Search results for: political involvement

Authors: Anu S. Krishna

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The paper tries to analyse the UN involvement/intervention in the case of intra-state armed conflict of El Salvador and Nepal comparatively. The peace mission in El Salvador is considered to be the most successful missions of UN ever since it started involving in the peace-building activities. Meanwhile, in the armed conflict of South Asian country, Nepal, the result seemed to be disappointing in comparison with its counterpart. The study on this paper takes three variables as the success or failure of international mediation, i.e., a) signing of the peace agreement, b) disarmament/demobilization and c) constitutional mechanism. A significant amount of scholarship looks at the case of ONUSAL (United Nations Mission in El Salvador). Meanwhile, the armed conflict of Nepal and the role of UNMIN (United Nations Mediation in Nepal) are under researched so far. The paper thus tries to throw light on these cross-regional contexts that share certain similarities and dissimilarities in the nature of conflict. In addition, the international third-party involvement and their way of approaching both the cases differ, which again affected the mediation outcome. The paper tries to argue that, since the approach of the UN led international mediation in theses peace missions were contextual and varied from case to case, thus, finally affected the mediation outcome too.

Keywords: Nepal, UNMIN, El Salvador, ONUSAL, international mediation, armed conflict

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Authors: Giedre Sirvinskiene, Kastytis Smigelskas

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Quality of family relations is an important factor of child development, however, the role of joint family activities on adolescent happiness still needs investigation. The aim of this study is to analyze associations between happiness of school-aged children and parental involvement. The analysis involves Lithuanian data from the cross-sectional Health Behaviour in School Aged Children (HBSC) study. The sample comprised 5730 children aged 11–15 years. Results: The odds of happiness was 2.38 times higher if children were living together with mother (95% CI: 1.81–3.13) and 1.81 times – with father (95% CI: 1.53–2.15). However, the likelihood of happiness was 7.21 times lower if adolescent had difficulties to talk with mother (95% CI: 5.42–9.61) and 6.40 times – with father (95% CI: 4.80–8.56). The joint daily adolescents-parents activities also predict the odds for happiness: joint TV watching by 5.96 times (95% CI: 4.21–8.43), having meals together by 7.02 times (95% CI: 4.77–10.32), going for a walk together 4.30 times (95% CI: 2.96–6.26), visiting places by 6.85 times (95% CI: 4.74–9.90), visiting friends and relatives by 7.13 times (95% CI: 4.87–10.43), sporting by 2.76 (95% CI: 1.83–4.18) as well as discussing various things by 7.35 times (95% CI: 5.50–9.82). Conclusions: Joint parents-adolescents activities and communication are related with greater happiness of adolescent. Though adolescence is a period when the relationships with peers get more importance, the communication and joint activities with parents remain a significant factor of adolescent happiness.

Keywords: adolescent, family, happiness, school-age

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Authors: Mitchell Gallagher

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This investigation explores the relationship between Chinese government ministers' tweets and publicized anti-US propaganda political cartoons by Chinese state media. Defining "anti-US" tweets as expressions with negative impressions about the United States, its policies, or cultural values, the study considers their context-dependent nature. Analyzing social media's growing role, this research probes the Chinese government's attitudes toward the United States. While China traditionally adhered to a non-interference stance, instances of verbal and visual retorts occurred, driven by efforts to enhance soft power and counter unfavorable portrayals. To navigate global challenges, China embraced proactive image construction, utilizing political cartoons as a messaging tool. As Sino-American political relations continue deteriorating, it has become increasingly commonplace for Chinese officials to circulate anti-US messages and negative impressions of the United States via tweets. The present study is committed to inspecting the nature and frequency of political cartoons casting the United States in an unfavorable light, with the aim of gaining a comprehensive understanding the degree to which the Chinese government and state-affiliated media are aligned in their corresponding messaging.

Keywords: China, political cartoons, propaganda, twitter, social media

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Authors: Alvin Uchenna Ugwu

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The United Nation’s 2030 agenda and Global Action Programme (GAP) for implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), has mandated all sectors in the societies, including education, to develop strategies towards actualizing sustainability in all facets of the society, by the year 2030. Education is no doubt a key tool for social change. However, educational institutions in most African nations need a paradigmatic shift to strike a balance between policies (curricular) and practices, with regards to Education for Sustainable Development (ESD). The paradigm shift in this regard is described as whole-institution/school approach. The whole institution approaches advocate action-focused ESD. In other words, ESD policy and curriculum makers, formal and non-formal education institutions, need to ‘practice what they preach’. This paper is developed from an ongoing study carried out by the author and guided by two research questions: -What are the views of intermediate phase science and technology preservice teachers on the ESD content included in the science and technology modules? -What challenges or enable intermediate phase science and technology pre-service teachers to learn about ESD in science and technology modules? The study drew from the views and experiences of preservice science teachers, learning about ESD in a university’s college of education in South Africa. Using qualitative case study research design, the research data were generated via questionnaires and focus group discussions. Analysis of generated data indicates that universities and institutions of higher learning need to demonstrate practical involvement while implementing ESD in societies, rather than just standing as knowledge media. Findings of the study further suggest that natural sciences and technology courses in teacher education programmes and other institutions of higher learning, should be perceived as key transformative tools in shaping the consciousness of students towards integrating and fostering ESD in developing countries such as South Africa. Thus, this paper seeks to promote ‘Whole Institution Involvement’ in teacher education colleges in South Africa, as a measure of improving ESD in higher education settings. The paper suggests that in order to achieve ESD in higher education settings and beyond, policies and practices should be reexamined beyond rhetoric and buzzwords. The paper further argues that implementation of ESD is largely influenced by context, hence two different contexts should be examined empirically.

Keywords: education for sustainable development, higher education institutions, pre-service science teachers, qualitative case study research, whole institution involvement

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Authors: Valerii Dudin

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With the continuous increase in quantity and importance of the information surrounding our daily lives, it has become crucial to understand what makes information stand out and affect our point of view, regardless of the accuracy of the facts involved. Alaa Al-Aswany’s numerous works have been an inspiration for millions of his readers in Egypt and all across the Arab World. While highly factual, the author’s political essays are both lexically and stylistically rich; they also implement descriptive allusions and proverbs to support the presented opinions. We have undertaken an effort to explore the impact on the individual perception through these political works of the author. In this study, we have overviewed previously made research on similar subjects and through contextual, intertextual, linguistic and corpus analyses we have come to realize the presence of suggestive themes in these works, capable of shaping the reader’s perception regarding a certain topic, specifically targeting the reader’s emotional bias. The findings presented in the study will reveal an overview of such examples of suggestive elements used in the author’s works, as well as various new insights on what can be considered suggestive in the context of modern Arabic printed press.

Keywords: Alaa al-Aswany, cognitive linguistics, political essays, suggestion

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Authors: S. Opadere Olaolu

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Religion, as a belief-system, has been with humanity for a long time. It has been recognised to impact the lives of individuals, groups, and communities that hold it dear. Whether the impact is regarded as positive or not depends on the assessor. Thus, for reasons of likely subjectiveness, possible irrationality, and even outright deliberate abuse, most emerging economies seek to follow the pattern of separating the State from religion; yet it is certain that the influence of religion on the State is incontrovertible. Corruption, on the other hand, though difficult to define in precise terms, is clearly perceptible. It could manifest in very diverse ways, including the abuse of a position of trust for the gain of an individual, or of a group with shared ulterior motive. Religion has been perceived, among others, as a means to societal stability, marital stability, infusion of moral rectitude, and conscience with regards to right and wrong. In time past, credible and dependable characters reposed largely and almost exclusively with those bearing deep religious conviction. Even in the political circle, it was thought that the involvement of those committed to religion would bring about positive changes, for the benefit of the society at large. On the contrary, in recent times, religion has failed in these lofty expectations. The level of corruption in most developing economies, and the increase of religion seem to be advancing pari passu. For instance, religion has encroached into political space, and vice versa, without any differentiable posture to the issue of corruption. Worse still, religion appears to be aiding and abetting corruption, overtly and/or covertly. Therefore, this discourse examined from the Nigerian perspective—as a developing economy—, and from a multidisciplinary stand-point of Law and Religion, the issue of religion; secularism; corruption; romance of religion and politics; inability of religion to exemplify moral rectitude; indulgence of corruption by religion; and the need to keep religion in private sphere, with proper checks. The study employed primary and secondary sources of information. The primary sources included the Constitutions of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended; judicial decisions; and the Bible. The secondary sources comprised of information from books, journals, newspapers, magazines and Internet documents. Data obtained from these sources were subjected to content analysis. Findings of this study include the breach of constitutional provisions to keep religion out of State affairs; failure of religion to curb corruption; outright indulgence of corruption by religion; and religion having become a political tool. In conclusion, it is considered apposite still to keep the State out of religion, and to seek enforcement of the constitutional provisions in this respect. The stamp of legality placed on overt and covert corruption by religion should be removed by all means.

Keywords: corruption, complicity, legalizing, religion

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Yelba Maria Carrillo

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The focus of this research study was to explore barriers, if any, faced by parents or legal guardians who are of Latinx background and speak Spanish as a primary language or are bilingual speakers of Spanish and English; barriers that limit their understanding of and involvement in their gifted child’s academic life. This study was guided by a qualitative case study design. The primary investigator hosted focus group interviews at a Magnet Middle School in Southern California. The groups consisted of 25 parents, or legal guardians of bilingual (English/Spanish) or former English learner students enrolled in a school serving 6th-8th grades. The primary investigator interviewed Latinx Spanish-speaking parents or legal guardians of gifted students regarding their perception of their child’s giftedness, parental involvement in schools, and fostering their child’s exceptional abilities. Parents and legal guardians described children as creative, intellectual, and highly intelligent. Key themes such as student performance, language proficiency, socio-emotional, and general intellectual ability were strong indicators of giftedness. Barriers such as language and education inhibited parent and legal guardian ability to understand their child’s giftedness, which resulted in their inability to adequately contribute to the development of their children’s talents and advocate for the appropriate services for their children. However, they recognized the importance of being involved in their child’s academic life and the importance of nurturing their ‘dón’ or ‘gift.’ La Familia is the foundation and core of Latinx culture; and, without a strong foundation, children lack guidance, confidence, and awareness to tap into their gifted abilities. Providing Latinx parents with the proper tools and resources to appropriately identify gifted characteristics and traits could lead to early identification and intervention for students in schools and at home.

Keywords: gifted education, gifted Latino students, Latino parent involvement, high ability students

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Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

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Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

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Authors: Catherine Oluyemo

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In Africa, patriarchy has manifested itself in the socio-cultural, political, economic and legal institutions. The decree of the father as the male head of the family has contributed to the powerlessness of women in African nations. To buttress this perception, in his work Meno, Plato made a declaration in the platonic dialogue that the desirable quality of a man should be the capacity to administer the state, and in the administration of it to benefit his friends and harm his enemies; and he must also be careful not to suffer harm himself. Furthermore, he said: a woman's good worth may also be easily described as ordering her house, keep what is indoors, and obey her husband. The works of Aristotle portrayed women as morally, intellectually, and physically inferior to men; they saw women as the property of men; claimed that women's role in society was to reproduce and serve men in the household; and saw male domination of women as natural and virtuous. This has been sustained for ages and is incessantly impinging on the involvement of women in African leadership positions. The purpose of this paper is to make sense of the concept of patriarchy in relations to women participation in Africa leadership, and its challenges in the participation of women in the leadership positions of Africa. It seeks to discover what women should do to make their voices heard, to participate in leadership arrangements so as to actualize their potentials in contributing to the development of Africa.

Keywords: women, leadership, patriarchy, development, actualize, potentials

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Authors: Diana Isabel Torres Silva

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Doris Salcedo is the most prominent sculptor from Colombia ever and currently, one of the most prestigious Latin-American artists in the world. Her artwork, intended as political art, has war as a background, in particular the Colombian civil conflict, and it addresses the way that its violence affects victims’ lives irreparably. While Salcedo is internationally recognized as a talented and a politically committed artist, some Colombian critics consider her artwork as the propagandist and influenced by the interest of multinational companies and the organizations that fund it. This paper, as part of a more extended research project, attempts to demonstrate that Doris Salcedo’s artwork makes visible the victims suffering and mourning and compels the viewers’ sympathy, although its approach is superficial. It does not achieve a complete or complex understanding of the social and historical causes underneath the war and maybe because of that has become a successful commodity for the international arts market. The paper considers, firstly, the influence that Colombian Nuevo Teatro, from the sixties, had on Salcedo’s early political perspective and, secondly, analyzes in detail the first series of her artwork (1992-1998) and how those works address grieving. The focus point of this analysis will be the domestic furniture sculptures, which are the main symbolic element of Salcedo’s oeuvre.

Keywords: Arts and politics, Doris Salcedo, Colombian art, Political Art

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Authors: Lynndee Kemmet

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The U.S. military plays an increasing role in supporting political stability efforts, and this includes efforts to prevent the food insecurity that can trigger political and social instability. This paper presents a model that assists military commanders in identifying variables that impact food production and distribution in their areas of operation (AO), in identifying connections between variables and in assessing the impacts of those variables on food production and distribution. Through use of the model, military units can better target their data collection efforts and can categorize and analyze data within the data categorization framework most widely-used by military forces—PMESII-PT (Political, Military, Economic, Infrastructure, Information, Physical Environment and Time). The model provides flexibility of analysis in that commanders can target analysis to be highly focused on a specific PMESII-PT domain or variable or conduct analysis across multiple PMESII-PT domains. The model is also designed to assist commanders in mapping food systems in their AOs and then identifying components of those systems that must be strengthened or protected.

Keywords: food security, food system model, political stability, US Military

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Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Michael Ruiz

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Many scholars view the French Revolution as the origins of ‘modern nationalism,’ citing the unprecedented rhetorical power of ‘the nation’ and the emergence of a centralized, modern nation-state during this time. They have also stressed the role of public education in promoting a national language and creating a sense of shared national identity among the masses. Yet as many cultural historians have shown, revolutionary leaders undertook an unprecedented campaign to overhaul French culture in the 1790s in order to cultivate these national ideals and inspire Republican virtues, in what has been called ‘political pedagogy.’ In contrast to scholars of nationalism, who emphasize formal education, revolutionaries attempted to translate abstract ideas of equality and liberty into palpable representations that would inundate everyday life, thereby serving as pedagogical tools. Material culture and everyday life became state apparatuses not just for winning over citizens’ hearts and minds, but for influencing the very formation of the citizen and their innermost ‘self.’ This paper argues that nationalism began in 1789, when ‘the self’ became a political concern and its formation a state project for cultivating political legitimacy. By broadening the meaning of ‘political pedagogy,’ this study brings together scholarship on nationalism with cultural history, thereby highlighting nations and nationalism as banal, palpable, quotidian phenomena and historicizing the complex emergence of ‘modern nationalism.’ Moreover, because the contemporary view of material culture and pedagogy was highly gendered, this study shows the role of culture in the development of a homosocial, male-dominated public sphere in the 19th century. The legacy of the French Revolution’s concern with culture thus persists as much in our vocabulary for political expression as it does in the material world, remaining deeply embedded in everyday day life as a crucial, nearly-invisible, component of nationalism.

Keywords: French Revolution, nationalism, political culture, material culture

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Authors: Edward Y. W. Chu

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This paper exemplifies how the political and educational considerations have shaped the heavy-handed MOI policy in Hong Kong after its handover to China in 1997. Its result, a significant degeneration of English standard among the non-elite students, will be reported based on a detailed analysis of the public exam statistics available and other empirical studies. The remedial action taken by the Education Bureau out of the economic and educational considerations will be reported with reference to the official documents. The political, economic and educational considerations exemplified in different stages of Mother-tongue MOI policy in Hong Kong are found to be influential in the MOI policy in other Asian countries as well. For example, out of rapid internationalization and marketization, there has been increasing adoption of English as the MOI in post-secondary institutions in China, Japan & South Korea. On the other hand, while colonial languages were firmly made as the MOI in former colonies such as Vietnam and India, they were greatly retrieved upon independence for political and educational reasons. Malaysia also followed the same pattern upon independence but re-introduced partial English MOI policy in late 90s hoping to capitalize favourable globalization benefits. The short-lived policy was abandoned in 2009 because of the perceived political threat of national identity as well as the lack of educational effectiveness. Based on the great majority of Asian countries studied, this paper argues that MOI policy in Asia is much more than an educational issue, and that there is a clear pattern of how decisions of MOI matters are made. Studying the history and development of MOI in Hong Kong and other Asian countries provides a unique angle to view of how Asian countries prepare for the political, economic and educational challenges nowadays.

Keywords: economics, Hong Kong, medium of instruction, politics

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Authors: Abdul Walid Ali

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The trend of publishing political musicals in Istana Budaya has been popular since 2007 when Malaysia celebrated its 50th anniversary of independence. Istana Budaya has at least one musical of any politician since then. Normally, the politicians are former Prime Ministers and renowned ministers prior to Malaysia's independence in 1957. The first performance in Istana Budaya which represented a politician as a theme was Muzikal Cheng Lock (2007) followed by Muzikal Tun Abdul Razak (2009), Muzikal Tun Mahathir (2010), and Muzikal Tun Mahathir 2 (2011). In 2012, Lawak Ke Der has changed the trend with comic performance and put an end to politician musical. Tun Siti Hasmah the Musical (2012) is not listed in the research because she did not hold any position as a minister. This qualitative research focuses on musicals of political figures as a theme. Some factors of making this type of performance are analyzed based on Istana Budaya’s decisions during that time in Malaysia between 2007 and 2011. This research aims to document these musical themed performances in Istana Budaya for further research in the future. Political performances are listed and analyzed from 2007 to 2012 based on reports and previous research. The declination of audiences in 2012 and a new theme in theatre performances in Istana Budaya are important factors for the downfall of the political theatres' theme.

Keywords: musical, politician, Istana Budaya, theatre

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Authors: Liudmila Garzanova, Lidia Ananyeva, Olga Koneva, Olga Ovsyannikova, Oxana Desinova, Mayya Starovoytova, Rushana Shayahmetova

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Objectives. Gastrointestinal involvement is one of the most common manifestations of systemic sclerosis (SSc). The aim of our study was to assess the frequency of gastrointestinal manifestations in SSc patients (pts) with interstitial lung disease (ILD) and their changes to rituximab (RTX) therapy. Methods. There were 103 pts with SSc in this study. The mean follow-up period was 12.6±10.7 months. The mean age was 47±12.9 years, females - 87 pts (84%), and the diffuse cutaneous subset of the disease 55 pts (53%). The mean disease duration was 6.2±5.5 years. All pts had ILD and were positive for ANA. 67% of them were positive for anti-topoisomerase-1. All patients received prednisolone at a dose of 11.3±4.5 mg/day, and immunosuppressants at inclusion received 47% of them. Pts received RTX due to the ineffectiveness of previous therapy for ILD. The cumulative mean dose of RTX was 1.7±0.6 grams. 90% of pts received omeprazole at a dose of 20-40 mg/day. Results. At inclusion, dysphagia was observed in 76 pts (74%), early satiety or vomiting in 32 pts (31%), and diarrhea in 20 pts (19%). We didn't observe any changes in gastrointestinal manifestation during RTX therapy. There was a decrease in the number of pts with dysphagia from 76 (74%) to 66 (64%), but it was insignificant. The number of pts with early satiety or vomiting and diarrhea didn't change. Conclusion. In our study, gastrointestinal involvement was observed in most of the pts with SSc-ILD. We didn't find any significant changes in gastrointestinal manifestations during RTX therapy. RXT does not worsen gastrointestinal manifestations in SSc-ILD.

Keywords: systemic sclerosis, dysphagia, rituximab, gastrointestinal manifestations

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: Haitham A. Haloush

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Debtors' imprisonment in Jordan is a problematic issue since it impinges upon required financial guarantees that are presumably offered by debtors on the one hand, and infringes flagrantly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the other hand. Jordan lacks regulatory provisions in this respect and debtors' imprisonment is indirectly exercised in Jordan without giving a special legal attention to this concern. From this perspective, this research reviews the available regulations, standard laws and codes of conduct that might guide the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in the Jordanian context. Furthermore, this article will examine the suitability of the Jordanian legal system in providing sufficient protection for debtors. The author argues that there are serious obstacles in this aspect.

Keywords: the Jordanian civil code, the Jordanian execution law, imprisonment for debt, good faith, the Jordanian constitution, the international covenant on civil and political rights

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Authors: Lee Da Hyun

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relation between the internal dynamics of standing committees and legislative productivity of the Korean National Assembly using statistical methods. Studies on legislation in South Korea have been largely revolved around political parties due to the uniqueness of its political context including strong party cohesion and party’s nomination right. However, as standing committees have been at the center of legislatures since the 6th National Assembly, there is a growing need for studying the operation and effectiveness of standing committees in legislation process. Thus, through panel data analysis for the sixteen standing committees across the four terms of the Korean National Assembly-from the 16th to the 19th-this article attempts to reveal that legislators’ bill passing rate is not a sole function of factors pertaining to political party as the existing studies have believed. By measuring the ideological distribution within a committee and the bill passing rate, this article provides differentiated interpretation from established theories of standing committees and presents compelling evidence describing complex interactions and independent operation of the standing committees with the subsequent legislative results.

Keywords: collective decision-making, lawmaking, legislation, political polarization, standing committees

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Authors: Ihtasham Hamza

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In the contemporary world, where the West is afflicted by the diseases of excess nutrition, much of the rest globe suffers at the hands of hunger. A troubling constituent of hunger is micronutrient deficiency, also called hidden hunger. Major dependence on calorie-rich diets and low diet diversification are responsible for high malnutrition rates, especially in African and Asian countries. But the dilemma isn’t immune to solutions. Highlighting the substantial cause to be sole dependence on staples for food, biofortification has emerged as a novel tool to confront the widely distributed jeopardize of hidden hunger. Biofortification potentials the better nutritional approachability to commonalities overcoming various difficulties and reaching the doorstep. The crops associated with biofortification offer a rural-based involvement that, proposal, primarily reaches these more remote populations, which comprise a majority of the malnourished in many countries, and then penetrates to urban populations as assembly overages are marketed. Initial investments in agricultural research at a central location can generate high recurrent benefits at low cost as adapted biofortified cultivars become widely available in countries across time at low recurrent costs as opposed to supplementation which is comparatively expensive and requires continued financing over time, which may be imperilled by fluctuating political curiosity.

Keywords: biofortified crops, hunger, malnutrition, agricultural practices

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Authors: Isabela Thomas Mkude

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This research was done to assess how the community is involved in waste management activities and their willingness to pay for services. Mnadani and Madukani are among the old wards in Dodoma urban. These two areas are similar and face numerous environmental problems, poor solid waste management practices being among them. People realize problems because they live with them daily but the study advice that the only way to stay off problems is to find appropriate measures. The findings recognized some problems that led to poor community involvement solid waste management the study areas. Lack of community education on how to deal with solid wastes, poor responsibility of ward leaders in issues concerning the environment and in active participation of communities in environmental meeting are among other major problems found during the research. The research also revealed that there is low willingness to pay for waste collection among communities and financial problems that make environmental committee inactive; that leading to a poor disposal and unavailable collection facilities in urban area. Although the municipal improves disposal activities by increasing amount of waste to be disposed off by 11% in three years, the amount of waste that collected is also increasing by 41% each day. It is advised that some corrective measures need to be put in place so that the communities are well involved in managing solid wastes as the best way to attain achievement in keeping the urban free from solid waste. Environmental education dissemination to the communities is needed so that they become responsible and dedicated citizen on the environment. There should be some incentives from government to the wards local government and CBOs so that they can practically implement solid waste management programs and to attract formation of more groups and motivate the present groups. Capacity building programs to the ward leaders need to be given priority so that leaders are well organized and able to plan, coordinate and cooperate with various governmental institutions, and NGOs responsible for development and environmental management.

Keywords: solid waste, waste management, public involvement, rapid urbanized region

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Nassali Celine Lindah

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The study sought to find out how public accountability is a challenge to sustainable development in Uganda. The study was guided by the following set of objectives included establishing the challenges of Public accountability, the importance of accountability in Uganda, and the possible solutions to the problems identified in the study. In order to ensure proper accountability there should be proper control of resources, specifically the control of both public revenue and expenditures. Stakeholders should also be involved in the accountability process. Accountability can reduce corruption and other abuses, assure compliance with standards and procedures, and improve performance and organizational learning. The study involved qualitative and quantitative data collection techniques. A sample of 20 respondents from various districts/towns was used using both technical staff and non-technical staff members. The study utilized secondary and primary data, which was obtained using interviews and observations. The study reached a conclusion that the major challenges of Public accountability in Uganda are poor leadership, poor resource management, unethical behavior by the government officials and political involvement, among others. The study also recommended that the policymakers should design relevant guidelines/policies to help promote the process of public accountability in Uganda like prosecution and convictions, strengthen public expenditure management benchmarking and performance measurements, among others.

Keywords: accountability, sustainability, government activities, government sector

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Authors: Zouhir Gabsi

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The Arab Spring has had noticeable effects on Tunisia in socio-economic, political, and cultural terms. Few have predicted that the music of hip-hop and rap could engage with the socio-political situation in Tunisia, especially after the downfall of Ben Ali’s regime. Having survived as underground music since the year 2000, the genre of hip-hop and rap remains an aberration from the folkloric tradition. By adhering to the socio-economic reality of the Tunisian street, rappers attempt to claim authenticity mainly in both thematic and language uses, and by usurping the power of ‘space’ from the regime’s control. With the songs’ fast-paced rhythms, catchy phrases, puns, vulgarisms, and linguistic innovations using metaphors, hip-hop, and rap have struck a chord with Tunisia’s youth. Tunisia’s new social reality has allowed Tunisian rappers to express dissent and voice people’s despair over the socio-economic and political situation. This paper argues that rap artists use language as a vehicle to claim the authenticity of their message. It also explores how the performative nature of the language of hip-hop and rap interacts with the Tunisian culture and argues the power of music in the context of political and socio-economic grievances in post-Arab Spring Tunisia.

Keywords: Arab Spring, hip-hop, eevolution, Tunisia, Tunisian Arabic

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Authors: S. Ithai, A. Oloo

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The emergence of globalization has cultivated an international consensus that without economic development; it is very unlikely that a country may realize social or political development. It is equally important to note that the economic effect on social development automatically influence the country healthcare services as healthcare systems are improved and adopted. For decades and before 1980's, the colonial and the Governments of Kenya had pursued a goal to provide free healthcare services to its citizen with minimal success; but as population increased, this endeavor became almost a mirage. The challenge called for a change of strategy with introduction of cost sharing which also could not guarantee sustainability of healthcare services in the country due to increased number of poor people and poverty. An involvement of multisectral approach to provision of health individual, collaboration and adoption of all dimensions through globalization provides a ray of hope to not only economic, political and social development but also guaranteed equitable and reliable healthcare systems in Kenya and specifically referral healthcare services at KNH. With the advent of globalization, KNH has made positive strides that have guaranteed patients with reliable healthcare services. These include increased donor funding, collaboration levels, training and research as well as enhanced the hospital relations with international partners. During this period, the hospital has increased number of local doctors and nurses, enhanced transfer of skills, innovations and technologies which are driving forces to quality and efficient healthcare services. The period has also brought in challenges for the hospital which include increased competition, attraction of qualified nurses and doctors to international are some the issues that have made the hospital to spend more resources in research and development in order to stay afloat. This paper reveals the link between globalization and healthcare and its influence on institution policy choice. However, the process is not expected to take place automatically without institutional initiatives if KNH is to reap the benefits of globalization. KNH need to make use of the existing infrastructure, human resources and donor confidence, the opportunities that are indeed important in propelling KNH toward Vision 2030 and achieving the desired Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Keywords: globalization, Kenyatta National Hospital, native, healthcare

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