Search results for: electoral violence

Authors: Katalin Kovacs

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In most forms of violence the perpetrators intend to hide their identities. Terrorism is different. Terrorist groups often take responsibility for their attacks, and consequently they reveal their identities. This unique characteristic of terrorism has been largely overlooked, and scholars are still puzzled as to why terrorist groups claim responsibility for their attacks. Certainly, the claim of responsibility is worth analysing. It would help to have a clearer picture of what terrorist groups try to achieve and how, but also to develop an understanding of the strategic planning of terrorist attacks and the message the terrorists intend to deliver. The research aims to answer the question why terrorist groups choose to claim responsibility for some of their attacks and not for others. In order to do so the claim of responsibility is considered to be a tactical choice, based on the assumption that terrorists weigh the costs and benefits of claiming responsibility. The main argument is that terrorist groups do not claim responsibility in cases when there is no tactical advantage gained from claiming responsibility. The idea that the claim of responsibility has tactical value offers the opportunity to test these assertions using a large scale empirical analysis. The claim of responsibility as a tactical choice depends on other tactical choices, such as the choice of target, the internationality of the attack, the number of victims and whether the group occupies territory or operates as an underground group. The structure of the terrorist groups and the level of decision making also affects the claim of responsibility. Terrorists on the lower level are less disciplined than the leaders. This means that the terrorists on lower levels pay less attention to the strategic objectives and engage easier in indiscriminate violence, and consequently they would less like to claim responsibility. Therefore, the research argues that terrorists, who are on a highest level of decision making would claim responsibility for the attacks as those are who takes into account the strategic objectives. As most studies on terrorism fail to provide definitions; therefore the researches are fragmented and incomparable. Separate, isolated researches do not support comprehensive thinking. It is also very important to note that there are only a few researches using quantitative methods. The aim of the research is to develop a new and comprehensive overview of the claim of responsibility based on strong quantitative evidence. By using well-established definitions and operationalisation the current research focuses on a broad range of attributes that can have tactical values in order to determine circumstances when terrorists are more likely to claim responsibility.

Keywords: claim of responsibility, leadership, tactical choice, terrorist group

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Authors: Gintaras Mitrulevičius

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This text, which is based on the conference report, seeks to briefly examine the relationship between the concepts of social democracy and democratic socialism, drawing attention to the essential aspects of its development and, in particular, discussing the contradictions in the relationship between these concepts in the modern period. In the preparation of this text, such research methods as historical, historical-comparative methods were used, as well as methods of analyzing, synthesizing, and generalizing texts. The history of the use of terms in social democracy and democratic socialism shows that these terms were used alternately and almost synonymously. At the end of the 20th century, traditional social democracy was transformed into the so-called "new social democracy." Many of the new social democrats do not consider themselves democratic socialists and avoid the historically characteristic identification of social democracy with democratic socialism. It has become quite popular to believe that social democracy is a separate ideology from democratic socialism. Or that it has become a variant of the ideology of liberalism. This is a testimony to the crisis of ideological self-awareness of social democracy. Since the beginning of the 21st century, social democracy has also experienced a growing crisis of electoral support. This, among other things, led to her slight shift to the left. In this context, some social democrats are once again talking about democratic socialism. The rise of the ideas of democratic socialism in the United States was catalyzed by Bernie Sanders. But the proponents of democratic socialism in the United States have different concepts of democratic socialism. In modern Europe, democratic socialism is also spoken of by leftists of non-social democratic origin, whose understanding is different from that of democratic socialism inherent in classical social democracy. Some political scientists also single out the concepts in question. Analysis of the problem shows that there are currently several concepts of democratic socialism on the spectrum of the political left, both social-democratic and non-social-democratic.

Keywords: democratic socializm, socializm, social democracy, new social democracy, political ideologies

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Authors: Ambuja Raj

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This research will attempt to understand how documents are materially indispensable civic artifacts for migrants in their encounters with the state. Documents such as ID cards are sites of mediation and bureaucratic manifestation which reveal the inherent dynamics of power between the state and a delocalized people. While ID cards allow the holder to retain a different identity and articulate their demands as a citizen, they at the same time transform subjects into ‘objects’ in the exercise of governmental power. The research is based on the study of internal migrants in India, who are ‘visible’ to the state through its host of ID documents such as the ‘Aadhaar card’, electoral IDs, Ration cards, and a variety of region-specific documents, without the possession of which, not only are they unable to access jobs, public goods and services, and accommodation, but are liable to exploitation from state forces and mediators. Through semi-structured interviews with social actors in the processes of documentation and welfare of migrants, as well as with settlements of migrants themselves located in the state of Kerala in India, the thesis will attempt to understand the salience of documentary practices in the lives of inter-state migrants who move within Indian states in the hope of bettering their economic conditions. The research will trace the material and evolving significance of ID cards in the tenacity of states dealing with these ‘illegible’ populations. It will try to bring theories of governmentality, biopolitics and Weberian bureaucracy into the migrant issue while critically grounding itself on secondary literature by scholars who have worked on South Asian ‘governments of paper’.

Keywords: migration, historiography of documents, anthropology of state, documentary practices

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Authors: Meichen He, Xuan Yang

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Background: In the field of psychotherapy, the role of the family of origin is of utmost importance. Over the past few decades, both individual-oriented and family-oriented approaches to child therapy have shown moderate success in reducing children's psychological and behavioral issues. Objective: However, in exploring how the family of origin influences individuals, it has been noted that there is a lack of comprehensive measurement indicators and an absence of an exact model to assess the impact of the family of origin on individual development. Therefore, this study aims to develop a model based on a literature review regarding the influence of the family of origin on children. Specifically, it will examine the effects of factors such as education level, economic status, maternal age, family integration, family violence, marital conflict, parental substance abuse, and alcohol consumption on children's self-confidence and life satisfaction. Through this research, we aim to further investigate the impact of the family of origin on children and provide directions for future research in positive psychology and psychotherapy. Methods: This study will employ a literature review methodology to gather and analyze relevant research articles on the influence of the family of origin on children. Subsequently, we will conduct quantitative analyses to establish a comprehensive model explaining how family of origin factors affect children's psychological and behavioral outcomes. Findings: the research has revealed that family of origin factors, including education level, economic status, maternal age, family integration, family violence, marital conflict, parental drug and alcohol consumption, have an impact on children's self-confidence and life satisfaction. These factors can affect children's psychological well-being and happiness through various pathways. Implications: The results of this study will contribute to a better understanding of the influence of the family of origin on children and provide valuable directions for future research in positive psychology and psychotherapy. This research will enhance awareness of children's psychological well-being and lay the foundation for improving psychotherapeutic methods.

Keywords: family of origion, positive psychology, developmental psychology, family education, social psychology, educational psychology

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Authors: Nur R. Daut

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The objective of this paper is to offer an insight on how political power inequality has contributed and exacerbated the political violence towards the Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar. In particular, this paper attempts to illustrate how power inequality in the country has prevented Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi from taking effective measures on the issue. The research centers on the question of why Aung San Suu Kyi has been seen as not doing enough to stop the persecution of the Rohingya ethnic group ever since she was appointed the State Counsellor to the Myanmar government. As a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Suu Kyi’s lack of action on the matter has come under severe criticism by the international community. Many have seen this as Suu Kyi’s failure to establish democracy and allowing mass killing to spread in the country. The real question that many perhaps should be asking, however, is how much power Suu Kyi actually holds within the government which is still heavily controlled by the military or Tatmadaw. This paper argues that Suu Kyi’s role within the government is limited which hinders constructive and effective measures to be taken on the Rohingya issue. Political power in this research is being measured by 3 factors: control over events such as burning of Rohingya villages, control over resources such as land ownership and media and control over actors such the Tatmadaw, police force and civil society who are greatly needed to ease and resolve the conflict. In order to illustrate which individuals or institution have control over all the 3 above factors, this paper will first study the constitution of Myanmar. The constitution will also be able to show the asymmetrical power relations as it will provide evidence as to how much political power Suu Kyi holds within the government in comparison to other political actors and institutions. Suu Kyi’s role as a state counsellor akin to a prime minister is a newly created position as the current constitution of Myanmar bars anyone with a foreign spouse from holding the post of a president in the country. This is already an indication of the inequality of political power between Suu Kyi and the military. Apart from studying the constitution of Myanmar, Suu Kyi’s speeches and various interviews are also studied in order to answer the research question. Unfortunately, Suu Kyi’s limited political power also involves the Buddhist monks in Myanmar who have held significant influence throughout the history of the country. This factor further prevents Suu Kyi from preserving the sanctity of human rights in Myanmar.

Keywords: Aung San Suu Kyi, constitution of Myanmar, inequality, political power, political violence, Rohingya, Tatmadaw

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Authors: Thyagi Ponnamperuma

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Background: Comorbidity between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other psychological problems is common. Recent studies focused to investigate the underlying relationship between PTSD and comorbid psychopathologies. Among adolescents, higher rates of emotional and behavioral problems (EBP) have been reported following trauma, often coexisted with PTSD. The current study, thus, examined the relationship of posttraumatic stress symptoms to EBP in adolescents exposed to a variety of traumatic events. Further, the study investigated the relationship of trauma and comorbid PTSS to the self-perceived negative impact of EBP on daily functioning. Methods: Participants were 729 Sri Lankan adolescents (age 12 to 16 years; 54.9% female) living in areas impacted in varying degrees by the 2004 tsunami. In 2008, school-based screening was conducted and completed measures of, trauma exposure, PTSS, EBP, and related functional impairment. Results: Participants reported a high prevalence of trauma exposure (n = 438), including interpersonal violence (n = 155). DSM-IV criteria for full or partial PTSD were met by 23.7% of the trauma-exposed sample. Across all participants, 13.4% and 16.7% displayed clinically relevant levels of EBP and functional impairment, respectively. Among the trauma-exposed, 7% met criteria for both EBP and PTSD. EBP total scores and caseness were significantly higher in trauma-exposed adolescents with PTSD than in either those without PTSD or the non-traumatized control group. In subscale analysis, higher prevalence of serious emotional, conduct, and hyperactivity problems were reported in the PTSD positive group; the PTSD negative group did not differ significantly from the control group on any of the problem scales. In regression analyses, PTSS (β = .28, p < .001) and interpersonal violence (β = .13, p = .033) were significant predictors of EBP, cumulative trauma (β = .11, p = .076) showed no significant effect. Further, PTSS exacerbated the impact of EBP on daily functioning (β = 0.29, p = .023). Conclusion: PTSS were closely linked to EBP in adolescents, even years after the traumatic experience. PTSD and emotional and behavioral problems together pose a heightened risk for impaired daily functioning. Longitudinal studies are needed to clarify the causal pathway.

Keywords: adolescents, comorbidity, emotional and behavioral problems, functional impairment, posttraumatic stress, traumatic events

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Authors: Dainius Genys, Vylius Leonavicius, Ricardas Krikstolaitis

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Energy security problems in Lithuania are analyzed on a regular basis; however, there is no comprehensive research on the very issue of the concept of public energy security. There is a lack of attention not only to social determinants of perception of energy security, but also a lack of a deeper analysis of the public opinion. This article aims to research the Lithuanian public perception of energy security. Complex tasks were set during the sociological study. Survey questionnaire consisted of different sets of questions: view of energy security (risk perception, political orientation, and energy security; comprehensiveness and energy security); view of energy risks and threats (perception of energy safety factors; individual dependence and burden; disobedience and risk); view of the activity of responsible institutions (energy policy assessment; confidence in institutions and energy security), demographic issues. In this article, we will focus on two aspects: a) We will analyze public opinion on the most important aspects of energy security and social factors influencing them; The hypothesis is made that public perception of energy security is related to value orientations: b) We will analyze how public opinion on energy policy executed by the government and confidence in the government are intertwined with the concept of energy security. Data of the survey, conducted on May 10-19 and June 7-17, 2013, when Seimas and the government consisted of the coalition dominated by Social Democrats with Labor, Order and Justice Parties and the Electoral Action of Poles, were used in this article. It is important to note that the survey was conducted prior to Russia’s occupation of the Crimea.

Keywords: energy security, public opinion, risk, energy threat, energy security policy

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Authors: Frazer G. Thompson

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The 1990s in America ended with a mass-school-shooting (at least four killed by gunfire excluding the perpetrator(s)) at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado. Post-event, many demanded that government and civilian experts develop a ‘profile’ of the potential school shooter in order to identify and preempt likely future acts of violence. This grounded theory research study seeks to explore the validity of the original hypotheses proposed by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in 2000, as it relates to the commonality of disclosure by perpetrators of mass-school-shootings, by evaluating fourteen mass-school-shooting events between 2000 and 2019 at locations around the United States. Methods: The strategy of inquiry seeks to investigate case files, public records, witness accounts, and available psychological profiles of the shooter. The research methodology is inclusive of one-on-one interviews with members of the FBI’s Critical Incident Response Group seeking perspective on commonalities between individuals; specifically, disclosure of intent pre-event. Results: The research determined that school shooters do not ‘unfailingly’ notify others of their plans. However, in nine of the fourteen mass-school-shooting events analyzed, the perpetrator did inform the third party of their intent pre-event in some form of written, oral, or electronic communication. In the remaining five instances, the so-called ‘red-flag’ indicators of the potential for an event to occur were profound, and unto themselves, might be interpreted as notification to others of an imminent deadly threat. Conclusion: Data indicates that conclusions drawn in the FBI’s threat assessment perspective published in 2000 are relevant and current. There is evidence that despite potential ‘red-flag’ indicators which may or may not include a variety of other characteristics, perpetrators of mass-school-shooting events are likely to share their intentions with others through some form of direct or indirect communication. More significantly, implications of this research might suggest that society is often informed of potential danger pre-event but lacks any equitable means by which to disseminate, prevent, intervene, or otherwise act in a meaningful way considering said revelation.

Keywords: columbine, FBI profiling, guns, mass shooting, mental health, school violence

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Authors: Rossella Marzullo

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Family plays a central role in the Calabrian criminal organization, which draws its strength from blood ties and gender stereotypes that still impose a strong verticalization of intra-family relationships for the benefit of men. However, female figures are of great importance in the organizational structure of the 'Ndrangheta families, despite the fact that they appear to be formally suffocated by the culture of gender subordination still strongly present in the archaic world of criminal organizations. And this is so much true that over time, the women of the 'Ndrangheta have added to the function of ‘internal containment’, the increasingly explicit function of intermediaries in the ‘external’ activities of the clan. But what happens in the 'Ndrangheta if women break the bond and decide to speak? The results are shocking. When a woman starts talking to ask the institutions for help, the system ‘goes crazy’, because the woman is considered the means of consolidating and transmitting family codes: she educates, forges, holds the structure together. If a woman from the 'Ndrangheta decides to speak out and get out of the family bottlenecks of the clan, she does not exclusively destroy the family; she destroys the system. This happens because, while not playing the same roles as men within organizations, women carry out support activities as intermediaries for the circulation of communications, thus ensuring the operability of the gang in practice and on a daily basis. Crossing the border means breaking the bonds of belonging, thus questioning one's own identity and reconstructing it according to other points of reference. How much these disruptive choices are feared by the men of the 'Ndrangheta has been seen in the dramatic stories of Lea Garofalo and Maria Concetta Cacciola: the fear of the breaking of the family pact, of the earthquake that arises from within, has marked their fate of death, useful both to stop the judicial action and to recompose the organization's estate under the aegis of terror. With physical, psychological violence, underhanded torture, and moral blackmail, the men of the mafia family tried to heal the shock caused by the voices of women, relying on violence and yet another attempt to subordinate them. This proves that the 'Ndrangheta is really afraid of them. The female voices of the 'Ndrangheta, who have shaken a consolidated and considered intangible system, represent the anti-'ndrangheta par excellence; in their choices, there is an even stronger desire to break with the mafia world.

Keywords: families, gender, ‘Ndrangheta, stereotypes

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Authors: Pascal Horni, Sandro Fuchs

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In presence of increasing deficits and public debt among OECD countries, the debate on fiscal disciple and mechanisms to constrain public spending policy heated up and gave rise to the institutionalization of fiscal rules. Considering the notions from political economy literature and the therein advocated axiom of maximization of votes, introduction of institutional mechanisms and rules to govern public spending is likely to be coined by electoral motives. While there exists a series of research concerned with the rise of creative accounting in the presence fiscal rules, implementation of accrual government accounting and its impact on the biting of fiscal rules has to authors’ best knowledge never been explored. This paper serves the illumination of the connection between debt break mechanisms and the adoption of accrual public sector accounting standards such as the IPSAS in the interface of political economy in the Swiss context. By explicitly considering the technical accounting dimension, this paper develops an integrated conceptual view on well-established Public Financial Management (PFM) institutions and elaborates how their interdependencies can co-create value with regard to the contemporary challenge of fiscal sustainability. Derivation of this integrated view follows an explorative approach, taking into account expert interviews with director level staff from cantonal finance administrations and policy documents, as well as literature from both research areas – public sector accounting and political economy.

Keywords: accounting, fiscal rules, International Public Sector Accounting Standards (IPSAS), public financial management

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Authors: Anuruddhi Edirisinghe, Anusha Edirisinghe, Maithree Wicramasinghe, Sagarika Kannangara, Annista Wijayanayake

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SGBV which refer to acts of inflicting physical, mental or sexual harm or sufferings that deprive a person’s liberty based on one’s gender or sexuality is known to occur in various forms. Ragging in educational institutions can often be one such form of SGBV. Ragging related SGBV is a growing problem despite various legal, policy and programme initiatives introduced over the years. While the punishment of perpetrators through the criminal justice system is expected to bring a deterrent effect, other strategies such as awareness-raising, attitudinal changes, and the empowerment of students to say no to ragging and SGBV will lead to enlightened attitudes about the practice in universities. Thus, effective regular prevention programmes are the need of the hour. The objectives of the paper are to engage with the case of a female fresher subjected to verbal abuse, physical assault and sexual harassment due to events which started as a result of wearing a trouser to the university during the ragging season. The case came to the limelight since a complaint was made to the police and 10 students were arrested under the anti-ragging act. This led to dividend opinions among the student population and a backlash from the student union. Simultaneously, this resulted in the society demanding the stricter implementation of laws and the punishment of perpetrators. The university authority appointed a task force comprising of academics, non-academics, parents, community leaders, stakeholders and students to draw up an action plan to respond to the immediate situation as well as future prevention. The paper will also discuss the implementation of task force plan. The paper is based on interviews with those involved with the issue and the experiences of the task force members and is expected to provide an in-depth understanding of the intricacies and complications associated with dealing with a contentious problem such as ragging. Given the political and ethical issues involved with insider research as well as the sensationalism of the topic, maximum care will be taken to safeguard the interests of those concerned.

Keywords: fresher, sexual and gender based violence (SGBV), sexual harassment, ragging

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Authors: Enojo Kennie Enojo

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The paper focuses on the contradictions of economic growth and development in Nigeria with specific reference to the plethora issues and challenges associated with the sordid situation. The broad objective is to investigate the major causes of agitation for restructuring the entire political spectrum that promote and guarantee economic growth and development with empirical intellectual standpoint. The specific aim is to surgically examine the organic linkage between weaker institutions, lack of vibrant civil society, poor governance and the agitation for restructuring. The paper adopts the secondary source of data collection as its methodological strategy. Our findings reveals that most urban and rural dwellers where goods and services are either extracted, produced, or manufactured lack infrastructural facilities, preventing economic growth and development, which has been the consequence of poverty, inequality and unemployment. There is equally the issue of disconnection of the political class from the electorate, this is evident in lack of political power base not located in the society but rather with either the elites or godfathers this and many factors are responsible for flawed electoral system from 1999 to 2023 general elections. These egregious factors and others have resulted in the subscription of religion and ethnicity thereby the devaluation of national norms, identities and values. We adopt the combination of structural-functional approach, relative deprivation; rising expectation, frustration and aggression model to enable us critically interrogate these contradictions as subterfuge with both the centrifugal and centripetal forces constantly in fatality. We recommend among others that, there should be development across the federating units without prejudice.

Keywords: restructuring, infrastructure, economic development, governance

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Authors: G. T. Ntuli

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This paper critically examines the gender dynamics of a Zulu girl child in her religio-cultural context from the postcolonial feminist perspective. As one of the former colonized ethnic groups in the South African context, the Zulu tribe used to have particular and contextual religio-cultural ways of a girl’s upbringing. This included traditional and cultural norms that any member of the community could not infringe without serious repercussions from the community members. However, the postcolonial social position of a girl child within this community became ambiguous and unpredictable due to colonial changes that enhanced gender dynamics that propelled tribal communities into deeper patriarchal structures. In the empirical study conducted within the Zulu context, which investigated the retrieval of ubuntombi (virginity) as a Zulu cultural heritage, identity and sex education as a path to adulthood, it was found that a Zulu girl child’s social position is geared towards double oppression due to gender dynamics that she experiences in her lifetime. It is these gender dynamics that are examined in this paper from the postcolonial feminist perspective. These gender dynamics are at play from the birth of a girl child, developmental stage to puberty and marriage rituals. These rituals and religio-cultural practices are meant to shape and mold a ‘good woman’ in the Zulu cultural context but social gender inequality that elevates males over females propel women social status into life denying peripheral positions. Consequently, in the place of a ‘good woman’ in the communal view, an oppressed and dehumanized woman becomes the outcome of such gender dynamics, more often treated with contempt, despised and violated in many demeaning ways. These do not only leave women economically and socio-politically impoverished, but also having to face violence of all kinds such as domestic, emotional, sexual and gender-based violence that are increasingly becoming a scourge in some of the sub-Saharan African countries including South Africa. It is for this reason that this paper becomes significant, not only within the Zulu context where the research was conducted, but also in all the countries that practice and promote patriarchal tendencies in the name of religio-cultural practices. There is a need for a different outlook as to what it means to be a ‘good woman’ in the cultural context, because if the goodness of a woman is determined by life denying cultural practices, such practices need to be deconstructed and discarded.

Keywords: feminist, gender dynamics, postcolonial, religio-cultural, Zulu girl child

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Authors: Anne Mastamet-Mason

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Crimes against women is a global concern, and South Africa, in particular, is in a dilemma of dealing with constant criminal acts that face the country. Debates on violence against women in South Africa cannot be overemphasised any longer as crimes continue to rise year by year. The recent death of a university student at the University of Cape Town, as well as many other cases, continues to strengthen the need to find solutions from all the spheres of South African society. The advanced textiles market contains a high number and variety of technologies, many of which have protected status and constitute a relatively small portion of the textiles used for the consumer market. Examples of advanced textiles include nanomaterials, such as silver, titanium dioxide and zinc oxide, designed to create an anti-microbial and self-cleaning layer on top of the fibers, thereby reducing body smell and soiling. Smart textiles propose materials and fabrics versatile and adaptive to different situations and functions. Integrating textiles and computing technologies offer an opportunity to come up with differentiated characteristics and functionality. This paper presents a proposal to design a smart camisole/Yoga sports brazier and a smart Yoga sports pant garment to be worn by women while alone and while in purported danger zones. The smart garments are to be worn under normal clothing and cannot be detected or seen, or suspected by perpetrators. The garments are imbued with devices to sense any physical aggression and any abnormal or accelerated heartbeat that may be exhibited by the victim of violence. The signals created during the attack can be transmitted to the police and family members who own a mobile application system that accepts signals emitted. The signals direct the receiver to the exact location of the offence, and the victim can be rescued before major violations are committed. The design of the Yoga sports garments will be done by Professor Mason, who is a fashion designer by profession, while the mobile phone application system will be developed by Mr. Amos Yegon, who is an independent software developer.

Keywords: smart clothing, wearable technology, south africa, 4th industrial revolution

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Authors: Beatriz Botella-Gil, Patricio Martínez-Barco, Lea Canales

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The Internet and ICT are an integral element of and omnipresent in our daily lives. Technologies have changed the way we see the world and relate to it. The number of companies in the ICT sector is increasing every year, and there has also been an increase in the work that occurs online, from sending e-mails to the way companies promote themselves. In social life, ICT’s have gained momentum. Social networks are useful for keeping in contact with family or friends that live far away. This change in how we manage our relationships using electronic devices and social media has been experienced differently depending on the age of the person. According to currently available data, people are increasingly connected to social media and other forms of online communication. Therefore, it is no surprise that violent content has also made its way to digital media. One of the important reasons for this is the anonymity provided by social media, which causes a sense of impunity in the victim. Moreover, it is not uncommon to find derogatory comments, attacking a person’s physical appearance, hobbies, or beliefs. This is why it is necessary to develop artificial intelligence tools that allow us to keep track of violent comments that relate to violent events so that this type of violent online behavior can be deterred. The objective of our research is to create a guide for detecting and recording violent messages. Our annotation guide begins with a study on the problem of violent messages. First, we consider the characteristics that a message should contain for it to be categorized as violent. Second, the possibility of establishing different levels of aggressiveness. To download the corpus, we chose the social network Twitter for its ease of obtaining free messages. We chose two recent, highly visible violent cases that occurred in Spain. Both of them experienced a high degree of social media coverage and user comments. Our corpus has a total of 633 messages, manually tagged, according to the characteristics we considered important, such as, for example, the verbs used, the presence of exclamations or insults, and the presence of negations. We consider it necessary to create wordlists that are present in violent messages as indicators of violence, such as lists of negative verbs, insults, negative phrases. As a final step, we will use automatic learning systems to check the data obtained and the effectiveness of our guide.

Keywords: human language technologies, language modelling, offensive language detection, violent online content

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Authors: Paula-Catalina Meirosu

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The economic migration (intra-EU) is a topic of debate in the public space in both countries of origin and countries of destination. Since the 1990s, after the collapse of communist regimes and then the accession of some former communist countries to the EU, the migratory flows of migrants (including Romanian migrants) to EU countries has been increased constantly. Italy is one of the main countries of destination among Romanians since at the moment Italy hosts more than one million Romanian migrants. Based on an interdisciplinary analytical framework focused on the theories in the field of transnationalism, media and migration studies and critical media analysis, this paper investigates the media construction of intra-EU economic migration in the Italian press from two main perspectives. The first point of view is the media representation of Romanian migrants in the Italian press in a specific context: the EU elections in 2014. The second one explores the way in which Romanian journalists use the media in the destinations countries (such as Italy) as a source to address the issue of migration. In this context, the paper focuses on online articles related to the Romanian migrants’ representation in the media before and during the EU elections in two newspapers (La Repubblica from Italy and Adevarul from Romania), published during January-May 2014. The methodology is based on a social-constructivist approach, predominantly discursive and includes elements of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to identify the patterns of Romanian migrants in the Italian press as well as strategies for building categories, identities, and roles of migrants. The aim of such an approach is to find out the dynamic of the media discourse on migration from a destination country in the light of a European electoral context (EU elections) and based on the results, to propose scenarios for the elections to be held this year.

Keywords: migration, media discourse, Romanian migrants, transnationalism

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Authors: S. Zev Kalifon

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The question of polygamy for Moslem minorities in Western nations has often been raised in the political and social discourse. Can polygamy be tolerated as a religious or human right in the West. For example, before the 2015 election in Israel, changes were made in the electoral system, which encouraged three small Arab parties to merge into one list. This “Unity List” included the socially liberal Communist list and a socially conservative Islamist list. Two members of the Islamist list were polygamists. Some rival politicians called for the election board to disqualify these men (and even the whole list) from the election process. This request was denied by the courts, and the men were elected to the parliament. Their subsequent seating in the parliament was questioned by many on both the liberal and conservative sides of the political spectrum. Some political commentators went so far as to describe polygamy as a “mark of disgrace” (a term usually reserved for people convicted on corruption charges). There are also problems in other areas of society; these include the rights of these families for welfare and social services (public policy issues) and residence in Israel. Using qualitative methods (primarily historical and archival data), this paper will analyze at the historic and cultural processes which created the intense opposition to polygamy in Judaism (for Israel) and Christianity (for the Western world). It will look at the debate over the "religious right" of polygamy for Moslem citizens in Israel and other Western cultures. Finally, it will examine the political, cultural, and demographic pressures which encourage polygamy in these minorities. This paper will demonstrate that the debate over polygamy is more than a question of religious freedom or human rights or multi-culturalism. It is a central symbol of modernity and the Western worldview.

Keywords: human rights, Judaism, multi-culturalism, polygamy, western values

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Authors: Garima Sarkar

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The main purpose of the present paper is to investigate the development and progress achieved by women in the decision-making sphere and to access the level of their political-participation in Parliamentary Elections of Malaysia and their status in overall Malaysian political domain. The paper also focuses on the role and status of women in the major political parties of the state both the parties in power as well as the parties in opposition. The primary objective of the study is to focus on the major hindrances and social malpractices faced by women and also Muslim women’s access to justice in Malaysia. It also demonstrates the linkages between national policy initiatives and the advancement of women in various areas, such as economics, health, employment, politics, power-sharing, social development and law and most importantly evaluating their status in the dominant religion of the nation. In Malaysia, women’s political participation is being challenged from every nook and corner of the society. A high percentage of women are getting educated, forming a significant labor force in present day Malaysia, who can be employed in the manufacturing sector, retail trade, hotels and restaurant, agriculture etc. Women today consist of almost half of the population and exceed boys in the tertiary sector by a ratio of 80:20. Despite these achievements, however, women’s labor force engagement remains confined to ‘ traditional women’s occupations’, such as those of primary school teachers, data entry clerks and organizing polls during elections and motivating other less enlightened women to cast their votes. In the political arena, the past few General Elections of Malaysia clearly exhibited a slight change in the number of women Members of Parliament from 10.6% (20 out of 193 Parliamentary seats in 1999) to 10.5% (23 out of 219 Parliamentary seats in 2004). Amidst the political posturing for the recent General Election in 2013 of Malaysia, women’s political participation remains a prime concern in Malaysia. It is evident that while much of the attention of women revolves around charitable assistance, they are much less likely to be portrayed as active participants in electoral politics and governance. According to the electoral roll for the third quarter of 2012, 6,578,916 women are registered as voters. They represent 50.2% of the total number of the registered voters. However, this parity in terms of voter registration is not reflected in the number of elected representatives at the Parliamentary level. Only 10.4% of sitting Members of Parliament are women. The women’s participation in the legislature and executive branches are important since their presence brings the spotlight squarely on issues that have been historically neglected and overlooked. In the recent 2013 General Elections in Malaysia out of 35 full ministerial position only two, or 5.7% have been filled by women. In each of the 2009, 2010, and in the present 2013 Cabinet members, there have only been two women ministers, with this number reduced to one briefly when the Prime Minister appointed himself placeholder in the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development. In the recent past, in its Election Manifesto, Barisan Nasional made a pledge of ‘increasing the number of women participating in national decision-making processes’. Even after such pledges, the Malaysian leadership has failed to mirror the strong presence of women in leadership positions of public life which primarily includes politics, the judiciary and in business. There has been a strong urge to political parties by various gender-sensitive groups to nominate more women as candidates for contesting elections at the Parliamentary as well as at the State level. The democratization process will never be truly democratic without a proper gender agenda and representation. Although Malaysia signed the Beijing Platform for Action document in 1995, the state has a long way to go in enhancing the participation of women in every segment of Malaysian political, economic and cultural. There has been a small percentage of women representation in decision-making bodies compared to the 30% targeted by the Beijing Platform for Action. Thus, democratization in terms of representation of women in leadership positions and decision-making positions or bodies is essential since it’s a move towards a qualitative transformation of women in shaping national decision-making processes. The democratization process has to ensure women’s full participation and their goals of development and their full participation has to be included in the process of formulating and shaping the developmental goals.

Keywords: women, gender equality, Islam, democratization, political representation, Parliament

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Authors: Veliswa Nonfundo Hoho, Jabulani Gilford Kheswa

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This paper reports on teenage motherhood and its adverse outcomes on the academic performance, emotional well-being and sexual relationships that adolescent females encounter. Drawing from Ryff’s six dimensions of psychological well-being and Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model which underpinned this study, teenage motherhood has been found to link with multiple factors such as poverty, negative self-esteem, substance abuse, cohabitation, intimate partner violence and ill-health. Furthermore, research indicates that in schools where educators fail to perform their duties as loco-parentis to motivate adolescent females learners who are mothers, absenteeism, poor academic performance and learned helplessness, are likely. The aim of this research was two-fold, namely; (i) to determine the impact of teenage motherhood on the psychological well-being of the teenage mothers and (ii) to investigate the policies which protect the human rights of teenage mothers attending secondary schools. In a qualitative study conducted in one secondary school, Fort Beaufort, Eastern Cape, South Africa, fifteen Xhosa-speaking teenage mothers, aged 15-18 years old, were interviewed. The sample was recruited by means of snow-ball sampling. To safeguard the human dignity of the respondents, informed consent, confidentiality, anonymity and privacy of the respondents were assured. For trustworthiness, this research ensured that credibility, neutrality, and transferability, are met. Following an axial and open coding of responses, five themes were identified; Health issues of teenage mothers, lack of support, violation of human rights, impaired sense of purpose in life and intimate partner-violence. From these findings, it is clear that teenage mothers lack resilience and are susceptible to contract sexually transmitted infections and HIV/AIDS because they are submissive and hopeless. Furthermore, owing to stigma that the teenage mothers' experience from family members, they resort to alcohol and drug abuse, and feel demotivated to bond with their babies. In conclusion, the recommendations are that the Health and Social Development departments collaborate to empower the psychological well-being of teenage mothers. Furthermore, school policies on discrimination should be enacted and consistently implemented.

Keywords: depression, discrimination, self-esteem, teenage mothers

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Authors: David C. Nwogbo

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Examining the impact of federalism on good governance is crucial for enhancing governance in Nigeria. This study focuses on the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja, as a case study. Employing a descriptive survey design, data was collected to explore the relationship between federalism and good governance in Abuja, Nigeria. A stratified random sampling method was used to select 289 respondents from the population of Abuja. The sample size was determined using a formula based on precision and population size. A survey questionnaire was employed to gather information on respondents' demographics, perceptions, and experiences concerning federalism and good governance in the FCT. Descriptive statistics, such as percentages and means, were utilized to analyze the study's findings. The findings provided insights into the perceptions and experiences of residents of the FCT with regard to the relationship between federalism and good governance. The results of this study will be useful for policy and decision-making related to the implementation of these concepts in Nigeria and, more specifically, in the FCT, Abuja. The study found that the majority of respondents believe that the federal system of government has not been effective in promoting accountability, transparency, and reducing corruption in Nigeria. There is a need for reforms to improve the effectiveness of the federal system in promoting good governance. These reforms include strengthening institutions, reallocation of resources, reform of the electoral system, decentralization of power, strengthening the role of the judiciary, capacity building, promoting transparency, and engagement of civil society. The findings also highlight the need for significant reforms to address these challenges and promote good governance in the country. The results of this study can be used to inform policy decisions and guide future research on the subject.

Keywords: accountability, federalism, good, governance

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Authors: Abdikarim Yusuf

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This study uses data from Somalia to analyse child labour using a descriptive and qualitative method. The study set out to identify root causes of child labour in Hargeisa and its implications for children. The study shows that poverty, droughts, family separation, and loss of properties are primary drivers of child labour in Hargeisa. The study found that children work in very difficult jobs such as car wash, casual work, and shoe shining for boys while girls work as housemaids, selling tea, Khat and sometimes are at risk of exploitation such as sexual abuse, rape and harassment. The majority of the parents responded that they don’t know any policy, act or law that protects children. Men showed greater awareness than the women respondents in recognizing child labour as a child rights violation.

Keywords: abuse, child, violence, protection

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Authors: Temidayo James Aransiola, Vania Ceccato, Marcelo Justus

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This paper investigates the effect of absolute deprivation (proxy unemployment) and relative deprivation (proxy income inequality) on homicide levels in Brazil. A database from the Brazilian Information System about Mortality and Census of the year 2000 and 2010 was used to estimate negative binomial models of homicide levels controlling for socioeconomic, demographic and geographic factors. Findings show that unemployment and income inequality affect homicides levels and that the effect of the former is more pronounced compared to the latter. Moreover, the combination of income inequality and unemployment exacerbates the overall effect of deprivation on homicide levels.

Keywords: deprivation, inequality, interaction, unemployment, violence

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Authors: Erhan Turgut, Salih Ergün, Abdülkadir Öz

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Terror is a modern war strategy which uses violence as a means of communication in order to achieve political objectives. In today’s security environment narrowing the propaganda field of terrorist organization is the primary goal for the security forces. In this sense, providing and maintaining public support is the most necessary ability for security units. Rather than enemy and threat-oriented approach, homeland security oriented approach is essential to ensure public support. In this study, terror assumed as a homeland security issue and assigning the law enforcement forces with military status is analyzed.

Keywords: terrorism, counter-terrorism, military status law-enforcement, terrorist groups

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

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The manual system of voting has been the most widely used system of electing representatives around the globe, particularly in Africa. Due to the known numerous problems and challenges associated with the manual system of voting, many countries are migrating to the electronic voting system as a suitable and credible means of electing representatives over the manual paper-based system. This research paper therefore investigated the factors influencing adoption and use of an electronic voting system in Ghana. A total of 400 Questionnaire Instruments (QI) were administered to potential respondents in Ghana, of which 387 responded representing a response rate of 96.75%. The Technology Acceptance Model was used as the theoretical framework for the study. The research model was tested using a simple linear regression analysis with SPSS. A little of over 71.1% of the respondents recommended the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt an electronic voting system in the conduct of public elections in Ghana. The results indicated that all the six predictors such as perceived usefulness (PU), perceived ease of use (PEOU), perceived free and fair elections (PFFF), perceived credible elections (PCE), perceived system integrity (PSI) and citizens trust in the election management body (CTEM) were all positively significant in predicting the readiness of citizens to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. However, jointly, the hypotheses tested revealed that apart from Perceived Free and Fair Elections and Perceived Credible and Transparent Elections, all the other factors such as PU, Perceived System Integrity and Security and Citizen Trust in the Election Management Body were found to be significant predictors of the Willingness of Ghanaians to use an electronic voting system. All the six factors considered in this study jointly account for about 53.1% of the reasons determining the readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The implications of this research finding on elections in Ghana are discussed.

Keywords: credible elections, Election Management Body (EMB), electronic voting, Ghana, Technology Acceptance Model (TAM)

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Authors: Hong Beom Hur

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Politics in America is polarized. The best illustration of this is the 2016 presidential election result map. States with megacities like California, New York, Illinois, Virginia, and others are marked blue to signify the color of the Democratic party. States located in inland and south like Texas, Florida, Tennesse, Kansas and others are marked red to signify the color of the Republican party. Such a stark difference between two colors, red and blue, combined with geolocations of each state with their borderline remarks one central message; America is divided into two colors between urban Democrats and rural Republicans. This paper seeks to defy the visualization by pointing out its limitations and search for alternative ways to visualize the 2016 election result. One such limitation is that geolocations of each state and state borderlines limit the visualization of population density. As a result, the election result map does not convey the fact that Clinton won the popular vote and only accentuates the voting patterns of urban and rural states. The paper seeks whether an alternative narrative can be observed by factoring in the population number into the size of each state and manipulating the state borderline according to the normalization. Yet another alternative narrative may be reached by factoring the size of each state by the number of the electoral college of each state by voting and visualize the number. Other alternatives will be discussed but are not implemented in visualization. Such methods include dividing the land of America into about 120 million cubes each representing a voter or by the number of whole population 300 million cubes. By exploring these alternative methods to visualize the politics of the 2016 election map, the public may be able to question whether it is possible to be free from the narrative of the divide-conquer when interpreting the election map and to look at both parties as a story of the United States of America.

Keywords: 2016 U.S. presidential election, data visualization, population scale, geo-political

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Authors: Kirk Johnson, Gabriel Rubin

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The January 6th Insurrection on the United States Capitol Building has been one of the most disturbing expressions of violence in American history. While there are numerous reasons that led to such aggression, there are destructive politico-religious ideologies and understandings, known as Christian Nationalism, White Christian Nationalism, and Christian Dominionism that influenced the actions of the January 6th insurrectionists. Such ideas are deeply rooted in the unification of church and state, a theocracy, embedded within the understanding that Biblical scripture is the blueprint on which the functioning of the American government should follow. In addition, the concept of racial hierarchy is embedded in politico-religious principles of White Christian Nationalism. This paper will examine how Christian Dominionism is one factor that influenced the January 6th Insurrection.

Keywords: January 6th insurrection, dominionism, Christian nationalism, polygenism

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Authors: Iñaki Aliende, Tom Webb, Lorenzo Escot

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There is a concern about the decrease in football referees globally. A study in Spain has analyzed the factors affecting a referee's career over the past 30 years through a survey of 758 referees. Results showed the impact of factors such as threats, education, initial vocation, and dependents on a referee's career. To improve the situation, the federation needs to provide better information, support young referees, monitor referees, and raise public awareness of violence toward referees. The study also formed a comprehensive model for federations to enhance their officiating policies by means of data-driven techniques that can serve other federations to improve referees' careers.

Keywords: data science, football referees, sport management, sport careers, survival analysis

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Authors: Alejandra Cardenas, Ona Flores, Fabiola Gretzinger

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Since the 1990s, legal strategies for the promotion and protection of maternal health rights have achieved significant gains. Successful litigation in courts around the world have shown that these rights can be judicially enforceable. Governments and international organizations have acknowledged the importance of a human rights-based approach to maternal mortality and morbidity, and obstetric violence has been recognized as a human rights issue. Despite the progress made, maternal mortality has worsened in some regions of the world, while progress has stagnated elsewhere, and mistreatment in maternal care is reported almost universally. In this context, issues of maternal autonomy and decision-making during pregnancy, labor, and delivery as a critical barrier to access quality maternal health have been largely overlooked. Indeed, despite the principles of autonomy and informed consent in medical interventions being well-established in international and regional norms, how they are applied particularly during childbirth and pregnancy remains underdeveloped. National and global legal standards and decisions related to maternal health were reviewed and analyzed to determine how maternal autonomy and decision-making during pregnancy, labor, and delivery have been protected (or not) by international and national courts. The results of this legal research and analysis lead to the conclusion that a few standards have been set by courts regarding pregnant people’s rights to make choices during pregnancy and birth; however, most undermine the agency of pregnant people. These decisions recognize obstetric violence and gender-based discrimination, but fail to protect pregnant people’s autonomy, privacy, and their right to informed consent. As current human rights standards stand today, maternal health is the only field in medicine and law in which informed consent can be overridden, and patients can be forced to submit to treatments against their will. Unconsented treatment and loss of agency during pregnancy and childbirth can have long-term physical and mental impacts, reduce satisfaction and trust in health systems, and may deter future health-seeking behaviors. This research proposes a path forward that focuses on the pregnant person as an independent agent, relying on the doctrine of self-determination during pregnancy and childbirth, which includes access to the necessary conditions to enable autonomy and choice throughout pregnancy and childbirth as a critical step towards our approaches to reduce maternal mortality, morbidity, and mistreatment, and realize the promise of access to quality maternal health as a human right.

Keywords: autonomy in childbirth and pregnancy, choice, informed consent, jurisprudential analysis

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Authors: Zouhair Gassim

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The reconfiguration of representations of women's bodies as a "chest of pregnancies", the growing commitment of their bodies to the decision of pregnancies previously monopolized by men, the emergence of new practices of the bodies of men and women suggest that the borders between the masculine and the feminine in Morocco are moving. However, the persistence of sexual violence against girls/women indicates that these changes did not contribute to the lifting of the men's control over the bodies of women. This paper aims to analyze the lessons learned about sex education as a discourse related to the fabric of bodies in relation to sexuality in school in order to understand to what extent this institution contributes to the (re) production of gender inequalities. As a result, the educational discourse on sexuality still remains one of the spaces of resistance against gender equality and thus contributes to the (re) production of gender inequalities.

Keywords: gender, sexual education, Morocco, educational system

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Authors: Anna Wiltshire, Rebecca Markham

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Over the last decade, a growing body of evidence has indicated that children with disabilities are often amongst the most excluded and vulnerable in society. The World Bank estimates that 20% of those living in poverty in developing countries are disabled which means that those with the least bear the greatest burden. Furthermore, children with disabilities in Africa have to face a multitude of difficulties ranging from the physical to the psychological. Misconceptions and cultural beliefs are used to justify violence against, or complete shunning of these individuals and their families. In addition, discrimination can prevent access to both education and health services, further compromising these individuals. All children, irrespective of their disability should be able to enjoy human rights without discrimination, but this is often not the case. This poster explores how and why children with disabilities in Africa are subject to violations of their human rights, and suggests ways of addressing these problems.

Keywords: Africa, children, disability, discrimination, human rights

Procedia PDF Downloads 535