Search results for: political party

Authors: Boukrida Rafiq

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Democracy is based on the notion that all citizens have the right to participate in the managing of political affairs and that every citizens input is of equal importance. This basic assumption clearly places emphasis on public participation in maintaining a stable democracy. The level of public participation, however is highly contested with many theorists arguing that too much public participation would overwhelm and ultimately cripple democratic systems. On the other hand, others who favor high levels of participation argue that more citizen involvement leads to greater representation. Regardless of these disagreements over the utopian level of participation, there is widespread agreement amongst scholars that, at the very least, some participation is necessary to maintain democratic systems. The ways in which citizens participate vary greatly and depending on the method used, influence political decision making at varying levels. The method of political participation is a key in controlling public influence over political affairs and therefore is also an integral part of maintaining democracy, whether it be "thin" (low levels of participation) or "Robust" (high levels of participation). High levels of participation or "robust" democracy are argued by some theorists to enhance democracy through providing the opportunity for more issues to be represented during decision making. The notion of widespread participation was first advanced by classical theorists.

Keywords: assumption clearly places emphasis, ultimately cripple, influence political decision making at varying, classical theorists

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Authors: Shaira Karishma Sheriff, Zarinah Hamid

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The Arab Spring, which commenced during the end of 2010 and accelerated during 2011, was caused primarily due to poverty, unemployment and a general recession in the Middle East and North African (MENA) region. The core motivation of this revolution could be said to be the need for political, economic and social reforms that the region desires to experience. Though GDP growth has been significant in the region, the income distribution mechanism in MENA countries has been ineffective. This results in low levels of education, substandard health care facilities, unemployment, and poverty. This paper argues that MENA countries have great potential for experiencing socioeconomic development by being less dependent on oil exports and enhancing their services sector through better education which would eventually lead to job creation. Furthermore, the region can encourage better trade and political integration by forming transparent and accountable governments. The notion of Nation-State needs to be addressed and the countries in the region need to look for ways to develop effective supra-national institutions for better political and economic integration that goes beyond geographical borders.

Keywords: political reforms, social reforms, economic development, nation-state, economic integration

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Authors: Richard Wolfel, Amy Richmond

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Urban resilience and vulnerability are critical concepts in the modern city due to the increased sociocultural, political, economic, demographic, and environmental stressors that influence current urban dynamics. Urban scholars need help explaining urban resilience and vulnerability. First, cities are dominated by people, which is challenging to model, both from an explanatory and a predictive perspective. Second, urban regions are highly recursive in nature, meaning they not only influence human action, but the structures of cities are constantly changing due to human actions. As a result, explanatory frameworks must continuously evolve as humans influence and are influenced by the urban environment in which they operate. Finally, modern cities have populations, sociocultural characteristics, economic flows, and environmental impacts on order of magnitude well beyond the cities of the past. As a result, the frameworks that seek to explain the various functions of a city that influence urban resilience and vulnerability must address the complex adaptive nature of cities and the interaction of many distinct factors that influence resilience and vulnerability in the city. This project develops a taxonomy and framework for organizing and explaining urban vulnerability. The framework is built on a well-established political development model that includes six critical classes of urban dynamics: political presence, political legitimacy, political participation, identity, production, and allocation. In addition, the framework explores how environmental security and technology influence and are influenced by the six elements of political development. The framework aims to identify key tipping points in society that act as influential agents of urban vulnerability in a region. This will help analysts and scholars predict and explain the influence of both physical and human geographical stressors in a dense urban area.

Keywords: urban resilience, vulnerability, sociocultural stressors, political stressors

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Authors: Anzor Abralava, Ketevan Kokrashvili, Rusudan Kutateladze, Nino Pailodze, Ketevan Kutateladze, Giorgi Sulashvili

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Nowadays when the integration of states is growing fast, it is urgent to study the rules of behavior which they resort to in case of conflicts and disagreements. The reason of disagreement in many ways is the Foreign policy carried out by separate countries, as the market participants define production and export capacity and structure as well as level of international division of labor due to the competition among them. We can say over and over again that outbreak of conflicts in Georgia displays the serious controversy between political and economic powerhouses. However, to tell the truth existence of the unsolved conflicts in Georgia is the result of weakness and inadequacy of Georgian politics. Today the main task of political quarters in Georgia should be a direction to Caucasus, as to the region burdened with the most complicated problems which blockade the settlement of conflicts and farther development of our country (or vice versa). In this situation rehabilitation of our authority, leading role and hegemony; expansion and consolidation of peacekeeping and other missions are considered as the exact activities for accomplishing all Georgian economic and political goals.

Keywords: Awara Group, political centers, administrative services, dynamic process

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Authors: Rim Baroudi

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The notion of the context-induced metaphors refers to the role of different contextual aspects (socio-cultural, linguistic, bodily-physical, and ideological) in affecting metaphor production. This has not been investigated in visual discourse. This paper intends to extend the focus of this research interest to study context-induced metaphors in newspapers’ cartoons. It seeks to account for different contextual variables influencing the production of metaphors in cartoons placing special focus on the ideological variable. The aim is to demonstrate how different contextual aspects are conditioned by the ideological variable. The study applied critical metaphor approach to analyse contextual variables shaping the conceptualization of ‘the Islamic State’ in the cartoons of 3 newspapers (Al-Ryadh newspaper, Tehran Times, and The New York Times). Findings have revealed the decisive role of the ideological context in conditioning and priming the rest of contextual variables in the conceptualisation of ‘the Islamic State’ in political cartoons of the three newspapers. These findings bear special importance to the study of bodily-physical and socio-cultural variables inducing and shaping political cognition in political cartoons in a way consistent with the ideological framework within which newspapers operate.

Keywords: context-induced metaphors, ideological context, the Islamic State, political cartoons

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Authors: Amjed Rasheed

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Rebellions are driven by several incentives. They do not often occur because of historical grievances or political exclusion. They can be driven by the desire to control over natural resources, or by both. In the case of the Islamic State (ISIL), greed and grievance are both drive this radical group to operate in Iraq and Syria. This article aims to show that grievance was the trigger to the emergence of ISIL. It also aims to demonstrate that ISIL is using oil as a tool, to implements its political ends, than a purpose per se. In other words, the emergence of ISIL is based on socio-political conditions, which are domestically driven, and oil is not ISIL’s aim but a source of revenue to finance its activities. This paper applies conflict analysis methodology to analyse the conflict in Iraq and Syria, with a specific highlight to ISIL. By doing so, it gives ahistorical background on emergence of ISIL. It also provides an insightful explanation on the main dynamics and the tactics this organisation applies. It also delivers a sufficient explanation on how it recruits its members, both local and international. It concludes that tackling ISIL needs a more sophisticated approach than the one Obama administration has adopted. It is more a political issue to be tackled by political means, than a military one to be tackled by military means. The current war is an Intra-Sunni war, and therefore, Sunni states have to be on board to crackdown ISIL. Besides, the article finishes with the argument that democratisation is not necessarily the key answer to bring stability to the region, but a sort of governance that provides security and material needs to individuals.

Keywords: ISIL, Iraq, domestic politics, Islamic radicalisation

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Authors: Yobo Opare-Addo

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Ghana came under a military and democratic rule of the same leadership from 1981-2000. These were the Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government and a democratic government, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) both under the leadership of Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings. Meanwhile the year 1985 marked a turning point in the development of the tourism industry in Ghana. Interest in tourism among African governments and for that matter the ‘PNDC cum NDC Government’ (PNDC/NDC) arose because of adverse developments in intangible exports and a corresponding decline in commodity export earnings. The ‘PNDC/NDC Government’ undertook measures and policies to improve the tourism industry and at the same time embarked on export diversification to reap the foreign exchange that the industry could generate in Ghana. The objective of this paper is to examine the measures and policies of the PNDC/NDC to improve the tourism industry in order to reap the foreign exchange. It specifically interrogates the role of the government as an agent of tourism development, through its deliberate creation of a conducive environment for tourism to flourish, the involvement of the private sector both foreign and local and the provision of tourism facilities and infrastructure and how these factors impacted on the tourism industry in Ghana. In the final analysis it evaluates the degree of success of the PNDC/NDC Government in this arena of Ghana’s socio-cultural and economic development. Introduction The Provisional National Defense Council (PNDC), a military government under the leadership of Flt. Lt J.J. Rawlings overthrew a constitutionally elected government of People’s National Party in 1981. In 1992, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) won the general election conducted in December. Flt. Lt. J.J. Rawlings, the party’s leader became the President of the Fourth Republic from January 1993 to December 2000. It was refreshing to see Ghanaians embrace democracy with renewed energy, zeal, and enthusiasm. This paper takes a critical look at the efforts of the PNDC cum NDC Government (PNDC/NDC) to develop tourism in Ghana during the period from 1981-2000 Methodology: Qualitative method of research was adopted for the study. Data was collected from both primary and secondary sources, and analysis was done using descriptive analysis because descriptive analysis made it possible to describe or summarize the statistical data in the research. To gather data from primary sources, questionnaires, oral interviews, and semi-structured discussions were conducted. Respondents included public officials from Ghana Tourist Board, Ministry of Tourism, Hoteliers, restaurant operators and travel and tour operators in Accra. Secondary data sources included articles in journals, reports, magazines, bulletins, and books. The major findings included statistical data for tourism arrivals and receipts during the period and the status of the industry by the year 2000. Conclusion: The paper contributes to knowledge on political and historical aspects of tourism development in Ghana, which is almost non-existent, attitudes of the PNDC cum NDC government towards tourism development and the debates on the generation of foreign exchange to Ghana and third world countries.

Keywords: ghana, infrastructure, policies, privatization, tourism facilities

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Authors: Kousar Shaheen

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The electoral process of Pakistan always remains underestimated due to malpractices claimed by the political leaders. The democratic system relies on public decision, selectorial process, transparent arrangements made by public administration, and governance system. Political polarization plays a vital role in any democratic system, which depends upon the way of applying leadership capabilities. In modern societies, public engagement is playing a key role in changing political polarization and implementation of the newest technologies, e-leadership and e-governance to bring e-democracy. The Overseas Pakistanis are unable to cast their votes in the selectorial process of Pakistan. To align this issue with civil society, efforts were made to implement modernized services and facilities by intervening in the Supreme Court. However, the results were found insignificant because of ineffective citizen engagement, IT-based, governance and public administration. which proved that the shifting to advanced society is crucial in Pakistan due to the elected Officials of current democratic system. It is an empirical study to involve Pakistani nationals (overseas) in the democratic process by utilizing the digital facility of vote casting. The role of Government. The role of e-leadership in changing the political polarization for the implementation of e-election will be measured by collecting data from different sources.

Keywords: e-democracy, e-leadership, political polarization, public engagement

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Authors: Anwesha Das

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There are numerous cases of racism and discriminatory practices in India against the northeast citizens and the African migrants. The right-wing extremism of the presently ruling political party in India has resulted in increased cases of xenophobia and Afrophobia. The rigid Indian caste system contributes to such practices of racism. The establishment of the ‘Hindu race’ by the present right-wing government, leading to instilling pride among Hindus being of a superior race, has resulted in more atrocious racist practices. This paper argues that policy action is required against racist, discriminatory practices. Policy actors in India do not ask the right questions and fail to give the needed redirection. It critically analyses Acts 14 and 15 of the Indian constitution in order to examine the cause of a policy action. In proposing the need for policy action, this paper places its arguments as a vital extension of the existing scholarship on public policy studies in India. It uses mixed-method analysis to examine the factors responsible for the policy problem and aims to suggest specific points of intervention in a policy progression. The study finds that despite anti-discriminatory policies in the mentioned Acts of the Indian constitution, there are rampant cases of racism owing to religious and cultural factors. The major findings of the study show how the present right-wing government violated the constitution in aggravating xenophobia. This paper proposes a policy action required to stop such further practices.

Keywords: India, migrants, policy action, racism, xenophobia

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Authors: Mandy Tao Benec

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Propaganda, understood as a ‘deliberate attempt to persuade people to think and behave in a desired way’, contributes to the fabric of mass media discourse as an important component, albeit often under various alternative expressions except ‘propaganda’. When the word ‘propaganda’ does appear in the mainstream media of the West, it is often selectively applied upon undesiring parties such as China, the North Korea, Russia’s Putin, or terrorists, etc.. This attitude reveals an ‘us verse them’ mentality; and a presupposition that propaganda is something only ‘they’ do whilst ‘we’ do not. This phenomenon not only runs in danger of generating political naivety, but also calls for the necessity of re-examining propaganda which will benefit from analysing it in contrasting social and political environments. Therefore, this paper aims to compare how propaganda has been understood and put in practice both in the Anglo-American context and by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). By revealing the convergence and divergence of the propaganda discourses between China and the West, it will help clarify the misconception and misunderstanding of the term. Historical narrative analysis and critical discourse analysis are the main methodologies. By carefully examining data from academic research on propaganda in both English and Chinese, the landscape of how propaganda is defined throughout different eras is mapped, with special attention paid to analysing the parallelism and/or correspondence between China and the West when applicable. Meanwhile, critically analysing the official documents such as speeches and guidelines for propaganda administration given by top-rank CCP leaders will help reveal that in contrast to the West’s ‘us-them’ mentality, China sees oneself in no difference with the Western democracies when propaganda is concerned. Major findings of this study will identify a series of convergence and divergence between Chinese and Western propaganda discourses, and the relationship between propaganda the ‘signified’ (its essence) and propaganda the ‘signifier’ (the term itself), including (yet not limited to): 1) convergence in China catching up with the West, acknowledging the perceived pejorative connotation of the term 2) divergence in propaganda activities disassociated from the term in the West; and convergence in adopting such practice when China following suit in its external propaganda towards the West 3) convergence in utilising alternative notions to replace ‘propaganda’, first by the West, then imported and incorporated enthusiastically by China into its propaganda discourse 4) divergence between China’s internal and external propaganda and the subsequent differentiation between in which contexts the CCP sees fit to utilise the concept 5) convergence between China and the West in their English language propaganda discourses, whilst simultaneous divergence in their presuppositions: ‘usthem’ by the West and ‘we are the same’ by China. To conclude, this paper will contribute to the study of propaganda and its discourse by analysing how propaganda is understood and utilised in both worlds, and hence to uncover the discourse power struggle between the two, which contributes to the propaganda discourse itself. Hence, to untie the misconception of propaganda.

Keywords: China, discourse, power, propaganda

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Authors: Mitchell Gallagher

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This investigation explores the relationship between Chinese government ministers' tweets and publicized anti-US propaganda political cartoons by Chinese state media. Defining "anti-US" tweets as expressions with negative impressions about the United States, its policies, or cultural values, the study considers their context-dependent nature. Analyzing social media's growing role, this research probes the Chinese government's attitudes toward the United States. While China traditionally adhered to a non-interference stance, instances of verbal and visual retorts occurred, driven by efforts to enhance soft power and counter unfavorable portrayals. To navigate global challenges, China embraced proactive image construction, utilizing political cartoons as a messaging tool. As Sino-American political relations continue deteriorating, it has become increasingly commonplace for Chinese officials to circulate anti-US messages and negative impressions of the United States via tweets. The present study is committed to inspecting the nature and frequency of political cartoons casting the United States in an unfavorable light, with the aim of gaining a comprehensive understanding the degree to which the Chinese government and state-affiliated media are aligned in their corresponding messaging.

Keywords: China, political cartoons, propaganda, twitter, social media

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Authors: Valerii Dudin

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With the continuous increase in quantity and importance of the information surrounding our daily lives, it has become crucial to understand what makes information stand out and affect our point of view, regardless of the accuracy of the facts involved. Alaa Al-Aswany’s numerous works have been an inspiration for millions of his readers in Egypt and all across the Arab World. While highly factual, the author’s political essays are both lexically and stylistically rich; they also implement descriptive allusions and proverbs to support the presented opinions. We have undertaken an effort to explore the impact on the individual perception through these political works of the author. In this study, we have overviewed previously made research on similar subjects and through contextual, intertextual, linguistic and corpus analyses we have come to realize the presence of suggestive themes in these works, capable of shaping the reader’s perception regarding a certain topic, specifically targeting the reader’s emotional bias. The findings presented in the study will reveal an overview of such examples of suggestive elements used in the author’s works, as well as various new insights on what can be considered suggestive in the context of modern Arabic printed press.

Keywords: Alaa al-Aswany, cognitive linguistics, political essays, suggestion

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Kathryn McMillan

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A recent study of 8500 adult Australians aged 16 and over revealed 62% had experienced childhood maltreatment. In response to multiple recommendations by bodies such as the Australian Law Reform Commission, parliamentary reports and stakeholder input, a number of key initiatives have been developed to grapple with the difficulties of a federal-state system and to screen and triage high-risk families navigating their way through the court system. The Lighthouse Project (LHP) is a world-first initiative of the Federal Circuit and Family Courts in Australia (FCFOCA) to screen family law litigants for major risk factors, including family violence, child abuse, alcohol or substance abuse and mental ill-health at the point of filing in all applications that seek parenting orders. It commenced on 7 December 2020 on a pilot basis but has now been expanded to 15 registries across the country. A specialist risk screen, Family DOORS, Triage has been developed – focused on improving the safety and wellbeing of families involved in the family law system safety planning and service referral, and ¬ differentiated case management based on risk level, with the Evatt List specifically designed to manage the highest risk cases. Early signs are that this approach is meeting the needs of families with multiple risks moving through the Court system. Before the LHP, there was no data available about the prevalence of risk factors experienced by litigants entering the family courts and it was often assumed that it was the litigation process that was fueling family violence and other risks such as suicidality. Data from the 2022 FCFCOA annual report indicated that in parenting proceedings, 70% alleged a child had been or was at risk of abuse, 80% alleged a party had experienced Family Violence, 74 % of children had been exposed to Family Violence, 53% alleged through substance misuse by party children had caused or was at risk of causing harm to children and 58% of matters allege mental health issues of a party had caused or placed a child at risk of harm. Those figures reveal the significant overlap between child protection and family violence, both of which are under the responsibility of state and territory governments. Since 2020, a further key initiative has been the co-location of child protection and police officials amongst a number of registries of the FCFOCA. The ability to access in a time-effective way details of family violence or child protection orders, weapons licenses, criminal convictions or proceedings is key to managing issues across the state and federal divide. It ensures a more cohesive and effective response to family law, family violence and child protection systems.

Keywords: child protection, family violence, parenting, risk screening, triage.

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Authors: Diana Isabel Torres Silva

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Doris Salcedo is the most prominent sculptor from Colombia ever and currently, one of the most prestigious Latin-American artists in the world. Her artwork, intended as political art, has war as a background, in particular the Colombian civil conflict, and it addresses the way that its violence affects victims’ lives irreparably. While Salcedo is internationally recognized as a talented and a politically committed artist, some Colombian critics consider her artwork as the propagandist and influenced by the interest of multinational companies and the organizations that fund it. This paper, as part of a more extended research project, attempts to demonstrate that Doris Salcedo’s artwork makes visible the victims suffering and mourning and compels the viewers’ sympathy, although its approach is superficial. It does not achieve a complete or complex understanding of the social and historical causes underneath the war and maybe because of that has become a successful commodity for the international arts market. The paper considers, firstly, the influence that Colombian Nuevo Teatro, from the sixties, had on Salcedo’s early political perspective and, secondly, analyzes in detail the first series of her artwork (1992-1998) and how those works address grieving. The focus point of this analysis will be the domestic furniture sculptures, which are the main symbolic element of Salcedo’s oeuvre.

Keywords: Arts and politics, Doris Salcedo, Colombian art, Political Art

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Authors: Lynndee Kemmet

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The U.S. military plays an increasing role in supporting political stability efforts, and this includes efforts to prevent the food insecurity that can trigger political and social instability. This paper presents a model that assists military commanders in identifying variables that impact food production and distribution in their areas of operation (AO), in identifying connections between variables and in assessing the impacts of those variables on food production and distribution. Through use of the model, military units can better target their data collection efforts and can categorize and analyze data within the data categorization framework most widely-used by military forces—PMESII-PT (Political, Military, Economic, Infrastructure, Information, Physical Environment and Time). The model provides flexibility of analysis in that commanders can target analysis to be highly focused on a specific PMESII-PT domain or variable or conduct analysis across multiple PMESII-PT domains. The model is also designed to assist commanders in mapping food systems in their AOs and then identifying components of those systems that must be strengthened or protected.

Keywords: food security, food system model, political stability, US Military

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Michael Ruiz

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Many scholars view the French Revolution as the origins of ‘modern nationalism,’ citing the unprecedented rhetorical power of ‘the nation’ and the emergence of a centralized, modern nation-state during this time. They have also stressed the role of public education in promoting a national language and creating a sense of shared national identity among the masses. Yet as many cultural historians have shown, revolutionary leaders undertook an unprecedented campaign to overhaul French culture in the 1790s in order to cultivate these national ideals and inspire Republican virtues, in what has been called ‘political pedagogy.’ In contrast to scholars of nationalism, who emphasize formal education, revolutionaries attempted to translate abstract ideas of equality and liberty into palpable representations that would inundate everyday life, thereby serving as pedagogical tools. Material culture and everyday life became state apparatuses not just for winning over citizens’ hearts and minds, but for influencing the very formation of the citizen and their innermost ‘self.’ This paper argues that nationalism began in 1789, when ‘the self’ became a political concern and its formation a state project for cultivating political legitimacy. By broadening the meaning of ‘political pedagogy,’ this study brings together scholarship on nationalism with cultural history, thereby highlighting nations and nationalism as banal, palpable, quotidian phenomena and historicizing the complex emergence of ‘modern nationalism.’ Moreover, because the contemporary view of material culture and pedagogy was highly gendered, this study shows the role of culture in the development of a homosocial, male-dominated public sphere in the 19th century. The legacy of the French Revolution’s concern with culture thus persists as much in our vocabulary for political expression as it does in the material world, remaining deeply embedded in everyday day life as a crucial, nearly-invisible, component of nationalism.

Keywords: French Revolution, nationalism, political culture, material culture

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Authors: Edward Y. W. Chu

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This paper exemplifies how the political and educational considerations have shaped the heavy-handed MOI policy in Hong Kong after its handover to China in 1997. Its result, a significant degeneration of English standard among the non-elite students, will be reported based on a detailed analysis of the public exam statistics available and other empirical studies. The remedial action taken by the Education Bureau out of the economic and educational considerations will be reported with reference to the official documents. The political, economic and educational considerations exemplified in different stages of Mother-tongue MOI policy in Hong Kong are found to be influential in the MOI policy in other Asian countries as well. For example, out of rapid internationalization and marketization, there has been increasing adoption of English as the MOI in post-secondary institutions in China, Japan & South Korea. On the other hand, while colonial languages were firmly made as the MOI in former colonies such as Vietnam and India, they were greatly retrieved upon independence for political and educational reasons. Malaysia also followed the same pattern upon independence but re-introduced partial English MOI policy in late 90s hoping to capitalize favourable globalization benefits. The short-lived policy was abandoned in 2009 because of the perceived political threat of national identity as well as the lack of educational effectiveness. Based on the great majority of Asian countries studied, this paper argues that MOI policy in Asia is much more than an educational issue, and that there is a clear pattern of how decisions of MOI matters are made. Studying the history and development of MOI in Hong Kong and other Asian countries provides a unique angle to view of how Asian countries prepare for the political, economic and educational challenges nowadays.

Keywords: economics, Hong Kong, medium of instruction, politics

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Authors: Lingfei Sun

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Based on the significant value of ecology, the strategic planning for ecological civilization construction was mentioned in the 17th and 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. How to generate economic value based on the environmental capacity is not only an economic decision but also a political decision to make. Boshan took the full use of “Ecology” and transformed it as an inexhaustible green resource to benefit people, reflecting the sustainable value of new agriculture development mode. The Strawberry Harvest Festival and Blueberry Harvest Festival hosted approximately 96,000 and 54,000 leisure tourists respectively in 2014. For the Kiwi Harvest Festival in August 2014, in average, it attracted about 4600 tourists per day, which generated daily kiwi sales of 50,000 lbs and 3 million RMB (About 476,000 USD) of daily revenue. The purpose of this study is to elaborate the modes of agritourism development, by analyzing the cases in rural area of Boshan, China. Interviews with the local government officers were applied to discover operation mode of agritourism operation. The financial data was used to demonstrate the strength of government policy and improvement of the income of rural people. The result indicated that there are mainly three types of modes: the Intensive Mode, the Model Mode and the Mixed Mode, supported by case study respectively. With the boom of tourism, the development of agritourism in Boshan relies on the agriculture encouraging policy of China and the effort of local government; meanwhile, large scale of cultivation and the product differentiation are the crucial elements for the success of rural agritourism projects.

Keywords: agriculture, agritourism, economy, rural area development

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Authors: Abdul Walid Ali

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The trend of publishing political musicals in Istana Budaya has been popular since 2007 when Malaysia celebrated its 50th anniversary of independence. Istana Budaya has at least one musical of any politician since then. Normally, the politicians are former Prime Ministers and renowned ministers prior to Malaysia's independence in 1957. The first performance in Istana Budaya which represented a politician as a theme was Muzikal Cheng Lock (2007) followed by Muzikal Tun Abdul Razak (2009), Muzikal Tun Mahathir (2010), and Muzikal Tun Mahathir 2 (2011). In 2012, Lawak Ke Der has changed the trend with comic performance and put an end to politician musical. Tun Siti Hasmah the Musical (2012) is not listed in the research because she did not hold any position as a minister. This qualitative research focuses on musicals of political figures as a theme. Some factors of making this type of performance are analyzed based on Istana Budaya’s decisions during that time in Malaysia between 2007 and 2011. This research aims to document these musical themed performances in Istana Budaya for further research in the future. Political performances are listed and analyzed from 2007 to 2012 based on reports and previous research. The declination of audiences in 2012 and a new theme in theatre performances in Istana Budaya are important factors for the downfall of the political theatres' theme.

Keywords: musical, politician, Istana Budaya, theatre

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Authors: Anton Andreev

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the collapse of a large part of the socialist regimes, left-wing parties all over the world entered the space of crisis, of problems with ideology, identity, with the definition of its goals and objectives. First of all, we can say that the communist parties actually lost their foundation. In 1992, despite the victory of left-wing forces, a Broad Front in which was the winner in the struggle against dictatorship plunged into a deep crisis, the nature of which is looking for a new platform, a new foundation, new goals. Thus, in the late 20th century, the party has revised theoretical beliefs and positions. Radical communist ideology was moderated to social reformism. Modern leftist movement in Uruguay is a movement of moderate reform. Left forces suggest going through successive changes. Changes in ideology and ideas have influenced to the understanding of foreign policy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union Broad Front has changed the direction of its diplomacy from the orientation to the Soviet state to support the USA policy. Government formed by Broad Front, supported the integration processes in the South America. Uruguay was developing the cooperation in the framework of MERCOSUR and began to create relationship with the new centers of power in world political space. Uruguay in the early 21st century is a country that starts to play important role in the international arena. Elections of 26 October 2014 should answer the question of support of internal policy of a Broad Front, as well as of the support of the diplomatic work of the "Left" governments of the country.

Keywords: Uruguay, broad front, Vazquez, international dimensions

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: Haitham A. Haloush

Abstract:

Debtors' imprisonment in Jordan is a problematic issue since it impinges upon required financial guarantees that are presumably offered by debtors on the one hand, and infringes flagrantly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the other hand. Jordan lacks regulatory provisions in this respect and debtors' imprisonment is indirectly exercised in Jordan without giving a special legal attention to this concern. From this perspective, this research reviews the available regulations, standard laws and codes of conduct that might guide the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in the Jordanian context. Furthermore, this article will examine the suitability of the Jordanian legal system in providing sufficient protection for debtors. The author argues that there are serious obstacles in this aspect.

Keywords: the Jordanian civil code, the Jordanian execution law, imprisonment for debt, good faith, the Jordanian constitution, the international covenant on civil and political rights

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Zouhir Gabsi

Abstract:

The Arab Spring has had noticeable effects on Tunisia in socio-economic, political, and cultural terms. Few have predicted that the music of hip-hop and rap could engage with the socio-political situation in Tunisia, especially after the downfall of Ben Ali’s regime. Having survived as underground music since the year 2000, the genre of hip-hop and rap remains an aberration from the folkloric tradition. By adhering to the socio-economic reality of the Tunisian street, rappers attempt to claim authenticity mainly in both thematic and language uses, and by usurping the power of ‘space’ from the regime’s control. With the songs’ fast-paced rhythms, catchy phrases, puns, vulgarisms, and linguistic innovations using metaphors, hip-hop, and rap have struck a chord with Tunisia’s youth. Tunisia’s new social reality has allowed Tunisian rappers to express dissent and voice people’s despair over the socio-economic and political situation. This paper argues that rap artists use language as a vehicle to claim the authenticity of their message. It also explores how the performative nature of the language of hip-hop and rap interacts with the Tunisian culture and argues the power of music in the context of political and socio-economic grievances in post-Arab Spring Tunisia.

Keywords: Arab Spring, hip-hop, eevolution, Tunisia, Tunisian Arabic

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Authors: Deretha Bester

Abstract:

This research employs a theoretical framework to investigate the interplay between factors that lead from predatory governance and predatory rule to military coups, utilizing the frustration-aggression theory as its guiding lens. It adopts a case-oriented approach and employs thematic analysis to examine the socio-economic, governance, and political environment that precipitated the August 2020 Malian military coup. Presenting seven key themes, it reveals how predatory rule and its manifestation in the Malian context was a critical factor in paving the way for the military coup. The study provides critical reflections into the historical, regional, and political dynamics reshaping Africa’s changing political landscape. It presents a conceptual model to comprehend how predatory governance fosters conditions favorable for military coups. Insights from the Malian case study offer valuable perspectives for analyzing events in comparable contexts. This understanding is crucial for grasping the precursors and impact of predatory rule and popular frustrations in contexts where military coups emerge.

Keywords: predatory rule, military coups, socio-political analysis, frustration-aggression theory, Mali

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