Search results for: political violence

Authors: Yousef Barahmeh

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There is a wide cultural belief that Jordanians are po-faced and unable to produce humour and satire. However, in the light of the harbingers of the Arab Spring in the early 2011, socio-political satire has thrived notably in social media as a rigorous act of critique and dissent against the institutionalized discourse. This paper seeks to explore the case study of Ahmad Hassan al-Zou’bi’s satirical articles and Facebook posts in the context of theories of satire and digital politics. Al-Zou’bi is the most prominent and prolific Jordanian satirist who rose to prominence after the Arab Spring. The analysis shows that his satirical articles provide a vintage point to the rhetoric behind the socio-political and economic reform programs as much as the adverse impact of neoliberal governments in the modern history of Jordan.

Keywords: Arab Spring, digital politics, humour and socio-political satire

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Authors: Shantanu Majumder

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This paper attempts to explain the factors contribute in attracting and engaging rural women in Bangladesh toward political Islam that in many cases manifests itself in the form of violent extremism (VE). Bangladesh, the fourth largest Muslim majority country in the world, has been confronting the problem of VE in the name of Islam since a long. The political Islamists, explaining the events like military operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, anti-Muslim politics in neighboring India and Myanmar, Islamophobia in the West, and several other issues in their own way, have become to a vast extent successful in creating a high level of emotion, anger and a feeling of being oppressed worldwide among the ordinary Muslims masses. Half-hearted role of public intellectuals and political expediency of liberal political forces in explaining these events in a secular democratic way also facilitate the extremists to earn political dividend. VE was perceived as an all-male activism of the political Islamists’ in the past in Bangladesh. However, evidence in the recent times shows that there are sympathizers, recruiters, and perpetrators as well among the womenfolk in favor of VE-based political Islam. The first section in this paper sheds light on the way the political Islamists build rapport with and win over the heart of target women in countryside under the camouflage of preaching authentic Islam. This section also describes the role of family in involvement of women in VE. The second section discusses wide-ranging use of websites, facebook, laptop, mobile phones and several other means in the way to motivate and radicalize women. How the involvement with political Islamists brings changes in thinking process, lifestyle and family life of motivated women has been focused in the third section. The final section deals briefly with the way out relying on the argument that law and order forces alone cannot tackle this problem.

Keywords: Bangladesh, political Islam, violent extremism, women

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Authors: Fadeke Olu-Owolabi, Fayomi Oluyemi

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The political and societal orders face the awesome task of overcoming the difficulties which lead to growing tensions and conflicts in Africa. At the core of analysis is the question, how stable and adaptable are established democracies, new democracies, and political and societal actors? The idea of development-democracy as implying the strong linkage between economic development and political democracy appropriately describes the distinguishing characteristic of this new demand for democracy in Africa. The theoretical study examines the political and philosophical foundation of the idea of development-democracy and the arguments presented to support the need for its adoption in Africa today. This paper critically examines the polemic between the advocates of developmental dictatorship and developmental-democracy and argues for the adoption of the latter in Africa. The paper sets out to expose for the political and philosophical foundation of developmental democracy maintaining that only democracy can facilitate development. This argument is supported further by the claim that both democracy and development are two sides of the same coin in the sense that the two are both ethical concepts. The paper also maintained that the only way by which democracy is worthwhile is when it is developmental. Finally, the paper affirms that since the two concepts of democracy and development are like the Siamese twins then the way out of Africa’s present crisis of development is to wholeheartedly embrace democracy. It posits that when genuine democracy is adopted, genuine and sustainable development can then be attained.

Keywords: democracy, development, polemic, principles

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Authors: Fadeke E. Olu-Owolabi, Fayomi Oluyemi

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The political and societal orders face the awesome task of overcoming the difficulties which lead to growing tensions and conflicts in Africa. At the core of analysis is the question, how stable and adaptable are established democracies, new democracies, and political and societal actors? The idea of development-democracy as implying the strong linkage between economic development and political democracy appropriately describes the distinguishing characteristic of this new demand for democracy in Africa. The theoretical study examines the political and philosophical foundation of the idea of development-democracy and the arguments presented to support the need for its adoption in Africa today. This paper critically examines the polemic between the advocates of developmental dictatorship and developmental-democracy and argues for the adoption of the latter in Africa. The paper sets out to expose for the political and philosophical foundation of developmental democracy maintaining that only democracy can facilitate development. This argument is supported further by the claim that both democracy and development are two sides of the same coin in the sense that the two are both ethical concepts. The paper also maintained that the only way by which democracy is worthwhile is when it is developmental. Finally the paper affirms that since the two concepts of democracy and development are like the Siamese twins then the way out of Africa’s present crisis of development is to wholeheartedly embrace democracy. It posits that when genuine democracy is adopted, genuine and sustainable development can then be attained.

Keywords: democracy, development, polemic, principles

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Authors: Ali Muhammad

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The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of employees’ perception of political behavior on their behavior and attitudes. The model tested in this study suggests that employees’ perception of political behavior in their organizations leads to lower levels of job satisfaction, and organizational commitment, and higher levels of work-related stress, and intentions to leave the organization. A sample of 182 employees working in six Kuwaiti business organizations were surveyed using a questionnaire, and data was analyzed using correlation analysis, regression analysis, and non-parametric tests. Results reveal that employees’ perception of political behavior is negatively associated with job satisfaction and organizational commitment, and positively associated with work-related stress and employees’ intentions to leave the organization. The results of the current study are discussed and are compared to the results of previous studies in this area. Finally, the directions for future research are suggested.

Keywords: perceptions of political behavior, organizational commitment, job satisfaction, intention to leave

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Authors: Sarah Ledoux

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This paper analyses the quantitative effects of political content consumption in social media platforms on self-reported ideological preference across the Latin American region. Initially praising the democratic potential of the internet and its social networking websites, digital politics scholars have transitioned their discourse to warning against the undemocratic side-effects it cultivates, such as hate speech, filter bubbles, and ideological polarisation. Holding technology solely responsible for political trends worldwide is an oversimplification of the factors influencing social change. Nonetheless, widespread use of social media in new democracies raises questions on the reproduction of recent trends that have been observed in the US and Western Europe. Through the analysis of ordered logistic regressions on data from the 2018 AmericasBarometer survey, this study examines the extent to which the relationship between the consumption of political content on social media is related to ideological polarisation in Latin America. The findings indicate that there is a close link between consumption of political information on social media, specifically on Facebook and WhatsApp, and ideological positioning on the extremes of the political left- and right-wings. This relation holds when controlling for individual-level demographic and attitudinal factors, as well as country-level effects. These results demonstrate with empirical evidence that viewing political content on social media has a significant positive effect on the likelihood that citizens position themselves on the extreme ends of the left-right ideological spectrum and implies that political polarisation is a phenomenon that accompanies politically driven social media use.

Keywords: Latin America, polarisation, political consumption, political ideology, social media, survey

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Authors: Peter Amobi Chiamogu

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Communication has subsisted as the basis for mass mobilization and political education through history with the media as a generic concept. Revolutions in ICTs have occasioned a limitless environment for the dissemination of information and ideas especially with the use of a seemingly pervasive access, penetration and use of the internet which has engendered a connected society. This study seeks to analyze the prospects and challenges for the adaptation of social media for free election and how this process can enhance public policy making, implementation and evaluation in a developing state.

Keywords: social media, e-participation, political mobilization, public policy, electioneering

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Authors: Ben Tappin, Ryan McKay

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The political left and right appear to disagree not only over questions of value but, also, over questions of fact—over what is true “out there” in society and the world. Alarmingly, a large body of survey data collected during the past decade suggests that this disagreement tends to be greatest among the most educated and most cognitively sophisticated opposing partisans. In other words, the data show that these individuals display the widest political polarization in their reported factual beliefs. Explanations of this polarization pattern draw heavily on cultural and political factors; yet, the large majority of the evidence originates from one cultural and political context—the United States, a country with a rather unique cultural and political history. One consequence is that widening political polarization conditional on education and cognitive sophistication may be due to idiosyncratic cultural, political or historical factors endogenous to US society—rather than a more general, international phenomenon. We examined widening political polarization conditional on education across Europe, over a topic that is culturally and politically contested; immigration. To do so, we analyzed data from the European Social Survey, a premier survey of countries in and around the European area conducted biennially since 2002. Our main results are threefold. First, we see widening political polarization conditional on education over beliefs about the economic impact of immigration. The foremost countries showing this pattern are the most influential in Europe: Germany and France. However, we also see heterogeneity across countries, with some—such as Belgium—showing no evidence of such polarization. Second, we find that widening political polarization conditional on education is a product of sorting. That is, highly educated partisans exhibit stronger within-group consensus in their beliefs about immigration—the data do not support the view that the more educated partisans are more polarized simply because the less educated fail to adopt a position on the question. Third, and finally, we find some evidence that shocks to the political climate of countries in the European area—for example, the “refugee crisis” of summer 2015—were associated with a subsequent increase in political polarization over immigration conditional on education. The largest increase was observed in Germany, which was at the centre of the so-called refugee crisis in 2015. These results reveal numerous insights: they show that widening political polarization conditional on education is not restricted to the US or native English-speaking culture; that such polarization emerges in the domain of immigration; that it is a product of within-group consensus among the more educated; and, finally, that exogenous shocks to the political climate may be associated with subsequent increases in political polarization conditional on education.

Keywords: beliefs, Europe, immigration, political polarization

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Authors: Rosa Nurtazina, Yerkebulan Zhumashov, Maral Tomanova

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Humanity is entering an era when 'virtual reality' as the image of the world created by the media with the help of the Internet does not match the reality in many respects, when new communication technologies create a fundamentally different and previously unknown 'global space'. According to these technologies, the state begins to change the basic technology of political communication of the state and society, the state and the state. Nowadays, image of the state becomes the most important tool and technology. Image is a purposefully created image granting political object (person, organization, country, etc.) certain social and political values and promoting more emotional perception. Political image of the state plays an important role in international relations. The success of the country's foreign policy, development of trade and economic relations with other countries depends on whether it is positive or negative. Foreign policy image has an impact on political processes taking place in the state: the negative image of the countries can be used by opposition forces as one of the arguments to criticize the government and its policies.

Keywords: image of the country, country's image classification, function of the country image, country's image components

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Authors: C. Leiber

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International human rights treaties ensure basic rights to all people, regardless of nationality. These treaties have developed in a predominantly Western environment, and their implementation into non-western contexts often raises questions of the transfer-ability of value systems and governance structures. International human rights treaties also postulate the right to the full enjoyment and expression of one’s own culture, known as cultural rights. Many cultural practices and traditions in South Sudan serve as an obstacle to the adaptation of human rights and internationally agreed-upon standards, specifically those pertaining to women’s rights and gender equality. This paper analyzes the specific social, political, and economic conflicts between women’s rights and cultural rights within the context of South Sudan’s evolution into a sovereign nation. It comprehensively evaluates the legal status of South Sudanese women and –based on the empirical evidence- assesses gender equality in four key areas: Marriage, Education, Violence against Women, and Inheritance. This work includes an exploration into how South Sudanese culture influences, and indeed is intertwined with, social, political, and economic spheres, and how it limits gender equality and impedes the full implementation of international human rights treaties. Furthermore, any negative effects which systemic gender inequality and cultural practices that are oppressive to women have on South Sudan as a developing nation are explored. Finally, those areas of conflict between South Sudanese cultural rights and international women’s rights are outlined which can be mitigated or resolved in favor of elevating gender equality without imperializing or destroying South Sudanese culture.

Keywords: cultural rights, gender equality, international human rights, South Sudan

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Authors: F. Saptouw

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This paper will examine the value of introducing social justice issues into the tertiary fine art curriculum at a first-year level. The paper will present detail of the conceptual impetus and the logistics related to the execution of a collaborative teaching project. The cohort of students was registered for the Fine Art Foundation course at the Michaelis School of Fine Art at the University of Cape Town. The course is dedicated to the development of critical thinking, communication skills, and varied approaches to knowledge construction within the first-year cohort. A core component of the course is the examination of the representation of gender, identity, politics, and power. These issues are examined within a range of public and private representations like art galleries, museum spaces, and contemporary popular culture. This particular project was a collaborative project with the Office of Inclusivity and Change, and the project leaders were Fabian Saptouw and Gabriel Khan. The paper will conclude by presenting an argument for the importance of such projects within the tertiary environment.

Keywords: art, education, gender-based violence, social responsiveness

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Authors: Anh Dao Vu, Bill Ryan

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The Vietnamese government struggles to grapple with the problem of rampant corruption, one of the most challenging difficulties the country faces. According to Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) 2014, Vietnam ranks 119 out of 175 countries. The CPI gives Vietnam a score of 31 on a scale from 0 to 100, where 0 indicates ‘highly corrupt’ and 100 represents ‘very clean’. Corruption eats into the national GDP of Vietnam, causing a loss of 3% to 4% of GDP per annum. In general, the Vietnamese people’s trust in their government to wage an effective fight against corruption, especially in the public sector, has been greatly eroded in recent years. Some substantial public demonstrations persuaded the government to implement strong anti-corruption measures. However, so far those measures have not been particularly successful. One of the main reasons for this shortcoming is that neither the Communist Party of Vietnam nor the government has demonstrated sufficiently strong ‘political will’ in fighting corruption. There remains a large gap between rhetoric and reality. This paper will examine the reasons why insufficient ‘political will’ is displayed in the ostensible fight against public sector corruption, and how certain anti-corruption strategies will both strengthen levels of political commitment to the fight against corruption while enhancing the effectiveness of that essential national endeavor.

Keywords: corruption, political will, Vietnam, anti-corruption

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Authors: Tesfaldet Mekonnen Estifanos, Chen Hui, Afewerki Weldezgi

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Background: Intimate partner violence (hereafter IPV) is a major global public health challenge that tortures and disables women in the place where they are ought to be most secure within their own families. The fact that the family unit is commonly viewed as a private circle, violent acts towards women remains undermined. There are limited research and knowledge about the influencing factors linked to IPV in Sierra Leone. This study, therefore, estimates the prevalence rate and the predicting factors associated with IPV. Methods: Data were taken from Sierra-Leone Demographic and Health Survey (SDHS, 2013): the first in its form to incorporate information on domestic violence. Multistage cluster sampling research design was used, and information was gathered by a standard questionnaire. A total of 5185 respondents selected were interviewed, out of whom 870 were never been in union, thus excluded. To analyze the two dependent variables: experience of IPV, ‘ever’ and 'last 12 months prior to the survey', a total of 4315 (currently or formerly married) and 4029 women (currently in union) were included respectively. These dependent variables were constructed from the three forms of violence namely physical, emotional and sexual. Data analysis was applied using SPSS version 23, comprising three-step process. First, descriptive statistics were used to show the frequency distribution of both the outcome and explanatory variables. Second, bivariate analysis adopting chi-square test was applied to assess the individual relationship between the outcome and explanatory variables. Third, multivariate logistic regression analysis was undertaken using hierarchical modeling strategy to identify the influence of the explanatory variables on the outcome variables. Odds ratio (OR) and 95% confidence interval (CI) were utilized to examine the association of the variables considering p-values less than 0.05 statistically significant. Results: The prevalence of lifetime IPV among ever married women was 48.4%, while 39.8% of those currently married experienced IPV in the previous year preceding the survey. Women having 1 to 4 and more than 5 number of ever born babies were almost certain to encounter lifetime IPV. However, women who own a property, and those who referenced 3-5 reasons for which wife-beating is acceptable were less probably to experience lifetime IPV. Attesting parental violence, partner’s dominant marital behavior, and women afraid of their partner were the variables related to both experience of IPV ‘ever’ and ‘the previous year prior to the survey’. Respondents who concur that wife-beating is sensible in certain situations and occupations under the professional category had diminished chances of revealing IPV in the year prior to the data collection. Conclusion: This study indicated that factors significantly correlated with IPV in Sierra-Leone are mostly linked with husband related factors specifically, marital controlling behaviors. Addressing IPV in Sierra-Leone requires joint efforts that target men raise awareness to address controlling behavior and empower security in affiliations.

Keywords: husband behavior, married women, partner violence, Sierra Leone

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Authors: Peyton M. Provenzano

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This paper draws primarily upon the framework of necropolitics and presents California as itself a former frontier, colony, and late-modern settler society. The convergence of these successive and overlapping regimes of state terror is actualized and traceable through an analysis of historical and contemporary police practices. At the behest of the Spanish Crown and with the assistance of the Spanish military, the Catholic Church led the original expedition to colonize California. The indigenous populations of California were subjected to brutal practices of confinement and enslavement at the missions. After the annex of California by the United States, the western-most territory became an infamous frontier where new settlers established vigilante militias to enact violence against indigenous populations to protect their newly stolen land. Early mining settlements sought to legitimize and fund vigilante violence by wielding the authority of rudimentary democratic structures. White settlers circulated petitions for funding to establish a volunteer company under California’s Militia Law for ‘protection’ against the local indigenous populations. The expansive carceral practices of Los Angelinos at the turn of the 19th century exemplify the way in which California solidified its regime of exclusion as a white settler society. Drawing on recent scholarship that queers the notion of biopower and names police as street-level sovereigns, the police murder of Kayla Moore is understood as the latest manifestation of a carceral regime of exclusion and genocide. Kayla Moore was an African American transgender woman living with a mental health disability that was murdered by Berkeley police responding to a mental health crisis call in 2013. The intersectionality of Kayla’s identity made her hyper-vulnerable to state-sanctioned violence. Kayla was a victim not only of the explicitly racial biopower of police, nor the regulatory state power of necropolitics but of the ‘asphyxia’ that was intended to invisibilize both her life and her murder.

Keywords: asphyxia, biopower, california, carceral state, genocide, necropolitics, police, police violence

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Authors: Anuruddhi Edirisinghe, Anusha Edirisinghe, Maithree Wicramasinghe, Sagarika Kannangara, Annista Wijayanayake

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SGBV which refer to acts of inflicting physical, mental or sexual harm or sufferings that deprive a person’s liberty based on one’s gender or sexuality is known to occur in various forms. Ragging in educational institutions can often be one such form of SGBV. Ragging related SGBV is a growing problem despite various legal, policy and programme initiatives introduced over the years. While the punishment of perpetrators through the criminal justice system is expected to bring a deterrent effect, other strategies such as awareness-raising, attitudinal changes, and the empowerment of students to say no to ragging and SGBV will lead to enlightened attitudes about the practice in universities. Thus, effective regular prevention programmes are the need of the hour. The objectives of the paper are to engage with the case of a female fresher subjected to verbal abuse, physical assault and sexual harassment due to events which started as a result of wearing a trouser to the university during the ragging season. The case came to the limelight since a complaint was made to the police and 10 students were arrested under the anti-ragging act. This led to dividend opinions among the student population and a backlash from the student union. Simultaneously, this resulted in the society demanding the stricter implementation of laws and the punishment of perpetrators. The university authority appointed a task force comprising of academics, non-academics, parents, community leaders, stakeholders and students to draw up an action plan to respond to the immediate situation as well as future prevention. The paper will also discuss the implementation of task force plan. The paper is based on interviews with those involved with the issue and the experiences of the task force members and is expected to provide an in-depth understanding of the intricacies and complications associated with dealing with a contentious problem such as ragging. Given the political and ethical issues involved with insider research as well as the sensationalism of the topic, maximum care will be taken to safeguard the interests of those concerned.

Keywords: fresher, sexual and gender based violence (SGBV), sexual harassment, ragging

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Kunle Oparinde, Ernestina Maleshoane Rapeane-Mathonsi, Gift Mheta

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Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA), the research seeks to deconstruct politically-motivated discourse as observed from Nigerian politics. This is intended to be achieved by analysing linguistic (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political settings, drawing from instances of language use as observed from different political campaigns. Since language in itself is generally meaningless without context, it is therefore paramount to analyse the (mis)representation and manipulation in Nigerian political sceneries within their contextual basis. The study focuses on political language used by Nigerian politicians emanating from printed and social media forms such as posters, pamphlets, speeches, billboards, and internet sources purposely selected across Nigeria. The research further aims at investigating the discursive strategies used by politicians to gain more audience, and, as a result, shape opinions that result in votes. The study employs a qualitative approach. Two parties are intentionally selected because they have been essentially strong at the national level namely: All Progressive Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). The study finds out that politicians in Nigeria, as in many parts of the world, use language to manipulate the electorate. Comprehensive discussion of these instances of political manipulation remains the thrust of this paper.

Keywords: communication, discourse, manipulation, misrepresentation

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Authors: Sudaporn Arundee

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The purposes of this research were to study in three areas: (1) to study political understanding and participating of the constitutional monarchy, (2) to study the level of participation. This paper drew upon data collected from 395 Dusit residents by using questionnaire. In addition, a simple random sampling was utilized to collect data. The findings revealed that 94 percent of respondents had a very good understanding of constitution monarchy with a mean of 4.8. However, the respondents overall had a very low level of participation with the mean score of 1.69 and standard deviation of .719.

Keywords: political participation, constitutional monarchy, management and social sciences

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Authors: Asma Inge-Hanif, Ayyub Ansari Hanif

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The impact of conflicts, the subsequent refugee migration to America and their attempted use of societal resources implicate the lack of further humanitarian aid as a consequence of the abrupt decrease in services and policy changes stemming from new governmental mandates and Executive Orders. Statistical research data indicates a substantial decline in access to standardized health services by refugee women creating a significant alteration in the management of their maternal health care in America, previously shown to result in decreased mortality and morbidity. Studying nursing at Howard University in Washington, D.C., observed doctors were not always sensitive to the needs and modesty concerns of immigrant Muslim women - often unintentionally. Among health care professionals, the prevailing belief should be that every man, woman and child has the right to quality care in a dignified manner and the achievement of optimal health and well-being, regardless of race, creed, socio-economic level or status. In 1987 Muslimat Al Nisaa Health and Social Services Center was established to care for underserved and uninsured women and children. This Center, plus the subsequent shelter, provided direct access to those homeless, refugees, human trafficking and women victims of domestic violence was established and provides the data for this study. Understanding specific culture, social, economic and religious nuances respects their diversity and addressing their basic human needs that they achieve optimal success. The ultimate goal being to facilitate the rescue and housing of those whom escaped from a country/communities where girls are devalued, brought, sold and abused.

Keywords: women, refugee, domestic violence, health care

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Authors: Renu Kumari

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State sovereignty refers to the ability and power of a state to be independent and not to have any interference of external actors in its internal affairs. This phenomenon has been accepted by International Law, which gives rights to the state to maintain its autonomy and territorial integrity without the interference of other actors. In of 1980’s and 1990’s the world has witnessed the worst case of human rights violence for instance, Rwanda genocide, the conflict in former Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Burundi, and Chad so and so forth. Though human rights violence is not a new phenomenon, it has been present all over the world in different time and space. But in 1990’s after the devastation of these conflicts and violence the world community came up with the notion of humanitarian intervention in which some states took the responsibility of protecting human rights violations and on the in order to protect they can intervene in the internal matters of a state specifically during civil war where state is unable to protect its people. Later on these so-called world community realized that intervention itself is a negative term that was criticized also therefore they came up with a different notion that sounded positive which known as responsibility to protect. In 2005 onwards, the notion of responsibility to protect accepted and recognized by the United Nations and states at a larger level. In the case of Syria on the name of responsibility to protect foreign interventions took place and due to the internal war Syrian people were already facing many problems, the government was not able to protect them. External invasion caused many devastating outcomes to the country. This paper is an attempt to analyze various dimensions of invasion of external affairs of a particular state and the status of sovereignty. Firstly, it lays out the notion of humanitarian intervention and then the responsibility to protect. Secondly, it looks in the case of Syria since 2011, the conflict of Syria. Thirdly it focuses on various efforts made by international organizations and other actors. Lastly, it looks why and how other actors intervene in the internal matter of Syria.

Keywords: state sovereignty, external actors, intervention, responsibility to protect

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Authors: Fernando Martín-Espejo, Christophe Crombez

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This paper presents a political-economic analysis of the reforms introduced during the coronavirus crisis at the EU level with a special emphasis on the recovery fund Next Generation EU (NGEU). It also introduces a spatial model to evaluate whether the governmental features of the recovery fund can be framed inside the community method. Particularly, by evaluating the brake clause in the NGEU legislation, this paper analyses theoretically the political and legislative implications of the introduction of flexibility clauses in the EU decision-making process.

Keywords: EU, legislative procedures, spatial model, coronavirus

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Authors: Chaiwat Wuthinitikornkit

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inevitably affects the landscape of the political economy of the host country. It is, therefore, significant to review and uncover how and in what way(s) FDI shapes the preferences of the interest groups within the host country, as such preferences may, in turn, influence the policies of the host country. By conducting a review of relevant literature, this paper attempts to outline the key forces behind such preferences and identify potential gaps for future studies. This paper argues that while existing theories have specified endowment and political and institutional factors as key explanations behind the preferences of domestic interest groups, other qualitative attributes of the foreign investors' side, such as their nationalities, have yet to be adequately investigated empirically and may potentially also possess explanatory power. This is particularly important in the current global economic landscape, where key global investors hail from origins from both developed and developing countries with diverse political systems and business practices. This paper aims to provide the groundwork for future studies on these potential gaps, which may provide not only contributions to the academic sphere but also practical insight into policymaking and business communities.

Keywords: foreign direct investment, interest groups, international political economy, political economy

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Authors: Shuai Zhao, Shalendra D. Sharma, Jin Xu

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This research uses advanced machine learning models to learn a number of hypotheses regarding political executives. Specifically, it analyses the impact these powerful leaders have on economic growth by using leaders’ data from the Archigos database from 1835 to the end of 2015. The data is processed by the AutoGluon, which was developed by Amazon. Automated Machine Learning (AutoML) and AutoGluon can automatically extract features from the data and then use multiple classifiers to train the data. Use a linear regression model and classification model to establish the relationship between leaders and economic growth (GDP per capita growth), and to clarify the relationship between their characteristics and economic growth from a machine learning perspective. Our work may show as a model or signal for collaboration between the fields of statistics and artificial intelligence (AI) that can light up the way for political researchers and economists.

Keywords: comparative politics, political executives, leaders’ characteristics, artificial intelligence

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Authors: Avigail Moor

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Sexual violence against women occurs at alarmingly high rates, which have remained steady irrespective of the increased societal awareness of this problem, affecting an upward of 20% of women. It appears that all the public discourse on this topic, including research, prevention programs, and public campaigns have not made a noticeable dent in this prevalence. This calls for new course of action. Raising awareness regarding the preventive role of bystanders might be it. To that end, the present study sought to establish what promotes bystander intervention and what hinders it. Three hundred and twenty-four men and women, ranging in age from 20-40, participated in this study, completing self-report questionnaires on the topics under investigation. Results indicated that the proclivity to intervene as a bystander is impacted by various factors. The most consequential among them is gender, with twice as many women as men, 70% vs 38% respectively, being positively inclined to take action in such cases. Other significant factors included belief in rape myths and having empathy towards perpetrators, which reduced the likelihood of bystander intervention. Holding the attitude that it is possible to freely consent to sex while intoxicated had a similar impact. The discussion addresses various preventive implications.

Keywords: bystander intervention, sexual assault, rape prevention, rape myths

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Authors: Sofía Luna, Carla González Salamanca

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The 2008 economic crisis had huge implications in Europe. In this continent, the repercussions of the crisis were not only economic but also political and institutional. The economic stress has generated changes in the perception of the citizens, their attitude and the confidence placed in the political organizations. The lost of confidence is not only present in the debtor countries but it is also present in the European economic powers like Germany and France. This research explains how the economic crisis had an impact in the identity, population’s attitude and how this generated the rise of extreme right parties. In addition, it defines the different types of attitudes and support that exist towards these political and economic institutions. The results of this investigation show that the depression beside of its economic implications, it caused institutional, social and political difficulties for the Union. Moreover, the support and attitudes of the population were severely strained because the confidence in the political organization decreased. Furthermore, a rise in the otherness sentiment was shown. In other words, the distinction between “us” and “them” increased causing repercussions in the collective European identity. Additionally, there was a spread in national identities that caused the rise of the extreme right wing parties. In conclusion, the 2008 economic crisis caused not only economic stress but also it generated a political, social and institutional crisis in Europe.

Keywords: Europe, identity, economic crisis, otherness sentiment

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Authors: Shahid Imran

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'Mediatization' has influenced the politics by shaping and transforming the attitudes and practices of political actors. It is a serious challenge to democracy in today’s era. This study aims to analyze the dynamics of media politics interplay in Pakistan and the contextual factors which govern this interplay. It will also address the perceived influence of media on the practices of politicians from the perspectives of the actors. The objectives have been achieved qualitatively through Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). The phenomenological data have been collected using semi-structured interviews of journalists and politicians of Pakistan. The findings depict that politics in Pakistan is more driven by media logic than political or democratic logic. Media and politics have a ‘Tom and Jerry’ relationship. Political ecology is highly media-induced: politicians strategically adopt and adapt the media logic to be in the ‘media spotlight’; journalists, on the other hands, do not practice ‘fair journalism rather a more politically parallelized. The mediatized political communication behaviours of the actors are the undermining the public service logic and affecting the spirit of democracy in Pakistan. The study offers some valued implications for media, politicians and policy makers.

Keywords: medialization, media logic, politics, political logic

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Authors: Henrique Alpalhão

Abstract:

This paper attempts to model the widely studied relationship between a country's economic growth and its level of democracy, with an emphasis on possible non-linearities. We adopt the concept of 'political capital' as a measure of democracy, which is extremely uncommon in the literature and brings considerable advantages both in terms of dynamic considerations and plausibility. While the literature is not consensual on this matter, we obtain, via panel Arellano-Bond regression analysis on a database of more than 60 countries over 50 years, significant and robust results that indicate that the impact of democratization on economic growth varies according to the stage of democratic development each country is in.

Keywords: democracy, economic growth, political capital, political economy

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Authors: Mariam Waheed Mekheimar

Abstract:

Nascent research is conducted to the advancement of discourse analysis to include different modes as images, sound, and text. The focus of this study will be to elucidate how images are embedded with texts in an audio-visual medium as cinema to send political messages; it also seeks to broaden our understanding of politics beyond a relatively narrow conceptualization of the 'political' through studying non-traditional discourses as the cinematic discourse. The aim herein is to develop a systematic approach to film analysis to capture political meanings in films. The method adopted in this research is Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MDA) focusing on embedding visuals with texts. As today's era is the era of images and that necessitates analyzing images. Drawing on the writings of O'Halloran, Kress and Van Leuween, John Bateman and Janina Wildfeuer, different modalities will be studied to understand how those modes interact in the cinematic discourse. 'People at the top movie' is selected as an example to unravel the political meanings throughout film tackling the cinematic representation of the notion of social justice.

Keywords: Egyptian cinema, multimodal discourse analysis, people at the top, social justice

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Authors: Samantha Clarke

Abstract:

The term social justice is central to social work; however, the meaning behind this term is not as simple as defining the term itself. This is because the meaning of social justice is relative since its origin and development is based on evolving political perspectives. Political perspectives provide numerous lenses to view social justice in social work; however, the realities of changing society have meant that social justice has assumed different values, definitions, and understandings over time and in different geopolitical and cultural contexts. There are many competing and convincing theories of social justice that are relevant to social work practice. Exploring the term is not an idle preoccupation because the meaning of the term is not as crucial as the meaning of the worldview, as it is the worldview that positions social justice as crucial in the emancipation of people marginalized from oppression. The many political assumptions that underlie the term social justice are explored and connected to the contemporary discussions about social justice in social work. These connections are then interrogated in the Canadian Social Works Code of Ethics, and in micro, mezzo, and macro approaches. To be remiss in interrogating the underlying political assumptions of the worldview of social justice is to entrench oppression and to preserve oppressive structures in contemporary Canadian social work. The concept of social justice is unable to withstand closer scrutiny about its emancipatory qualities in Canadian social work when we interrogate the many political assumptions that frame its understanding. In order to authenticate social justice as an emancipatory central organizing principle, Canadian social workers must engage in deeper discussions about the political implications of social justice in their everyday practices based on diverse worldviews and geopolitical contexts. Social workers are well positioned to develop an understanding of social justice that is emancipatory based on their everyday practices because as social and political actors they are positioned to work for and with individuals and toward the greater good of those who are marginalized from oppression.

Keywords: Canadian social work, political analysis, social justice, social work practice

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Authors: Mariya Dzhyoyeva

Abstract:

In the present paper, I examine manifestations of toxic masculinity in the novels by Tomás Eloy Martínez, a post-Boom author, journalist, literary critic, and one of the representatives of the Argentine writing diaspora. I focus on the analysis of Martínez´s characters that display hypermasculine traits to define the relationship between toxic masculinity and power, including the power of authorship and violence as they are represented in his novels. The analysis reveals a complex network in which gender, power, and violence are intertwined and influence and modify each other. As the author exposes toxic masculine behaviors that generate violence, he looks to undermine them. Departing from M. Kimmel´s idea of masculinity as homophobia, I examine how Martínez “outs” his characters by incorporating into the narrative some secret, privileged sources that provide alternative accounts of their otherwise hypermasculine lives. These background stories expose their “weaknesses,” both physical and mental, and thereby feminize them in their own eyes. In a similar way, the toxic masculinity of the fictional male author that wields his power by abusing the written word as he abuses the female character in the story is exposed as a complex of insecurities accumulated by the character due to his childhood trauma. The artistic technique that Martínez uses to condemn the authoritarian male behavior is accessing his subjectivity and subverting it through a multiplicity of identities. Martínez takes over the character’s “I” and turns it into a host of pronouns with a constantly shifting point of reference that distorts not only the notions of gender but also the very notion of identity. In doing so, he takes the character´s affirmation of masculinity to the limit where the very idea of it becomes unsustainable. Viewed in the context of Martínez´s own exilic story, the condemnation of toxic masculine power turns into the condemnation of dictatorship and authoritarianism.

Keywords: gender, masculinity., toxic masculinity, authoritarian, Argentine literature, Martínez

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