Search results for: political police

Authors: Amjed Rasheed

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Rebellions are driven by several incentives. They do not often occur because of historical grievances or political exclusion. They can be driven by the desire to control over natural resources, or by both. In the case of the Islamic State (ISIL), greed and grievance are both drive this radical group to operate in Iraq and Syria. This article aims to show that grievance was the trigger to the emergence of ISIL. It also aims to demonstrate that ISIL is using oil as a tool, to implements its political ends, than a purpose per se. In other words, the emergence of ISIL is based on socio-political conditions, which are domestically driven, and oil is not ISIL’s aim but a source of revenue to finance its activities. This paper applies conflict analysis methodology to analyse the conflict in Iraq and Syria, with a specific highlight to ISIL. By doing so, it gives ahistorical background on emergence of ISIL. It also provides an insightful explanation on the main dynamics and the tactics this organisation applies. It also delivers a sufficient explanation on how it recruits its members, both local and international. It concludes that tackling ISIL needs a more sophisticated approach than the one Obama administration has adopted. It is more a political issue to be tackled by political means, than a military one to be tackled by military means. The current war is an Intra-Sunni war, and therefore, Sunni states have to be on board to crackdown ISIL. Besides, the article finishes with the argument that democratisation is not necessarily the key answer to bring stability to the region, but a sort of governance that provides security and material needs to individuals.

Keywords: ISIL, Iraq, domestic politics, Islamic radicalisation

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Authors: Kousar Shaheen

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The electoral process of Pakistan always remains underestimated due to malpractices claimed by the political leaders. The democratic system relies on public decision, selectorial process, transparent arrangements made by public administration, and governance system. Political polarization plays a vital role in any democratic system, which depends upon the way of applying leadership capabilities. In modern societies, public engagement is playing a key role in changing political polarization and implementation of the newest technologies, e-leadership and e-governance to bring e-democracy. The Overseas Pakistanis are unable to cast their votes in the selectorial process of Pakistan. To align this issue with civil society, efforts were made to implement modernized services and facilities by intervening in the Supreme Court. However, the results were found insignificant because of ineffective citizen engagement, IT-based, governance and public administration. which proved that the shifting to advanced society is crucial in Pakistan due to the elected Officials of current democratic system. It is an empirical study to involve Pakistani nationals (overseas) in the democratic process by utilizing the digital facility of vote casting. The role of Government. The role of e-leadership in changing the political polarization for the implementation of e-election will be measured by collecting data from different sources.

Keywords: e-democracy, e-leadership, political polarization, public engagement

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Authors: Shivalaxmi Arumugham

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Child sexual abuse (CSA) has taken several forms, particularly with the advent of internet technologies that provide pedophiles access to their targets anonymously at an affordable rate. To combat CSA which has far-reaching consequences on the physical and psychological health of the victims, a special act, the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act, was formulated amongst the existing laws. With its latest amendment criminalizing various online activities about child pornography also known as child sexual abuse materials in 2019, tremendous pressure is speculated on law enforcement to identify offenders online. Effective investigations of CSA cases help in not only to detect perpetrators but also in preventing the re-victimization of children. Understanding the vulnerability of the child population and that the offenders continue to develop stealthier strategies to operate, it is high time that traditional investigation, where the focus is on apprehending and prosecuting the offender, must make a paradigm shift to proactively investigate to prevent victimization at the first place. One of the proactive policing techniques involves understanding the psychology of the offenders and children and operating undercover to catch the criminals before a real child is victimized. With the fundamental descriptive approach to research, the article attempts to identify the multitude of issues associated with the investigation of child sexual abuse cases currently in practice in India. Then, the article contextualizes the various covert operations carried out by numerous law enforcement agencies across the globe. To provide this comprehensive overview, the paper examines various reports, websites, guidelines, protocols, judicial pronouncements, and research articles. Finally, the paper presents the challenges and ethical issues that are to be considered before getting into undercover operations either in the guise of a pedophile or as a child. The research hopes to contribute to the making of standard operating protocols for investigation officers and other relevant policymakers in this regard.

Keywords: child sexual abuse, cybercrime against children, covert police operations, investigation of CSA

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Authors: Cory A. Logston

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It is imperative researchers continue to explore every transformative strategy to increase empathy and awareness of racial bias. Racism is a social and political concept that uses stereotypical ideology to highlight racial inequities. Everyone has biases they may not be aware of toward disparate out-groups. There is some form of racism in every profession; doctors, lawyers, and teachers are not immune. There have been numerous successful and unsuccessful strategies to motivate and transform an individual’s unconscious biased attitudes. One method designed to induce a transformative experience and identify implicit bias is virtual reality (VR). VR is a technology designed to transport the user to a three-dimensional environment. In a virtual reality simulation, the viewer is immersed in a realistic interactive video taking on the perspective of a Black man. The viewer as the character experiences discrimination in various life circumstances growing up as a child into adulthood. For instance, the prejudice felt in school, as an adolescent encountering the police and false accusations in the workplace. Current research suggests that an immersive VR simulation can enhance self-awareness and become a transformative learning experience. This study uses virtual reality immersion and transformative learning theory to create empathy and identify any unintentional racial bias. Participants, White teachers, will experience a VR immersion to create awareness and identify implicit biases regarding Black students. The desired outcome provides a springboard to reconceptualize their own implicit bias. Virtual reality is gaining traction in the research world and promises to be an effective tool in the transformative learning process.

Keywords: empathy, implicit bias, transformative learning, virtual reality

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Authors: Mitchell Gallagher

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This investigation explores the relationship between Chinese government ministers' tweets and publicized anti-US propaganda political cartoons by Chinese state media. Defining "anti-US" tweets as expressions with negative impressions about the United States, its policies, or cultural values, the study considers their context-dependent nature. Analyzing social media's growing role, this research probes the Chinese government's attitudes toward the United States. While China traditionally adhered to a non-interference stance, instances of verbal and visual retorts occurred, driven by efforts to enhance soft power and counter unfavorable portrayals. To navigate global challenges, China embraced proactive image construction, utilizing political cartoons as a messaging tool. As Sino-American political relations continue deteriorating, it has become increasingly commonplace for Chinese officials to circulate anti-US messages and negative impressions of the United States via tweets. The present study is committed to inspecting the nature and frequency of political cartoons casting the United States in an unfavorable light, with the aim of gaining a comprehensive understanding the degree to which the Chinese government and state-affiliated media are aligned in their corresponding messaging.

Keywords: China, political cartoons, propaganda, twitter, social media

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Authors: V. U. Ameera

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Rape has become an epidemic in India. Rape becomes a repressive weapon, which used to make them silent or used sometimes as a mode of punishment. Even for marrying above their status or for caste violation through a marriage of their choice, women are sentenced for mass rape, and the retribution is done in the presence of her family and villagers. Dalit or lower class women are brutally raped in a process of chastisement carried out by the upper class to keep the former always under their feet. Even in police stations, women are raped so that, their wretched condition will compel them to blurt out the truth. In a patriarchal society, for every trespass of woman, she is retaliated with a trespass into her body, which they think is the finest fine she can pay, as they are still driven by Victorian morality and believe once ‘the jewel’ is stolen, it is stolen forever. Even when the reports of brutal rapes comes out, those who are in responsible position also take the girls to task for going out in inappropriate time. As it is elsewhere in the world, in India too rape is a destructive weapon used to destroy men folk morally and psychologically, as they deem their honor rest in their protecting the purity of their women. During the communal skirmishes, as it is evident from Gujarat and Muzzafar Nagar recently, women are subjected to mass rape so that they can terrorize their men. Even women writers are threatened with rape for criticizing the maneuvers and manipulations of political parties. This becomes possible because of the undue weight given to the chastity of women. This study intends to analyze the nature of rapes occurring in India, including its use as a tool to establish and perpetuate the dominant position of men in social power structures. The study reveals how society, media and literature have imbibed and spread the notion of this sacred glass bowl which is the proud possession of men, the breaking of which steals them of their honor.

Keywords: guardians of chastity, patriarchal mindset, power tool, punishment rape

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Authors: Valerii Dudin

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With the continuous increase in quantity and importance of the information surrounding our daily lives, it has become crucial to understand what makes information stand out and affect our point of view, regardless of the accuracy of the facts involved. Alaa Al-Aswany’s numerous works have been an inspiration for millions of his readers in Egypt and all across the Arab World. While highly factual, the author’s political essays are both lexically and stylistically rich; they also implement descriptive allusions and proverbs to support the presented opinions. We have undertaken an effort to explore the impact on the individual perception through these political works of the author. In this study, we have overviewed previously made research on similar subjects and through contextual, intertextual, linguistic and corpus analyses we have come to realize the presence of suggestive themes in these works, capable of shaping the reader’s perception regarding a certain topic, specifically targeting the reader’s emotional bias. The findings presented in the study will reveal an overview of such examples of suggestive elements used in the author’s works, as well as various new insights on what can be considered suggestive in the context of modern Arabic printed press.

Keywords: Alaa al-Aswany, cognitive linguistics, political essays, suggestion

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Authors: Gang Wang

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Education is widely believed to be a prerequisite for democracy and civil society, but the causal link between education and outcome variables is usually hardly to be identified. This study applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design to examine the effects of college education on democratic attitudes in the Chinese context. In the analysis treatment assignment is determined by students’ college entry years and thus naturally selected by subjects’ ages. Using a sample of Chinese college students collected in Beijing in 2009, this study finds that college education actually reduces undergraduates’ motivation for political development in China but promotes political loyalty to the authoritarian government. Further hypotheses tests explain these interesting findings from two perspectives. The first is related to the complexity of politics. As college students progress over time, they increasingly realize the complexity of political reform in China’s authoritarian regime and rather stay away from politics. The second is related to students’ career opportunities. As students are close to graduation, they are immersed with job hunting and have a reduced interest in political freedom.

Keywords: china, college education, democratic attitudes, regression discontinuity

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Authors: Etibar Guliyev

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union in 1991 has led to a considerable rise in the religious self-consciousness of Muslim population of the Central Asia. Additionally, huge amount of money spent by various states further facilitated the spread of religious ideas. According to some sources, Saudi Arabia spent 87 billion dollars to propagate Wahhabism abroad during two decades, whereas the Communist Party of the Soviet Union spent just over 7 billion dollars to spread its ideology worldwide between 1921 and 1991. As the result, today once a remote area from international politics has turned into third major source of recruitment of fighters for global terrorist organizations. In order to illustrate to scope of the involvement of the Central Asian residents in international terrorist networks it is enough to mention the name of Colonel Gulmorod Khalimov, the former head of the Tajik special police forces who served as ISIS war minister between 2016 and 2017. The importance of the topic stems from the fact that the above-mentioned republics with a territory of 4 million square km and the population of around 80 million people borders Russia, Iran Afghanistan and China. Moreover, the fact that political and military activities motivated with religious feelings in those countries have implications not only for domestic but also for regional and global political relations and all of them has root in politics of religions adds value to the research. This research aims to provide an in-depth analyses of the marked features of the state policies to regulate religious activities and approach this question both from individual, domestic, regional and global levels of analyses. The research will enable us to better understand what implications have the state of religious freedom in post-Soviet Muslim republics for international relations and the rise of global jihadi terrorism. The paper tries to find a linkage between the mentioned terror attacks and underground rise of religious extremism in Central Asia. This research is based on multiple research methods, mainly on qualitative one. The process tracing method is also employed to review religious policies implemented from 1918-1991 and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in a chronological way. In terms of the quantitative method, it chiefly will be used in a bid to process various statistics disseminated in academic and official sources. The research mostly explored constructivist, securitization and social movement theories. Findings of the research suggests that the endemic problems peculiar to authoritarian regimes of Central Asia such as crackdown on the expression of religious believe and any kind of opposition, economic decline, instrumental use of religion and corruption and tribalism further accelerated the recruitment problem. Paper also concludes that the Central Asian states in some cases misused counter-terrorism campaign as a pretext to further restrict freedom of faith in their respective countries.

Keywords: identity, political Islam, religious extremism, security, terrorism

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Authors: Amy Y. Wang, Eko L. Yi

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Can vicarious experiences of workplace ostracism affect employees’ willingness to voice? Given the increasingly interdependent nature of the modern workplace in which employees rely on social interactions to fulfill organizational goals, workplace ostracism –the extent to which an individual perceives that he or she is ignored or excluded by others in the workplace– has garnered significant interest from scholars and practitioners alike. Extending beyond conventional studies that largely focus on the perspectives and outcomes of ostracized targets, we address the indirect effects of workplace ostracism on third-party employees embedded in the same social context. Using a social information processing approach, we propose that the ostracism of coworkers acts as political information that influences third-party employees in their decisions to engage in risky and discretionary behaviors such as employee voice. To make sense of and to navigate through experiences of workplace ostracism, we posit that both political understanding and political skill allow third party employees to minimize the risks and uncertainty of voicing. This conceptual model was tested by a study involving 154 supervisor-subordinate dyads of a publicly listed bio-technology firm located in Mainland China. Each supervisor and their direct subordinates composed of a work team; each team had a minimum of two subordinates and a maximum of four subordinates. Human resources used the master list to distribute the ID coded questionnaires to the matching names. All studied constructs were measured using existing scales proved effective in previous literature. Hypotheses were tested using Confirmatory Factor Analysis and Hierarchal Multiple Regression. All three hypotheses were supported which showed that employees were less likely to engage in voice behaviors when their coworkers reported having experienced ostracism in the workplace. Results also showed a significant three-way interaction between political understanding and political skill on the relationship between coworkers’ ostracism and employee voice, indicating that political savviness is a valuable resource in mitigating ostracism’s negative and indirect effects. Our results illustrated that an employee’s coworkers being ostracized indeed adversely impacted his or her own voice behavior. However, not all individuals reacted passively to the social context; rather, we found that politically savvy individuals – possessing both political understanding and political skill – and their voice behaviors were less impacted by ostracism in their work environment. At the same time, we found that having only political understanding or only political skill was significantly less effective in mitigating ostracism’s negative effects, suggesting a necessary duality of political knowledge and political skill in combatting ostracism. Organizational implications, recommendations, and future research ideas are also discussed.

Keywords: employee voice, organizational politics, social information processing, workplace ostracism

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Authors: Diana Isabel Torres Silva

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Doris Salcedo is the most prominent sculptor from Colombia ever and currently, one of the most prestigious Latin-American artists in the world. Her artwork, intended as political art, has war as a background, in particular the Colombian civil conflict, and it addresses the way that its violence affects victims’ lives irreparably. While Salcedo is internationally recognized as a talented and a politically committed artist, some Colombian critics consider her artwork as the propagandist and influenced by the interest of multinational companies and the organizations that fund it. This paper, as part of a more extended research project, attempts to demonstrate that Doris Salcedo’s artwork makes visible the victims suffering and mourning and compels the viewers’ sympathy, although its approach is superficial. It does not achieve a complete or complex understanding of the social and historical causes underneath the war and maybe because of that has become a successful commodity for the international arts market. The paper considers, firstly, the influence that Colombian Nuevo Teatro, from the sixties, had on Salcedo’s early political perspective and, secondly, analyzes in detail the first series of her artwork (1992-1998) and how those works address grieving. The focus point of this analysis will be the domestic furniture sculptures, which are the main symbolic element of Salcedo’s oeuvre.

Keywords: Arts and politics, Doris Salcedo, Colombian art, Political Art

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Authors: Lynndee Kemmet

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The U.S. military plays an increasing role in supporting political stability efforts, and this includes efforts to prevent the food insecurity that can trigger political and social instability. This paper presents a model that assists military commanders in identifying variables that impact food production and distribution in their areas of operation (AO), in identifying connections between variables and in assessing the impacts of those variables on food production and distribution. Through use of the model, military units can better target their data collection efforts and can categorize and analyze data within the data categorization framework most widely-used by military forces—PMESII-PT (Political, Military, Economic, Infrastructure, Information, Physical Environment and Time). The model provides flexibility of analysis in that commanders can target analysis to be highly focused on a specific PMESII-PT domain or variable or conduct analysis across multiple PMESII-PT domains. The model is also designed to assist commanders in mapping food systems in their AOs and then identifying components of those systems that must be strengthened or protected.

Keywords: food security, food system model, political stability, US Military

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Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Michael Ruiz

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Many scholars view the French Revolution as the origins of ‘modern nationalism,’ citing the unprecedented rhetorical power of ‘the nation’ and the emergence of a centralized, modern nation-state during this time. They have also stressed the role of public education in promoting a national language and creating a sense of shared national identity among the masses. Yet as many cultural historians have shown, revolutionary leaders undertook an unprecedented campaign to overhaul French culture in the 1790s in order to cultivate these national ideals and inspire Republican virtues, in what has been called ‘political pedagogy.’ In contrast to scholars of nationalism, who emphasize formal education, revolutionaries attempted to translate abstract ideas of equality and liberty into palpable representations that would inundate everyday life, thereby serving as pedagogical tools. Material culture and everyday life became state apparatuses not just for winning over citizens’ hearts and minds, but for influencing the very formation of the citizen and their innermost ‘self.’ This paper argues that nationalism began in 1789, when ‘the self’ became a political concern and its formation a state project for cultivating political legitimacy. By broadening the meaning of ‘political pedagogy,’ this study brings together scholarship on nationalism with cultural history, thereby highlighting nations and nationalism as banal, palpable, quotidian phenomena and historicizing the complex emergence of ‘modern nationalism.’ Moreover, because the contemporary view of material culture and pedagogy was highly gendered, this study shows the role of culture in the development of a homosocial, male-dominated public sphere in the 19th century. The legacy of the French Revolution’s concern with culture thus persists as much in our vocabulary for political expression as it does in the material world, remaining deeply embedded in everyday day life as a crucial, nearly-invisible, component of nationalism.

Keywords: French Revolution, nationalism, political culture, material culture

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Authors: Edward Y. W. Chu

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This paper exemplifies how the political and educational considerations have shaped the heavy-handed MOI policy in Hong Kong after its handover to China in 1997. Its result, a significant degeneration of English standard among the non-elite students, will be reported based on a detailed analysis of the public exam statistics available and other empirical studies. The remedial action taken by the Education Bureau out of the economic and educational considerations will be reported with reference to the official documents. The political, economic and educational considerations exemplified in different stages of Mother-tongue MOI policy in Hong Kong are found to be influential in the MOI policy in other Asian countries as well. For example, out of rapid internationalization and marketization, there has been increasing adoption of English as the MOI in post-secondary institutions in China, Japan & South Korea. On the other hand, while colonial languages were firmly made as the MOI in former colonies such as Vietnam and India, they were greatly retrieved upon independence for political and educational reasons. Malaysia also followed the same pattern upon independence but re-introduced partial English MOI policy in late 90s hoping to capitalize favourable globalization benefits. The short-lived policy was abandoned in 2009 because of the perceived political threat of national identity as well as the lack of educational effectiveness. Based on the great majority of Asian countries studied, this paper argues that MOI policy in Asia is much more than an educational issue, and that there is a clear pattern of how decisions of MOI matters are made. Studying the history and development of MOI in Hong Kong and other Asian countries provides a unique angle to view of how Asian countries prepare for the political, economic and educational challenges nowadays.

Keywords: economics, Hong Kong, medium of instruction, politics

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Authors: Abdul Walid Ali

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The trend of publishing political musicals in Istana Budaya has been popular since 2007 when Malaysia celebrated its 50th anniversary of independence. Istana Budaya has at least one musical of any politician since then. Normally, the politicians are former Prime Ministers and renowned ministers prior to Malaysia's independence in 1957. The first performance in Istana Budaya which represented a politician as a theme was Muzikal Cheng Lock (2007) followed by Muzikal Tun Abdul Razak (2009), Muzikal Tun Mahathir (2010), and Muzikal Tun Mahathir 2 (2011). In 2012, Lawak Ke Der has changed the trend with comic performance and put an end to politician musical. Tun Siti Hasmah the Musical (2012) is not listed in the research because she did not hold any position as a minister. This qualitative research focuses on musicals of political figures as a theme. Some factors of making this type of performance are analyzed based on Istana Budaya’s decisions during that time in Malaysia between 2007 and 2011. This research aims to document these musical themed performances in Istana Budaya for further research in the future. Political performances are listed and analyzed from 2007 to 2012 based on reports and previous research. The declination of audiences in 2012 and a new theme in theatre performances in Istana Budaya are important factors for the downfall of the political theatres' theme.

Keywords: musical, politician, Istana Budaya, theatre

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Authors: Virginie Hergault, Siham Chebbah, Bertrand Frere

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Following in-house objectives, Central laboratory of Paris police Prefecture conducted a general review on models and Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD) codes used to simulate pollutant dispersion in the atmosphere. Starting from that review and considering main features of Large Eddy Simulation, Central Laboratory Of Paris Police Prefecture (LCPP) postulates that the Fire Dynamics Simulator (FDS) model, from National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), should be well suited for air pollutant dispersion modeling. This paper focuses on the implementation and the evaluation of FDS in the frame of the European COST ES1006 Action. This action aimed at quantifying the performance of modeling approaches. In this paper, the CUTE dataset carried out in the city of Hamburg, and its mock-up has been used. We have performed a comparison of FDS results with wind tunnel measurements from CUTE trials on the one hand, and, on the other, with the models results involved in the COST Action. The most time-consuming part of creating input data for simulations is the transfer of obstacle geometry information to the format required by SDS. Thus, we have developed Python codes to convert automatically building and topographic data to the FDS input file. In order to evaluate the predictions of FDS with observations, statistical performance measures have been used. These metrics include the fractional bias (FB), the normalized mean square error (NMSE) and the fraction of predictions within a factor of two of observations (FAC2). As well as the CFD models tested in the COST Action, FDS results demonstrate a good agreement with measured concentrations. Furthermore, the metrics assessment indicate that FB and NMSE meet the tolerance acceptable.

Keywords: numerical simulations, atmospheric dispersion, cost ES1006 action, CFD model, cute experiments, wind tunnel data, numerical results

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Authors: Tugba Ayas Onol

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The paper revisits Jean-François Lyotard’s interpretation of the Kantian Sublime as a tool for understanding politics after modernity. In 1985 Lyotard announces the end of rational politics based on consensus and claims that new strategies are urged to recognize the political imperatives of marginalized groups. The charm of the sublime as a reflective judgment is grounded on the fact that the judgment of sublime is free from any notion of consensus or common sense in particular. Lyotard interprets this feature of the sublime as a respect for heterogeneity and for him aesthetic judgments can be a model for understanding justice in postmodern times, in which it seems hard to follow a single universal law among different phrase regimes. More importantly, the Kantian sublime speaks to what Lyotard addresses as the incommensurability of phase genres. The present paper shall try to evaluate Lyotard’s employment of the Kantian notion of the sublime in relation to its possible political import.

Keywords: Kant, Lyotard, sublime, politics

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Authors: Sourina Bej

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Since the process of decolonization in 1940, several countries in South Asia have witnessed intra-state conflicts owing to ineffective political governance. The conflicts have remained protracted as the countries have failed to make a holistic transition to a democratic state. Nepal is one such South Asian country facing a turmultous journey from monarchy to republicanism. The paper aims to focus on the democratic transition in the context of Nepal’s political, legal and economic institutions. The presence of autocratic feudalistic and centralised state structure with entrenched socio-economic inequalities has resulted in mass uprising only to see the country slip back to the old order. Even a violent civil war led by the Maoists could not overhaul the political relations or stabilize the democratic space. The paper aims to analyse the multiple political, institutional and operational challenges in the implementation of the peace agreement with the Maoist. Looking at the historical background, the paper will examine the problematic nation-building that lies at the heart of fragile peace process in Nepal. Regional dynamics have played a big role in convoluting the peace-building. The new constitution aimed at conflict resolution brought to the open, deep seated hatred among different ethnic groups in Nepal. Apart from studying the challenges to the peace process and the role of external players like India and China in the political reconstruction, the paper will debate on a viable federal solution to the ethnic conflict in Nepal. If the current government fails to pass a constitution accepted by most ethnic groups, Nepal will remain on the brink of new conflict outbreaks.

Keywords: democratisation, ethnic conflict, Nepal, peace process

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Authors: Duncan K. Espenshade

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Scholars have established expectations regarding how the political and economic interests of a country's people and elites can influence its migration policies. Most of the scholarship exploring the adoption of migration policies focuses on the developed world, focusing on the cultural, political, and economic influences that drive restrictive policies in developed countries. However, despite the scholarly focus on migration policies in developed countries, most internationally displaced people reside in developing countries. Furthermore, while the political and economic factors that influence migration policy in developed countries are likely at play in developing states, developing states also face unique hurdles to policy formation not present in developed states. Namely, this article explores how state capacity, or in this context, a state's de facto ability to restrict or absorb migration inflows, influences the adoption of migration policies in developing countries. Using Cox-Proportional hazard models and recently introduced data on asylum policies in developing countries, this research finds that having a greater ability to restrict migration flows is associated with a reduced likelihood of adopting liberal asylum policies. Future extensions of this project will explore the adoption of asylum policies as a two-stage process, in which the available decision set of political actors is first constrained by a state's restrictive and absorptive capacity in the first stage, with the political, economic, and cultural factors influencing the policy adopted in the second stage.

Keywords: state capacity, international relations, foreign policy, migration

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Authors: Tunde Ope-Davies

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Transmediality and platformization as online content-sharing protocols have continued to accentuate the growing impact of the unprecedented digital revolution across the world. The rapid transformation across all sectors as a result of this revolution has continued to spotlight the increasing importance of new media technologies in redefining and reshaping the rhythm and dynamics of our private and public discursive practices. Equally, social and political activities are being impacted daily through the creation and transmission of political discourse content through multi-channel platforms such as mobile telephone communication, social media networks and the internet. It has been observed that digital platforms have become central to the production, processing, and distribution of multimodal social data and cultural content. The platformization paradigm thus underpins our understanding of how digital platforms enhance the production and heterogenous distribution of media and cultural content through these platforms and how this process facilitates socioeconomic and political activities. The use of multiple digital platforms to share and transmit political discourse material synchronously and asynchronously has gained some exciting momentum in the last few years. Nigeria’s 2023 general elections amplified the usage of social media and other online platforms as tools for electioneering campaigns, socio-political mobilizations and civic engagement. The study, therefore, focuses on transmedia and platformed political discourse as a new strategy to promote political candidates and their manifesto in order to mobilize support and woo voters. This innovative transmedia digital discourse model involves a constellation of online texts and images transmitted through different online platforms almost simultaneously. The data for the study was extracted from the 2023 general elections campaigns in Nigeria between January- March 2023 through media monitoring, manual download and the use of software to harvest the online electioneering campaign material. I adopted a discursive-analytic qualitative technique with toolkits drawn from a computer-mediated multimodal discourse paradigm. The study maps the progressive development of digital political discourse in this young democracy. The findings also demonstrate the inevitable transformation of modern democratic practice through platform-dependent and transmedia political discourse. Political actors and media practitioners now deploy layers of social media network platforms to convey messages and mobilize supporters in order to aggregate and maximize the impact of their media campaign projects and audience reach.

Keywords: social media, digital humanities, political discourse, platformized discourse, multimodal discourse

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Authors: Adrianna D. Hendricks

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This paper examines the factors that contribute to the re-traumatization of victims of sex trafficking within the Canadian context. Sex trafficking occurring domestically in Canada is severely under-researched, stigmatized, and under-prosecuted, leading to the re-traumatization of victims by various levels of government. This is in part due to the Canadian criminal justice system unethically utilizing prostitution laws in cases of sex trafficking and partially due to the unaddressed stigmatization victims face within the justice system itself. Utilizing evidence from a current literature review, personal correspondence, and personal life experiences, this paper will demonstrate the need for victim involvement in policy reform. The current literature review was done through an academic database search using the terms: “Sex Trafficking, Exploitation, Canada”, with the limitation of articles written within the last five years and written within the Canadian context. Overall, from the results, only eight articles precisely matched the criteria. The current literature argues strongly and unanimously for more research and education of professionals who have close contact with high-risk populations (doctors, police officers, social workers, etc.) to protect both minors and adults from being sexually trafficked. Additionally, for women and girls who do not have Canadian citizenship, the fear of deportation becomes a barrier to disclosing exploitation experiences to professionals. There is a desperate need for more research done in tandem with survivors and victims to inform policymaking in a meaningful way. The researcher is a survivor of sex trafficking both as a youth and as an adult, giving the researcher a unique insight into the realities of the criminal justice system for victims of sex trafficking. Congruent to the current research, the author calls for standardized professional training for people in healthcare, police officers, court officials, and victim services, with the additional layer of victim involvement. Justice for victims/survivors can only be obtained if they have been consulted and believed. Without meaningful consultation with survivors, victims who are both minors and adults will continue to fall through the cracks in policy.

Keywords: Canadian policy, re-traumatization, sex-trafficking, stigmatization

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Authors: Haitham A. Haloush

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Debtors' imprisonment in Jordan is a problematic issue since it impinges upon required financial guarantees that are presumably offered by debtors on the one hand, and infringes flagrantly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on the other hand. Jordan lacks regulatory provisions in this respect and debtors' imprisonment is indirectly exercised in Jordan without giving a special legal attention to this concern. From this perspective, this research reviews the available regulations, standard laws and codes of conduct that might guide the implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in the Jordanian context. Furthermore, this article will examine the suitability of the Jordanian legal system in providing sufficient protection for debtors. The author argues that there are serious obstacles in this aspect.

Keywords: the Jordanian civil code, the Jordanian execution law, imprisonment for debt, good faith, the Jordanian constitution, the international covenant on civil and political rights

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Authors: Lee Da Hyun

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relation between the internal dynamics of standing committees and legislative productivity of the Korean National Assembly using statistical methods. Studies on legislation in South Korea have been largely revolved around political parties due to the uniqueness of its political context including strong party cohesion and party’s nomination right. However, as standing committees have been at the center of legislatures since the 6th National Assembly, there is a growing need for studying the operation and effectiveness of standing committees in legislation process. Thus, through panel data analysis for the sixteen standing committees across the four terms of the Korean National Assembly-from the 16th to the 19th-this article attempts to reveal that legislators’ bill passing rate is not a sole function of factors pertaining to political party as the existing studies have believed. By measuring the ideological distribution within a committee and the bill passing rate, this article provides differentiated interpretation from established theories of standing committees and presents compelling evidence describing complex interactions and independent operation of the standing committees with the subsequent legislative results.

Keywords: collective decision-making, lawmaking, legislation, political polarization, standing committees

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Authors: Merve Ak Efe

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Youth branches in Turkey are one of the sub-fields where political ideologies are intersected with daily life practices. When the youth branches are examined within the framework of daily life practices, a social area can be defined where many types of capital turn into gains. The relationship between politics and capital is not only financial but can also be observed in the form of social, cultural, or emotional capital. This paper examines the political mobilization of young people who are members of the Youth Branch of the Justice and Development Party. The reason why JDP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) was chosen is that they have been the ruling party for twenty years, and there is a considerable number of young members within the party. Since Bayrampaşa is a district where JDP is politically active, This study is based on Bayrampaşa youth branches. The study examines how young people who are members of the party are mobilized and the everyday life practices and emotions underlying this mobilization. The data was collected through in-depth interviews with 13 young people, and the participant observation method was applied at the weekly meetings of the Justice and Development Party Bayrampaşa Youth Branch. Youth Branches represent a political space in which emotions turn into action for the young people who are involved in the party. During the field study at the micro level, it has been observed that the Bayrampaşa JDP Youth Branch hosted a transformation that incorporates political and social practices into modern tactics. One of the other results shows that being a member of youth branches causes a significant rise in social capital for young people. On the other hand, for the members with low cultural capital, there is an increase in social capital; however, an increase in cultural capital is not prominent.

Keywords: political mobilization, everyday practices, emotional capital, social capital, cultural capital

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Authors: Zouhir Gabsi

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The Arab Spring has had noticeable effects on Tunisia in socio-economic, political, and cultural terms. Few have predicted that the music of hip-hop and rap could engage with the socio-political situation in Tunisia, especially after the downfall of Ben Ali’s regime. Having survived as underground music since the year 2000, the genre of hip-hop and rap remains an aberration from the folkloric tradition. By adhering to the socio-economic reality of the Tunisian street, rappers attempt to claim authenticity mainly in both thematic and language uses, and by usurping the power of ‘space’ from the regime’s control. With the songs’ fast-paced rhythms, catchy phrases, puns, vulgarisms, and linguistic innovations using metaphors, hip-hop, and rap have struck a chord with Tunisia’s youth. Tunisia’s new social reality has allowed Tunisian rappers to express dissent and voice people’s despair over the socio-economic and political situation. This paper argues that rap artists use language as a vehicle to claim the authenticity of their message. It also explores how the performative nature of the language of hip-hop and rap interacts with the Tunisian culture and argues the power of music in the context of political and socio-economic grievances in post-Arab Spring Tunisia.

Keywords: Arab Spring, hip-hop, eevolution, Tunisia, Tunisian Arabic

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Authors: Muhadam Labolo, Mughny Ibtisyam Mukhlis, Zulkarnaen, Safira Maulida Rahman Soulisa

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This research is motivated by one of the functions of government is a regulatory function. Aceh Province, especially in Banda Aceh City has special autonomy, one of them is in the application of Islamic law, but when the law implemented to the citizen, there are many problems happens. One of the problems faced by the Government and people of Banda Aceh was Seclusion. Seclusion/nasty silent act between two people mukallafor more of the opposite sex who is not mahram or without marriage. This study aims to determine and analyze how the effectiveness of the policy as well as enabling and inhibiting factors of Qanun Number 14 of 2003 On Khalwat (nasty) in sharia Islam Islamic law in the city of Banda Aceh. This type of research is qualitative research method is a descriptive and inductive approach. The source of data used is People, Problem, Phenomenon, and programs, while the data collection through field studies and literature such as interviews, observation, and documentation. The results of this study were analyzed by using data reduction, display data, conclusions, and verification. The results showed that the Qanun Number 14 of 2003 on Khalwat (nasty) in the establishment of Islamic law in Banda Aceh is still not effective. It is seen from the high number of violations seclusion committed by Banda Aceh citizen, especially among teenagers, lack of socialization, as well as a lack of budgetary support for the implementation of Islamic Law in Banda Aceh. The supporting factors are 1) Coordination and communication among agencies had been walking steadily. 2) Facilities and infrastructure Syar'iah Court of Banda Aceh and the Office of Sharia Islam Banda Aceh that very good. 3) The Cultural majority of the people of Banda Aceh that support. Inhibiting factors: 1) There are no written duties of each institution for the prosecution case Seclusion. 2) The lack of socialization programs. 3) Lack of facilities and infrastructure Municipal Police Unit and the WH less. 4) Lack of control by the family. 5) The absence of training for officials Municipal Police Units and the Wilayatul Hisbah Banda Aceh.

Keywords: effectiveness, Islamic Sharia, Khalwat, Qanun

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Authors: Dila Ram Bhandari

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Throughout the 20th century, new governments were created where identities such as ethnic, religious, linguistic, caste, communal, tribal, and others played a part in the development of constitutions and the legal system of victim and criminal justice. Acute issues with extremism, poverty, environmental degradation, cybercrimes, human rights violations, crime against, and victimization of both individuals and groups have recently plagued South Asian nations. Everyday massive number of crimes are steadfast, these frequent crimes have made the lives of common citizens restless. Crimes are one of the major threats to society and also for civilization. Crime is a bone of contention that can create a societal disturbance. The old-style crime solving practices are unable to live up to the requirement of existing crime situations. Crime analysis is one of the most important activities of the majority of intelligent and law enforcement organizations all over the world. The South Asia region lacks such a regional coordination mechanism, unlike central Asia of Asia Pacific regions, to facilitate criminal intelligence sharing and operational coordination related to organized crime, including illicit drug trafficking and money laundering. There have been numerous conversations in recent years about using data mining technology to combat crime and terrorism. The Data Detective program from Sentient as a software company, uses data mining techniques to support the police (Sentient, 2017). The goals of this internship are to test out several predictive model solutions and choose the most effective and promising one. First, extensive literature reviews on data mining, crime analysis, and crime data mining were conducted. Sentient offered a 7-year archive of crime statistics that were daily aggregated to produce a univariate dataset. Moreover, a daily incidence type aggregation was performed to produce a multivariate dataset. Each solution's forecast period lasted seven days. Statistical models and neural network models were the two main groups into which the experiments were split. For the crime data, neural networks fared better than statistical models. This study gives a general review of the applied statistics and neural network models. A detailed image of each model's performance on the available data and generalizability is provided by a comparative analysis of all the models on a comparable dataset. Obviously, the studies demonstrated that, in comparison to other models, Gated Recurrent Units (GRU) produced greater prediction. The crime records of 2005-2019 which was collected from Nepal Police headquarter and analysed by R programming. In conclusion, gated recurrent unit implementation could give benefit to police in predicting crime. Hence, time series analysis using GRU could be a prospective additional feature in Data Detective.

Keywords: time series analysis, forecasting, ARIMA, machine learning

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Authors: Pinal Patel

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The study defines the problems and issues of women in Maoist groups, also referred as ‘Naxalites’, in Chhattisgarh, India. It analyses the causes and consequences of increasing number of women joining Maoists groups and measures taken by the central and state government to retreat them. The main aspect of the study is, how to counter the challenges to resolve the issues and restore normalcy in the life of women Maoists to resettle them in mainstream once they become physically inactive and wish to become part of the society. The rationale behind this study is that women Maoists once inactive, has no place either with Maoist camps/rebel groups or particularly in society. The problems faced by the women Maoists, in society as well as in Maoists camps, can be studied through social, economic, cultural, political and humanitarian aspects. The methodology of the study is dependent on primary sources of information which includes a research survey in majorly affected areas, statistical analysis. Secondary sources of information are helpful for understanding the background of the problem. Government’s strategy of rewarding with cash and providing resettlement and rehabilitation benefits including houses and jobs to ex-women Maoists and their families is a well formulated and feasible policy and effectively implemented by the concerned authorities. But, the survey results show that the policy has not been able to have impacts as it was intended. Because inactive and physically disabled women are still left deserted in deep forests to die and police or authorities are not able to reach them and bring them back. The difficult terrain and dense forest areas are major hurdles to reach to Maoists camps. Moreover, to make people aware of government’s surrendering and rehabilitation schemes and policies as communication networks are very poor due to the lack of development in the state.

Keywords: maoists, women, government, policy

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