educational gap between ethnic minority areas and other regions in China. Within the framework of social network theory, motivated GEST educators take action to foster resources and relationships. This study captures grassroots perspectives to outline how social networking contributes to the policy objective of enhancing Tibetan teachers' quality and eradicating educational injustice. Methodology: A sequential mixed-methods approach was adopted to scrutinize policy impacts from the vantage point of social networking. Quantitative research involved surveys for GEST and Tibetan teachers, exploring demographics, perceptions of policy significance, motivations, actions, and networking habits. Qualitative research included focus group interviews with GEST educators, local teachers, and students from program schools. The findings were meticulously analyzed to provide comprehensive insights into stakeholders' experiences and the impacts of the GEST policy. Key Findings: The policy empowers individuals to impact Tibetan education significantly. Motivated GEST educators with prior educational support experiences contribute to its success. Supported by a collective -school, city, province, and government- the new social structure fosters higher efficiency. GEST's approach surpasses conventional methods. The individual, backed by educators, realizes the potential of transformative class design. Collective activities -pedagogy research, teaching, mentoring, training, and partnerships- equip Tibetan teachers, enhancing educational quality and equity. This collaborative effort establishes a robust foundation for the policy's success, emphasizing the collective impact on Tibetan education. Contributions: This study contributes to international policy studies focused on educational equity through collective teacher action. Using a mixed-methods approach and guided by social networking theory, it accentuates stakeholders' perspectives, elucidating the genuine impacts of the GEST policy. The study underscores the advancement of social networking, the reinforcement of local teacher quality, and the transformative potential of cultivating a more equitable and adept teaching workforce in Tibet. Limitations of the Study and Suggestions for Future Research Directions: While the study emphasizes the positive impacts of motivated GEST educators, there might be aspects or challenges not fully explored. A more comprehensive understanding of potential drawbacks or obstacles would provide a more balanced view. For future studies, investigating the long-term impact of the GEST policy on educational quality could provide insights into the sustainability of the improvements observed. Also, understanding the perspectives of Tibetan teachers who may not have directly benefited from GEST could reveal potential disparities in policy implementation.

Keywords: teacher development, social networking, teacher quality, mixed research method

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Authors: Kaltrina Kusari

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Displaced populations have received increasing attention, yet the experiences of return migrants remain largely hidden within social sciences. Existing research, albeit limited, suggests that policies which impact return migrants, especially those forced to return to their home countries, do not reflect their voices. Specifically, the United Nations Hight Commissioner for Refugees has adopted repatriation as a preferred policy solution, despite research which substantiates that returning to one’s home country is neither durable nor the end of the migration cycle; as many of 80% of returnees decide to remigrate. This one-size-fits-all approach to forced displacement does not recognize the impact of intersecting identity categories on return migration, thus failing to consider how ethnicity, gender, and class, among others, shape repatriation. To address this, this qualitative study examined the repatriation experiences of return migrant women from Kosovo and the role of social workers in facilitating return. In 2015, Kosovars constituted the fourth largest group of asylum seekers in the European Union, yet 96% of them were rejected. Additionally, since 1999 Kosovo has ranked among the top 10 countries of origin for return migrants. Considering that return migration trends are impacted by global power dynamics, this study relied on a postcolonial and transnational feminist framework to contextualize the mobility of displaced peoples in terms of globalization and conceptualize migration as a gendered process. Postcolonial and feminist theories suggest that power is partly operationalized through language, thus, Critical Discourse Analysis was used as a research methodology. CDA is concerned with examining how power, language, and discourses shape social processes and relationships of dominance. Data collection included interviews with 15 return migrant women (eight ethnic minorities and seven Albanian) and 18 service providers in Kosovo. The main findings illustrate that both returnee women and service providers rely on discourses which 1) challenge the voluntariness and sustainability of repatriation; 2) construct Kosovo as inferior to EU countries; and 3) highlight the impact of patriarchy and ethnic racism on return migration. A postcolonial transnational feminist analysis demonstrates that despite Kosovars’ challenges with repatriation, European Union countries use their power to impose repatriation as a preferred solution for Kosovo’s government. These findings add to the body of existing repatriation literature and provide important implications for how return migration might be carried out, not only in Kosovo but other countries as well.

Keywords: migration, gender, repatriation, transnational feminism

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Authors: Arlinda Memetaj

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Building up of a well-functioning administrative justice system is one of the key prerequisites for ensuring the existence of an accountable and efficient public administration in Kosovo as well. To this aim, the country has already established an almost comprehensive legislative and institutional frameworks. The latter derives from (among others) the Kosovo`s Stabilisation and Association Agreement with the EU of 2016. A series of efforts are being presently still undertaken by all relevant domestic and international stakeholders being active in both the Kosovo`s public administration reform and the country` s system of a local self-government. Both systems are thus under a constant state of reform. Despite the aforesaid, there is still a series of shortcomings in the country in above context. There is a lot of backlog of administrative cases in the Prishtina Administrative court; there is a public lack in judiciary; the public administration is organized in a fragmented way; the administrative laws are still not properly implemented at local level; the municipalities` legislative and executive branches are not sufficiently transparent for the ordinary citizens ... Against the above short background, the full paper firstly outlines the legislative and institutional framework of the Kosovo's systems of an administrative justice and local self-government (on the basis of the fact that public administration and local government are not separate fields). It then illustrates the key specific shortcomings in those fields, as seen from the perspective of the citizens' right to good administration. It finally claims that the current status quo situation in the country may be resolved (among others) by granting Kosovo a status of full member state of the Council of Europe or at least granting it with a temporary status of a contracting party of (among others) the European Human Rights Convention. The later would enable all Kosovo citizens (regardless their ethnic or other origin whose human rights are violated by the Kosovo`s relative administrative authorities including the administrative courts) to bring their case/s before the respective well-known European Strasbourg-based Human Rights Court. This would consequently put the State under permanent and full monitoring process, with a view to obliging the country to properly implement the European Court`s decisions (as adopted by this court in those cases). This would be a benefit first of all for the very Kosovo`s ordinary citizens regardless their ethnic or other background. It would provide for a particular positive input in the ongoing efforts being undertaken by Kosovo and Serbia states within the EU-facilitated Dialogue, with a view to building up of an integral administrative justice system at central and local level in the whole Kosovo` s territory. The main method used in this paper is the descriptive, analytical and comparative one.

Keywords: administrative courts, administrative justice, administrative procedure, benefit, European Human Rights Court, human rights, monitoring, reform.

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Authors: Winnie Kung, Xinhua Liu, Debbie Huang, Patricia Kim, Keon Kim, Xiaoran Wang, Lawrence Yang

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Considerable Asian Americans were exposed to the World Trade Center attack due to the proximity of the site to Chinatown and a sizeable number of South Asians working in the collapsed and damaged buildings nearby. Few studies focused on Asians in examining the disaster’s mental health impact, and even less longitudinal studies were reported beyond the first couple of years after the event. Based on the World Trade Center Health Registry, this study examined the trajectory of PTSD of individuals directly exposed to the attack from 2-3 to 5-6 years after the attack, comparing Asians against the non-Hispanic White group. Participants included 2,431 Asians and 31,455 Whites. Trajectories were delineated into the resilient, chronic, delayed-onset and remitted groups using PTSD checklist cut-off score at 44 at the 2 waves. Logistic regression analyses were conducted to compare the poorer trajectories against the resilient as a reference group, using predictors of baseline sociodemographic, exposure to the disaster, lower respiratory symptoms and previous depression/anxiety disorder diagnosis, and recruitment source as the control variable. Asians had significant lower socioeconomic status in terms of income, education and employment status compared to Whites. Over 3/4 of participants from both races were resilient, though slightly less for Asians than Whites (76.5% vs 79.8%). Asians had a higher proportion with chronic PTSD (8.6% vs 7.4%) and remission (5.9% vs 3.4%) than Whites. A considerable proportion of participants had delayed-onset in both races (9.1% Asians vs 9.4% Whites). The distribution of trajectories differed significantly by race (p<0.0001) with Asians faring poorer. For Asians, in the chronic vs resilient group, significant protective factors included age >65, annual household income >$50,000, and never married vs married/cohabiting; risk factors were direct disaster exposure, job loss due to 9/11, lost someone, and tangible loss; lower respiratory symptoms and previous mental disorder diagnoses. Similar protective and risk factors were noted for the delayed-onset group, except education being protective; and being an immigrant a risk. Between the 2 comparisons, the chronic group was more vulnerable than the delayed-onset as expected. It should also be noted that in both comparisons, Asians’ current employment status had no significant impact on their PTSD trajectory. Comparing between Asians against Whites, the direction of the relationships between the predictors and the PTSD trajectories were mostly the same, although more factors were significant for Whites than for Asians. A few factors showed significant racial difference: Higher risk for lower respiratory symptoms for Whites than Asians, higher risk for pre-9/11 mental disorder diagnosis for Asians than Whites, and immigrant a risk factor for the remitted vs resilient groups for Whites but not for Asians. Over 17% Asians still suffered from PTSD 5-6 years after the WTC attack signified its persistent impact which incurred substantial human, social and economic costs. The more disadvantaged socioeconomic status of Asians rendered them more vulnerable in their mental health trajectories relative to Whites. Together with their well-documented low tendency to seek mental health help, outreach effort to this population is needed to ensure follow-up treatment and prevention.

Keywords: PTSD, Asian Americans, World Trade Center Attack, racial differences

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Authors: Sondos Shaheen

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This paper employs a newly constructed composite indicator of social uprisings (SUCI) to analyze the causes of their occurrence. This empirical study is based on an unbalanced panel of 45 countries over the period of 1982–2007. The paper’s contribution to the literature is distinguishing between the causes of violent and nonviolent uprisings. The analysis shows that that certain variables have a significant impact on both violent and nonviolent uprisings in terms of relative SUCI values, for example, ethnic fractionalization and mountainous terrain. Nevertheless, differences between the causes of violent and nonviolent uprisings can be found. For example, life dissatisfaction is related to nonviolent social uprisings, but when life dissatisfaction is accompanied by democratic dissatisfaction, violent social uprisings are more likely.

Keywords: social uprisings, relative deprivation, dissatisfaction, mobilization, anti-government movements, causes

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Authors: Nasser Y. Athamneh

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Muzaffar al-Nawwab (1934--) is a modern Iraqi poet, critic, and painter, well-known to Arab youth of the second half of the 20th century for his revolutionary spirit and political activism. For the greater part of his relatively long life, al-Nawwab was wanted 'dead or alive,' so to speak, by most of the Arab regimes and authorities due to his scathing, and at times unsparingly obscene attacks on them. Hence it is that the Arab masses found in his poetry the rebellious expression of their own anger and frustration, stifled by fear for their physical safety. Thus, al-Nawwab’s contemporary Arab audience loved and embraced him both as an Arab exile and as a poet. They memorized and celebrated his poems and transmitted them secretly by word of mouth and on compact cassette tapes. He himself recited his own poetry and had it recorded on compact cassette tapes for fans to smuggle from one Arab country to the other. The themes of al-Nawwab’s poems are varied, but the most predominant among them is political opposition. In most of his poems, al-Nawwab takes up politics as the major theme. Yet, he often represents it coupled with the leitmotifs of women and wine. Indeed he oscillates almost systematically between political commitment to the revolutionary cause of the masses of his nation and homeland on the one hand and love for women and wine on the other. For the persona in al-Nawwab’s poetry, love-longing for the woman and devotion to the cause of revolution and Pan-Arabism are interrelated; each of them readily evokes the other. In this paper, an attempt is made at investigating the treatment and representation of the theme of revolution and political opposition in some of al-Nawwab’s poems. This investigation will be conducted through close reading and textual analysis of representative sections of the poetic texts under consideration in the paper. The primary texts for the study are selected passages from two representative poems, namely, 'The Night Song of the Bow Strings' (Watariyyaat Layliyyah) and 'In Wine and Sorrow My Heart [Is Immersed]' (bil-khamri wa bil-huzni fu’aady). Other poems and extracts from al-Nawwab’s poetic works will be drawn upon as secondary texts to clarify the arguments in the paper and support its thesis. The discussions and textual analysis of the texts under consideration are meant to show that revolution and undaunted political opposition is a predominant theme in al-Nawwab’s poetry, often represented through the use of the leitmotifs of women and wine.

Keywords: Arabic poetry, Muzaffar al-Nawwab, politics, revolution

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Authors: Ram Dayal

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Since inception of the modern Olympic Games in 1896 in Athens, Greece, it has undergone a paradigm shift over a period of more than a century. It originated with the purpose of inculcating physical and moral qualities, sense of aesthetics, ethical and spiritual value and educating young people, through the spread of the philosophy of amateurism, which is free from the vices of racial discrimination, any country’s domination, corruption, doping menace and political interference. Now, it has metamorphosed into the arena where only professionalism matters and has been reduced to the show of strength for countries analogous to the cold war. Rather than spirit of sports, the economics of sports is the more relevant underpinning. Changes in medal tally over a period of time and its correlation with the changing geo-political structure have been evaluated quantitatively using regression analyses, which have yielded statistically significant relationship among variables. The present study also tries to explore this shift in Olympic spirit through historical approach, using books, thesis, dissertations, articles, related documents. The present study will help evaluate the Olympic ideals with modern perspective and the need to replace or reinstall the same in order to nurture and rejuvenate the modern Olympic movement.

Keywords: challenges, games, olympic, sports

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Authors: Nurdiyana Zainal Abidin, Raja Nafida Raja Shahminan, Fawazul Khair Ibrahim

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Timber vernacular houses in Malaysia are unique heritage buildings which can be identified through their designs, structure, architectural elements and ornamentations. Woodcarvings are common forms of ornamentations and decorations in Traditional Malay Houses and they can be found throughout Malaysia including in Negeri Sembilan. As a multi-cultural, multi-racial, and multi-religion state which uniquely practices the matrilineal social system, Negeri Sembilan has a strong connection to its’ history and heritage and in particular the distinctive vernacular architecture. The purpose of this paper is to underline the factors that influence the woodcarvings in Traditional Malay Houses in Negeri Sembilan, Malaysia. The houses studied were from the archives of measured drawings in Center of Built Environment in the Malay World (KALAM), Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM). The findings indicated several factors influencing the woodcarver’s works and also the applications of the woodcarvings such as religious factors, cultural factors and political factors. These factors among several other shows that woodcarvings were predetermined before being carved and that they were not just merely placed without reason but are functioning pieces of aesthetic ornamentation.

Keywords: influences, traditional Malay houses, woodcarvings, multi-cultural

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