Search results for: political discourse analysis

Authors: Paula-Catalina Meirosu

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The economic migration (intra-EU) is a topic of debate in the public space in both countries of origin and countries of destination. Since the 1990s, after the collapse of communist regimes and then the accession of some former communist countries to the EU, the migratory flows of migrants (including Romanian migrants) to EU countries has been increased constantly. Italy is one of the main countries of destination among Romanians since at the moment Italy hosts more than one million Romanian migrants. Based on an interdisciplinary analytical framework focused on the theories in the field of transnationalism, media and migration studies and critical media analysis, this paper investigates the media construction of intra-EU economic migration in the Italian press from two main perspectives. The first point of view is the media representation of Romanian migrants in the Italian press in a specific context: the EU elections in 2014. The second one explores the way in which Romanian journalists use the media in the destinations countries (such as Italy) as a source to address the issue of migration. In this context, the paper focuses on online articles related to the Romanian migrants’ representation in the media before and during the EU elections in two newspapers (La Repubblica from Italy and Adevarul from Romania), published during January-May 2014. The methodology is based on a social-constructivist approach, predominantly discursive and includes elements of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to identify the patterns of Romanian migrants in the Italian press as well as strategies for building categories, identities, and roles of migrants. The aim of such an approach is to find out the dynamic of the media discourse on migration from a destination country in the light of a European electoral context (EU elections) and based on the results, to propose scenarios for the elections to be held this year.

Keywords: migration, media discourse, Romanian migrants, transnationalism

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Authors: Ellen McClure

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It is generally well-known that a number of inmates suffer from some form of substance or alcohol use disorder. This study identifies, analyses, classifies and codifies the most recent Canadian criminal judgments involving an accused diagnosed with an alcohol use disorder specifically. From this research, patterns in judicial discourse and sentencing norms can be established, and these findings can be juxtaposed with existing relevant academic literature, particular attention will be given to this discussion at the sentencing stage, and the subsequent incarceration of those with alcohol use disorders. This topic will be explored with an overarching emphasis on the effects that a lack of conversation regarding a possible correlation between alcohol consumption and crime may have. Although comparisons may be made in order to clarify or highlight certain issues, particular attention will be paid to jurisdictions within Canada. This paper explores the existing judicial discourse in sentencing regarding the relationship between alcohol and crime, and how this might explain the higher incarceration rates of those suffering from alcohol use disorders in Canada. The research questions are as follows: (1) What are the existing judicial discourses in sentencing around the relationship between alcohol and crime? (2) To what extent has the current discourse on alcohol addiction among judges and legal academics contributed to the incarceration of alcoholics?The major findings of this research indicate a strong correlation between a lack of judicial discussion regarding the accused’s alcohol use disorder and an increased tendency to consider an alcohol use disorder as an aggravating factor. Furthermore, it was found that an 82% of judges who discussed the alcohol use disorder meaningfully referred to the disorder as a mitigating factor. This can be compared with 6.7% of judges who referred to the alcohol use disorder as a mitigating factor in cases where the disorder was not meaningfully discussed.

Keywords: alcohol use disorder, addiction, criminal justice, judicial discourse

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Authors: Minjeoung Kim

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This paper deals with the comparison of women’s political participation in Korea and China. Korean women are participated more in higher education. As the economic development and the women's social participation can enhance the possibility of women's political participation in advanced democratic countries, in Asian countries such as Korea and China in which Confucianism prohibited women to participate in public life and the process of nation building is different from western countries, the political power takes an initiative to implement policies for women's participation in politics and for women's consciousness.

Keywords: korea, china, women, political participation

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Authors: Quervin Zacary M. Roldan, Gwyneth Gabrielle M. Fajardo, Carmela M. Maciar

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Alcohol in the Philippines is regarded as a part of their culture however, it is also stigmatized, as alcohol addiction is prevalent among Filipino Males leading them to develop Alcohol Use Disorder. With this, Discourses of alcohol consumption from Individuals recovering from AUD from different rehabilitation centers in the Philippines were analyzed in the study to explore how they ‘talk’ about their alcohol consumption. By utilizing the Foucauldian Discourse Analysis following the six steps by Carla Willig, four (4) major discourses were major construed by the recovering individuals of AUD which are: (1) Being alcohol-free was a dream, (2) Drinking alcohol turns you into a demon that will destroy your life, (3) Drinking alcohol as ‘doing’ drugs and (4) Alcohol is a temporary solution. These discourses construct alcohol consumption as something that is being referred to as a 'bad' substance which is both normalized and stigmatized in Philippine society.

Keywords: alcohol, alcohol consumption, alcohol-based beverages, psychological effects, discourse, alcohol use disorder, stigma

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Authors: Maria T. Cruz, Scott N. Thompson

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In recent years, Canadian federal and provincial law enforcement organizations have implemented numerous mental health strategies in an attempt to address officers’ mental health and wellness needs. Despite these reforms, however, mental illness continues to persist in these populations. Whereas workplace stressors continue to be factored into the development of mental health initiatives, it is proposed that aspects of masculine culture have been overlooked as contributing to the prevalence of mental illness among Canadian officers. By drawing on Michel Foucault’s theory of discourse, this study was conducted to determine if elements of masculine discourse exist as a socio-cultural barrier for officers seeking mental health assistance. This research supported the above hypothesis, and furthermore, identified how masculine discourse works in competition with mental health-related help-seeking discourses. To answer the research question, semi-structured phone interviews with active and retired male officers from Western provincial and municipal policing organizations, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police were employed. Through thematic analysis of the transcripts, the data revealed three themes: i) masculinity in law enforcement is a determinant of workplace competency; ii) the dominance of masculine culture in law enforcement is problematic for mental health, and iii) improved help-seeking policies complicate how masculinity is expressed in law enforcement organizations. These findings suggest that within the reviewed Canadian law enforcement organizations, aspects of masculinity act as a socio-cultural barrier to officers seeking mental health services, and that the two conflicting discourses of masculinity and mental health-related help-seeking appear to be in competition with each other.

Keywords: competing discourses, dominant discourses, Foucault’s theory of discourse, law enforcement, masculinity, mental health, police officers

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Authors: Haiyan Huang, Jan Blommaert, Ellen Van Praet

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The embrace of neoliberal economic system in China has engendered the entry of global commodity capitalism into domestic Chinese market and ushered in the post-feminism that is closely associated with consumerism from western culture. Chinese women are instilled and thus hold the belief of empowering themselves and expressing their individualism through consumption. To unravel the consumerist ideologies embedded in Li’s discursive practices, we rely on critical discourse analysis (CDA) as our research framework. The data analyses suggest that cosmopolitanism and class are two repeating themes when Li engages in persuading consumerist behaviors from the female audience. Through hints and cues such as “going on business trips”, “traveling abroad”, “international brands” and among others, Li provides the access to and possibility of imagining cosmopolitan and middle class identity for his audience. Such yearning for western culture and global citizen identity also implicates the aspiration for a well-off socioeconomic status, proving that post-feminism in China not only embodies western consumerism but also implicates the struggle of class movement. These defining elements of choice and freedom are well-situated in contemporary Chinese society where women are enjoying more educational and economic independence than before. However a closer examination reveals conflicts between hegemonic discourse of post-feminism and the status quo. First, propagating women’s power through consumption obscure the entrenched gender inequality in China. Philosophies such as employment discrimination, equal payment, education right, etc., the cornerstones of feminism did not exist in China, leading to historical gender issues unsolved. Second, the lengthy broadcastings (which normally last more than 2 hours) featured with big discounts on products beg the question who are the real audience of ecommerce livestreaming. Seemingly addressing to young well-off Chinese females, Li’s discursive practice can be targeting at young but not wealthy girls who aspire to mimic the lifestyle of middle class women. By selling the idea of empowering and constructing identity through consuming beauty products (e.g., lipsticks), capitalists are endeavoring to create the post-feminism illusion and cause anxieties among Chinese females. Through in-depth analyses of hegemonic discourse on ecommerce livestreaming of lipsticks, the paper contributes to a better understanding of post-feminism in contemporary China and meanwhile illustrates the problems Chinese women face in securing power and equality.

Keywords: Chinese women, critical discourse analysis, ecommerce livestreaming, post-feminism

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Authors: Noah Yusuf

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The present paper examined the current level of socio-political and economic development in Africa. Models and experiences from other regions of the world, especially, developing ones with similar historical experience with Africa, were explored. The paper concluded that recommendations emanating from past conferences, seminars and symposia on the continent’s socio-economic and political challenges have been poorly implemented because of lack of strong political will; the donor syndrome; weak resource base; capacity constraints in institutions; and lack of accountability, transparency and poor governance. It is, therefore, recommended that African countries need implement sound policies and reforms on a comprehensive basis, if they are to achieve the desired socio-economic and political transformation; and the African in Diasporas represent critical instruments in attaining the socio-economic and political objectives of the continent.

Keywords: Africa, political transformation, economic transformation, Africans in diasporas

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Authors: Bharti Yadav

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Global migration and the rise of far-right parties have expanded the significance of political discussions enclosing multiculturalism. This research paper will focus on the rise of far-right political parties in Europe over the last nearly two decades and how right-wing politics affect multiculturalism in a detrimental way; major European leaders have publicly stated that multiculturalism in their countries has failed. This paper also discusses the main reasons for right-wing politics is normalizing in Europe. Far-right political parties are the fastest-growing parties in Europe, and multiculturalism is an unescapable significant political issue. The rise of far-right anti-immigrant parties diminishes mainstream party support for multiculturalism. Mainstream parties are more receptive to both increasing in ethnic minorities’ electoral power and the rise of far-right parties.

Keywords: political parties, far-right, migration, multiculturalism

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Authors: Ana Nemsadze

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Contemporary era and society are called postindustrial era and postindustrial society and/or informational era and informational society. Today science intends to define concept of information and comprehend informations role and function in contemporary society. Organization of social environment and governance of public processes on the base of information and tools of communication are main characteristics of informational era. This was defined by technological changes which were accomplished in culture in the second half of twentieth century. Today Georgia as an independent state needs to create an informational discourse of the country and therefore it is very important to study political and social cases which accomplished in the country after collapse of the Soviet Union because they start to define the present and the future of the country. The purpose of this study is to analyze political cases of the latest history of Georgia in terms of culture and information, concretely to elucidate which political cases transformed social life of post Soviet Georgia most of all who accomplished these political cases which visual and verbal messages was each political case spread with. The research is conducted on the base of interview. Participants of the interview are people of various specializations. Their professional activity is related to reflections on culture and theme of visual communication. They are philosophers sociologists a journalist media researcher a politologist a painter. The participants of the interview enumerated political cases and characterized them separately. Every expert thinks that declaration of independence of Georgia is the most important fact among all facts which were implemented in Georgia after collapse of the Soviet Union. The research revealed important social and political cases. Most of the cases are related to independence and territorial integrity of the state. Presidents of Georgia Zviad Gamsakhurdia Eduard Shevardnadze Mikheil Saakashvili Catholocos-Patriarch of All Georgia, the Archbishop of Mtskheta Tbilisi and Metropolitan bishop of Bichvinta and Tskhum Abkhazia Ilia II, businessman Bidzina Ivanishvili assumed dominating roles in cases. Verbal narrative of the cases accomplished during Zviad Gamsakhurdia presidential term expresses national freedom and visual part of cases of the same period expresses ruin of social-political structure. Verbal narrative of the cases accomplished during Eduard Sevardnadze presidential term expresses Free State and stability and reestablishment of Georgias political function in international relations and visual part of cases of the same period describes the most important moment of his presidential term and Eduard Shevardnadzes face appears too. Verbal narrative of the cases accomplished during Mikheil Saakashvilis presidential term expresses social renewal and visual part of cases of the same period describes August war and Mikheil Saakashvilis face appears too. The results of the study also reveal other details of visual verbal narrative of political and social cases of post Soviet Georgia. This gives a chance to start further reflection.

Keywords: culture, narrative, post soviet, visual communication

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Authors: Peter Jin

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Ever since the recent resurgence of interest in political theorist Carl Schmitt’s work, much of the current analysis on Schmitt has fo-cused on evaluating Schmitt’s legacy by exposing contradictions in his rationale. Rather than condemn such contradictions, this paper instead seeks to analyze these contradictions in an effort to better understand the radical shift in Schmitt’s intellectual trajectory from an astute critic of liberal democracy to a fascist apologist towards the end of the Weimar period. An essential part of this change is his interest in what Schmitt called ‘the emergence of aesthetics.’ Schmitt diagnosed the underlying issue with the aesthetic in the political sphere to be its irrationalism, indifference, and indeci-siveness. For Schmitt, the latter two of these were especially prob-lematic for two of his key concepts: the ‘political’ and ‘the shared historical reality.’ Schmitt’s radical depiction of ‘the political’ as an existential opposition of allegiances that necessitated a state of emergency and a decisionist sovereign political struggle required an equally radical justification, or Schmitt’s call for ‘a shared his-torical reality’ not based in historical fact yet able to mobilize the masses. In this way, Schmitt clearly condemns the indifferent, indecisive aesthetic that runs against his decisionist, action-oriented political theory. Yet despite his firm stance against aestheticism, Schmitt himself used the evocative and irrational power of aesthet-icism as a tool to present his own ‘political myth’ that compelled believers to join in decisive unity against a common enemy. In short, Schmitt’s contradictions on aestheticism and his creation of a ‘political myth’ suggest that Schmitt’s underlying conflict with aestheticism was not as much of an issue of irrationality as it was a chronic preoccupation with coercing concrete action at the expense of rational deliberation.

Keywords: aesthetics of the political, Carl Schmitt, political myth, Weimar democracy

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Authors: Nashwa Elyamany

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In visual cultures, namely that of the United States, media representations are such influential and pervasive reflections of societal norms and expectations to the extent that they impact the manner in which both genders view themselves. Health and fitness magazines fall within the realm of visual culture. Since the main goal of communication is to ensure proper dissemination of information in order for the target audience to grasp the intended messages, it becomes imperative that magazine publishers, editors, advertisers and image producers use different modes of communication within their reach to convey messages to their readers and viewers. A rapid waxing flow of multimodality floods popular discourse, particularly health and fitness magazine cover pages. The use of well-crafted cover lines and visual images is imbued with agendas, consumerist ideologies and properties capable of effectively conveying implicit and explicit meaning to potential readers and viewers. In essence, the primary goal of this thesis is to interrogate the multi-semiotic operations and manifestations of hegemonic masculinity and femininity in male and female body culture, particularly on the cover pages of the twin American magazines Men's Health and Women's Health using corpora that spanned from 2011 to the mid of 2016. The researcher explores the semiotic resources that contribute to shaping and legitimizing a new form of postmodern, consumerist, gendered discourse that positions the reader-viewer ideologically. Methodologically, the researcher carries out analysis on the macro and micro levels. On the macro level, the researcher takes on a critical stance to illuminate the ideological nature of the multimodal ensemble of the cover pages, and, on the micro level, seeks to put forward new theoretical and methodological routes through which the semiotic choices well invested on the media texts can be more objectively scrutinized. On the macro level, a 'themes' analysis is initially conducted to isolate the overarching themes that dominate the fitness discourse on the cover pages under study. It is argued that variation in terms of frequencies of such themes is indicative, broadly speaking, of which facets of hegemonic masculinity and femininity are infused in the fitness discourse on the cover pages. On the micro level, this research work encompasses three sub-levels of analysis. The researcher follows an SF-MMDA approach, drawing on a trio of analytical frameworks: Halliday's SFG for the verbal analysis; Kress & van Leeuween's VG for the visual analysis; and CMT in relation to Sperber & Wilson's RT for the pragma-cognitive analysis of multimodal metaphors and metonymies. The data is presented in terms of detailed descriptions in conjunction with frequency tables, ANOVA with alpha=0.05 and MANOVA in the multiple phases of analysis. Insights and findings from this multi-faceted, social-semiotic analysis are interpreted in light of Cultivation Theory, Self-objectification Theory and the literature to date. Implications for future research include the implementation of a multi-dimensional approach whereby linguistic and visual analytical models are deployed with special regards to cultural variation.

Keywords: gender, hegemony, magazine cover page, multimodal discourse analysis, multimodal metaphor, multimodal metonymy, systemic functional grammar, visual grammar

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Authors: Si On Na

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The development of American radio and print media since World War II has allowed people with disabilities to engage more directly with the public, gradually changing the perception that disabled people constitute a kind of social impairment or burden. People with disabilities have rarely been portrayed as equal to the non-disabled. In the postwar period, a dramatic shift from eugenicist conceptualizations of disability and widespread institutionalization gradually evolved into conditions of greater openness in public discourse. This discourse was marked at mid-century by telethons and news media (both print and television) which sought to commodify people with disabilities for commercial gain through stories that promoted alienating forms of empowerment alternating with paternalistic pity. By comparing studies of the history of American disability advocacy in the twentieth century and the evolution of the image of disability characteristic of mid-century media discourse, this paper will examine the relationship between the passage of the American with Disabilities Act of 1990 (ADA) and the expanded media representation of people with disabilities. This paper will argue that the legal mandate of the ADA ultimately transformed the image of people with disabilities from those who are weak and in need of support to viable consumers, encouraging traditional American print, film, and television media outlets to solicit the agency of people with disabilities in the authentic portrayal of themselves and their disabilities.

Keywords: ADA, disability representation, media portrayal, postwar United States

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Authors: Qi Jing

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This paper examines and defends Jürgen Habermas’s claim that law is the other side of democracy. It is believed that law and democracy are related, for Habermas, through the mediation of communicative rationality and discourse ethics. These ground a procedural conception of democracy, which legitimizes and rationalizes legal codes in a robust public sphere, linking the exercise of democratic political power to the form of law. The strengths of Habermas’s approach lie, it should be claimed, in its overcoming of relativism, its combination of democratically-enacted law with post-conventional morality, and its correction of the one-sided emphasis on private and public autonomy in Kant and Rousseau, respectively.

Keywords: habermas, law, democracy, reason, public sphere

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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The paradigm of Modern Linguistics incorporates disciplines which allow to analyze both language and discourse units and to demonstrate the multi-layeredness of lingo-cultural consciousness. By implementing lingo-cognitive approach to discourse and communication studies, the present paper tries to create the integral linguistic picture of the concept of joy and to analyze the lexico-semantic groups and relevant lexico-semantic variants of its realization in the context of Modern English fiction.

Keywords: concept of joy, lexico-semantic variant, semantic sign, cognition

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Authors: Vilasinee Jintalikhitdee, Phusit Phukamchanoad, Sakapas Saengchai

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This research aims to study the level of democratic political culture and the factors that affect the democratic political culture of 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok by using stratified sampling for probability sampling and using purposive sampling for non-probability sampling to collect data toward the distribution of questionnaires to 300 respondents. This covers all of the schools under the authority of Dusit District Office. The researcher analyzed the data by using descriptive statistics which include arithmetic mean, standard deviation, and inferential statistics which are Independent Samples T-test (T-test) and One-Way ANOVA (F-test). The researcher also collected data by interviewing the target groups, and then analyzed the data by the use of descriptive analysis. The result shows that 5th and 6th graders under the authority of Dusit District Office, Bangkok have exposed to democratic political culture at high level in overall. When considering each part, it found out that the part that has highest mean is “the constitutional democratic governmental system is suitable for Thailand” statement. The part with the lowest mean is “corruption (cheat and defraud) is normal in Thai society” statement. The factor that affects democratic political culture is grade levels, occupations of mothers, and attention in news and political movements.

Keywords: democratic, political culture, political movements, democratic governmental system

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Authors: Najmuddin Najmuddin

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The purpose of this study is to determine whether media usage and change of citizenship norms influence political participation. The focus of this study is to examine citizenship norms in the context of the development of information, and communication technology and how it will impact political participation in the context of Indonesia's transition to democracy. The study use survey method. The main theoretical framework is media and political participation. The results of this study reveal that gender, age and educational background of the respondents did not influence significantly media usage and citizenship norms. The Results also show that educational background is not a factor that distinguishes media usage but it becomes differentiating factor in citizenship norms. The results further show that the media usage has a significant correlation with citizenship norms and citizenship norms has a significant relationship with political participation. In addition, media usage and citizenship norms impact significantly to political participation. The sub-dimensions of citizenship norms (compliance, duty, and engaged citizen) provides a significant contribution to the sub-dimensions of political participation (traditional political participation, modern political participation, civic political participation). Based on the findings it can be concluded that the political euphoria in the era of transition to democracy has changed pattern media usage and citizenship norms of among the young generation.

Keywords: media, citizenship, norms, political, participation, democracy

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Authors: Wegig Muwonugroho

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Subjectivity in advertisement is a ‘power’ possessed by advertisements to construct trend, concept, truth, and ideology through subconscious mind. Advertisements, in performing their functions as message conveyors, use such visual representation to inspire what’s ideal to the people. Ambient media is advertising medium making the best use of the environment where the advertisement is located. Miracle Aesthetic Clinic (Miracle) popularizes the visual representation of its ambient media advertisement through the omission of face-image of both female mannequins that function as its ambient media models. Usually, the face of a model in advertisement is an image commodity having selling values; however, the faces of ambient media models in Miracle advertisement campaign are suppressed over the table and wall. This face concealing aspect creates not only a paradox of subjectivity but also plurality of meaning. This research applies critical discourse analysis method to analyze subjectivity in obtaining the insight of ambient media’s meaning. First, in the stage of textual analysis, the embedding attributes upon female mannequins imply that the models are denoted as the representation of modern women, which are identical with the identities of their social milieus. The communication signs aimed to be constructed are the women who lose their subjectivities and ‘feel embarrassed’ to flaunt their faces to the public because of pimples on their faces. Second, in the stage of analysis of discourse practice, it points out that ambient media as communication media has been comprehensively responded by the targeted audiences. Ambient media has a role as an actor because of its eyes-catching setting, and taking space over the area where the public are wandering around. Indeed, when the public realize that the ambient media models are motionless -unlike human- stronger relation then appears, marked by several responses from targeted audiences. Third, in the stage of analysis of social practice, soap operas and celebrity gossip shows on the television become a dominant discourse influencing advertisement meaning. The subjectivity of Miracle Advertisement corners women by the absence of women participation in public space, the representation of women in isolation, and the portrayal of women as an anxious person in the social rank when their faces suffered from pimples. The Ambient media as the advertisement campaign of Miracle is quite success in constructing a new trend discourse of face beauty that is not limited on benchmarks of common beauty virtues, but the idea of beauty can be presented by ‘when woman doesn’t look good’ visualization.

Keywords: ambient media, advertisement, subjectivity, power

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Authors: Thanny Noeem Taiwo

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The study is an attempt to gauge the way political parties advertised their candidates and parties during the 2015 presidential election. It examined the prominence given to political advertisement by newspapers and their patrons. It also looked at the campaign issues that the candidates emphasized in their campaign and also the appeals used in the advertisements. This research work is examined against the backdrop of the Framing Theory. The agenda setting and framing effects theories are media effects theories that explain how the media affects the people, events and situations in the society. Samples comprising of three daily newspapers were selected to represent the newspapers in the Nigeria. The Punch Newspaper, the Nation and the Vanguard will be used for population of this study. These newspapers were chosen because they are widely read national dailies and also because of its affiliation with some political parties. The study revealed that low prominence was given to political messages because most of the advertisements were in the inside pages of the newspapers. The media or the print medium could be a partner in a political setting as the fourth estate of the realm. While the press was trying hard to be professional, its operations were considerably inhibited by the political adventures of the patrons of the media. There is the need for strict professionalism to the ethics of journalism in the commercialization of political messages that would eventually rub off positively on the way the media is perceived.

Keywords: aAdvertisement, election, framing, newspaper

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Authors: Mochamad Nuruz Zaman, Mangatur Rudolf Nababan, M. A. Djatmika

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Both society and education areas teach to have good communication for building the interpersonal skills up. Everyone has the capacity to understand something new, either well comprehension or worst understanding. Worst understanding makes the language errors when the interactions are done by someone in the first meeting, and they do not know before it because of distance area. “The Space between Us” movie delivers the love-adventure story between Mars Boy and Earth Girl. They are so many missing conversations because of the different climate and environment. As the moviegoer also must be focused on the subtitle in order to enjoy well the movie. Furthermore, Indonesia subtitle and English conversation on the movie still have overlapping understanding in the translation. Translation hereby consists of source language -SL- (English conversation) and target language -TL- (Indonesia subtitle). These research gap above is formulated in research question by how the language errors happened in that movie and their effects on translation quality which is deepest analyzed by translation study toward discourse analysis approach. The research goal is to expand the language errors and their translation qualities in order to create a good atmosphere in movie media. The research is studied by embedded research in qualitative design. The research locations consist of setting, participant, and event as focused determined boundary. Sources of datum are “The Space between Us” movie and informant (translation quality rater). The sampling is criterion-based sampling (purposive sampling). Data collection techniques use content analysis and questioner. Data validation applies data source and method triangulation. Data analysis delivers domain, taxonomy, componential, and cultural theme analysis. Data findings on the language errors happened in the movie are referential, register, society, textual, receptive, expressive, individual, group, analogical, transfer, local, and global errors. Data discussions on their effects to translation quality are concentrated by translation techniques on their data findings; they are amplification, borrowing, description, discursive creation, established equivalent, generalization, literal, modulation, particularization, reduction, substitution, and transposition.

Keywords: discourse analysis, language errors, The Space between Us movie, translation techniques, translation quality instruments

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Authors: Binger Lu

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It remains unclear whether second language (L2) speakers could use discourse context cues to predict upcoming information as native speakers do during online comprehension. Some researchers propose that L2 learners may have a reduced ability to generate predictions during discourse processing. At the same time, there is evidence that discourse-level cues are weighed more heavily in L2 processing than in L1. Previous studies showed that L1 prediction is sensitive to the global validity of predictive cues. The current study aims to explore whether and to what extent L2 learners can dynamically and strategically adjust their prediction in accord with the global validity of predictive cues in L2 discourse comprehension as native speakers do. In a self-paced reading experiment, Chinese native speakers (N=128), C-E bilinguals (N=128), and English native speakers (N=128) read high-predictable (e.g., Jimmy felt thirsty after running. He wanted to get some water from the refrigerator.) and low-predictable (e.g., Jimmy felt sick this morning. He wanted to get some water from the refrigerator.) discourses in two-sentence frames. The global validity of predictive cues was manipulated by varying the ratio of predictable (e.g., Bill stood at the door. He opened it with the key.) and unpredictable fillers (e.g., Bill stood at the door. He opened it with the card.), such that across conditions, the predictability of the final word of the fillers ranged from 100% to 0%. The dependent variable was reading time on the critical region (the target word and the following word), analyzed with linear mixed-effects models in R. C-E bilinguals showed reliable prediction across all validity conditions (β = -35.6 ms, SE = 7.74, t = -4.601, p< .001), and Chinese native speakers showed significant effect (β = -93.5 ms, SE = 7.82, t = -11.956, p< .001) in two of the four validity conditions (namely, the High-validity and MedLow conditions, where fillers ended with predictable words in 100% and 25% cases respectively), whereas English native speakers didn’t predict at all (β = -2.78 ms, SE = 7.60, t = -.365, p = .715). There was neither main effect (χ^²(3) = .256, p = .968) nor interaction (Predictability: Background: Validity, χ^²(3) = 1.229, p = .746; Predictability: Validity, χ^²(3) = 2.520, p = .472; Background: Validity, χ^²(3) = 1.281, p = .734) of Validity with speaker groups. The results suggest that prediction occurs in L2 discourse processing but to a much less extent in L1, witha significant effect in some conditions of L1 Chinese and anull effect in L1 English processing, consistent with the view that L2 speakers are more sensitive to discourse cues compared with L1 speakers. Additionally, the pattern of L1 and L2 predictive processing was not affected by the global validity of predictive cues. C-E bilinguals’ predictive processing could be partly transferred from their L1, as prior research showed that discourse information played a more significant role in L1 Chinese processing.

Keywords: bilingualism, discourse processing, global validity, prediction, self-paced reading

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Authors: Jukka Törrönen

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In the article, we examine the interplay between the practices of heavy drinking and exercise among young people as patterned around the ‘social’ and ‘physical health’ approaches. The comparison helps us to clarify why young people are currently drinking less than earlier and how the neoliberal healthism discourse, as well as the feminine tradition of taking care of one’s body, are modifying young people’s heavy drinking practices. The data is based on interviews (n = 56) in Sweden among 15-16-year-olds and 18˗19-year-olds. By drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, field, and capital, we examine what kinds of resources of wellbeing young people accumulate in the fields of heavy drinking and exercise, how these resources carry symbolic value for distinction, and what kind of health-related habitus they imply. The analysis suggests that as heavy drinking is no longer able to stand as a practice through which one may acquire capital that is more valuable than the capital acquired in other fields, this lessens peer pressure to drink among young people. Our analysis further shows that the healthism discourse modifies young people’s heavy drinking practices both from inside and from outside. The interviewees translate the symbolic value of healthism discourse to social vulnerability and deploy it for the purposes of increasing one’s social status among peers. Moreover, our analysis demonstrates that the social spaces and positions in intoxication and exercise are shaped by gendered dualisms of masculine dominance. However, while the interviewees naturalize the gender binaries in intoxication as based on biological drives, they understand gender binaries in exercise as normative social constructions of neoliberal society. As these binaries emphasize the struggle for recognition of the symbolic value of bodily look, they may shift young men’s attention from risk-taking to issues that traditionally have been female concerns.

Keywords: young people, decline in drinking , health, intoxication, exercise, Bourdieu

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Authors: Jingsong Ma

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In political translation, ideology plays an important role in conveying implications accurately. Ideological collisions can occur in political translation when there existdifferences of political environments embedded in the translingual political texts in both source and target languages. To reach an accurate translationrequires the translatorto understand the ideologies implied in (and often transcending) the texts. This paper explores the conditions, procedure, and purpose of processingideological collision and resolution of such issues in political translation. These points will be elucidated by case studies of translating English and Chinese political texts. First, there are specific political terminologies in certain political environments. These terminological peculiarities in one language are often determined by ideological elements rather than by syntactical and semantical understanding. The translation of these ideological-loaded terminologiesis a process and operation consisting of understanding the ideological context, including cultural, historical, and political situations. This will be explained with characteristic Chinese political terminologies and their renderings in English. Second, when the ideology in the source language fails to match with the ideology in the target language, the decisions to highlight or disregard these conflicts are shaped by power relations, political engagement, social context, etc. It thus is necessary to go beyond linguisticanalysis of the context by deciphering ideology in political documents to provide a faithful or equivalent rendering of certain messages. Finally, one of the practical issues is about equivalence in political translation by redefining the notion of faithfulness and retainment of ideological messages in the source language in translations of political texts. To avoid distortion, the translator should be liberated from grip the literal meaning, instead diving into functional meanings of the text.

Keywords: translation, ideology, politics, society

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

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Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Mehdi Damaliamiri

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Undoubtedly, the power of language is hardly a new topic; indeed, the persuasive power of language accompanied by ideology has long been recognized in different aspects of life. The two and a half thousand-year-old Bisitun inscriptions in Iran, proclaiming the victories of the Persian King, Darius, are considered by some historians to have been an early example of the use of propaganda. Added to this, the modern age is the true cradle of fully-fledged ideologies and the ongoing process of centrifugal ideologization. The most visible work on ideology today within the field of linguistics is “Critical Discourse Analysis” (CDA). The focus of CDA is on “uncovering injustice, inequality, taking sides with the powerless and suppressed” and making “mechanisms of manipulation, discrimination, demagogy, and propaganda explicit and transparent.” possible way of relating language to ideology is to propose that ideology and language are inextricably intertwined. From this perspective, language is always ideological, and ideology depends on the language. All language use involves ideology, and so ideology is ubiquitous – in our everyday encounters, as much as in the business of the struggle for power within and between the nation-states and social statuses. At the same time, ideology requires language. Its key characteristics – its power and pervasiveness, its mechanisms for continuity and for change – all come out of the inner organization of language. The two phenomena are homologous: they share the same evolutionary trajectory. To get a more robust portrait of the power and ideology, we need to examine its potential place in the structure, and consider how such structures pattern in terms of the functional elements which organize meanings in the clause. This is based on the belief that all grammatical, including syntactic, knowledge is stored mentally as constructions have become immensely popular. When the structure of the clause is taken into account, the power and ideology have a preference for Complement over Subject and Adjunct. The subject is a central interpersonal element in discourse: it is one of two elements that form the central interactive nub of a proposition. Conceptually, there are countless ways of construing a given event and linguistically, a variety of grammatical devices that are usually available as alternate means of coding a given conception, such as political crime and corruption. In the theory of construal, then, which, like transitivity in Halliday, makes options available, Cognitive Linguistics can offer a cognitive account of ideology in language, where ideology is made possible by the choices a language allows for representing the same material situation in different ways. The possibility of promoting alternative construals of the same reality means that any particular choice in representation is always ideologically constrained or motivated and indicates the perspective and interests of the text-producer.

Keywords: power, ideology, court, discourse

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Justine Ugochukwu Osuagwu, Sazali Abd Wahab

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The performance and operation of NNPC have faced series of attacks by all stakeholders as many have observed lots of inefficiency not only on the part of the management but the staff. This has raised questions of whether their operations and performance are being seriously affected by lack of transformational leadership, and the political competition prevalent in the country. The author has applied the administrative leadership theory and institutional theory as a guide to this study and empirically relates such theories to the study. The study also has utilized the quantitative approach where questionnaires were distributed to 370 participants, and the correctly filled and returned questionnaires were used for the analysis using structural equation modeling. The path coefficient of transformational leadership to performance is strong and positive with β = 0.672; t-value = 14.245; p-value = 0.000. Also, the result found that political competition does not mediate the relationship between transformational leadership and performance of NNPC. (β = -0.008; t-value = -0.600; p- value > 0.05). However, the indirect path is all insignificant, meaning that transformational leadership has relationship with corporate performance.The study found that,while political competition does not serve as a mediator in the relationship between transformational leadership and corporate performance, these styles of leadership have a direct and positive impact on corporate performance. The direct relationship between transformational leadership and political competition was not discovered, despite the fact that political competition has a direct and significant impact, both positive and negative, on corporate performance. As a result, both political competition and transformational leadership have the potential to significantly alter corporate performance.

Keywords: performance, transformational leadership, political competition, corporation performance, Nigeria national petroleum corporation

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Authors: Mohammad Saif

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In the post-Westphalianworld order, the concept of sovereignty has been a fundamental area of inquiry in Political Science, International Relations, and International Law. Modern Islamic political thought has also dedicated a fair share of debate on the subject. The debate fundamentally revolves around the ‘ontological differentiation’ between western and Islamic political thought. While the centrality of the individual in western political thought regards the individual as the center of universe, Islamic Political thought provides that space to God. The modern liberal democratic principles suggest sovereignty as one of the major attributes of modern nation state; Islamists regard sovereignty as an attribute of God. However, the position regarding God’ssovereignty in Islamic political thought is not coherent in conception. Some scholars regard such a position as ‘the political interpretation of Islam’. This paper is an attempt to first analyze the fundamental discord between two rival political ideologies (western and Islamic), and then forward a debate on the subject of sovereignty in South Asian Islamic Political thought, particularly between Syed Abul Ala Maududi (ideological father of modern islamist movements) andHifzurrahmanSeoharvi (lesser known in Academia but highly influential in shaping Deobandi position of principles related to political nature of Islamic theology). Maududi regardssovereignty as an attribute of God and the rulers as subservient to Gods will, Seoharvi suggests that God's sovereignty does not entail that the caliph or amir cannot be a ruler or hakim, nor can his command or hukum be an order. Certain references have also been made to contemporary scholars like Sayidd Qutub, Rashid al Ghanouchi, who in one way or the other have contributed to the debate on ‘sovereignty in Islamic thought’.

Keywords: nation state, sovereigty, sovereignty of God (Hakimmiyah), deoband

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Authors: Pamela Aimee Rigor

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This study aims to examine the representation of Syrian refugees resettled in Vancouver and the Lower Mainland in local community and major newspapers. While there is strong support for immigration in Canada, public opinion towards refugees and asylum seekers is a bit more varied. Concerns about the legitimacy of refugee claims are among the common concerns of Canadians, and hateful or negative narratives are still present in Canadian media discourse which affects how people view refugees. To counter the narratives, these Syrian refugees must publicly declare how grateful they are because they are resettled in Canada. The dominant media discourse is that these refugees should be grateful as they have been graciously accepted by Canada and Canadians, once again upholding the image of Canada being a generous and humanitarian nation. The study examined the representation of Syrian refugees and the Syrian refugee resettlement in Canadian newspapers from September 2015 to October 2017 – around the time Prime Minister Trudeau came into power up until the present. Using a combination of content and discourse analysis, it aimed to uncover how local community and major newspapers in Vancouver covered the Syrian refugee ‘crisis’ – more particularly, the arrival and resettlement of the refugees in the country. Using the qualitative data analysis software Nvivo 12, the newspapers were analyzed and sorted into themes. Based on the initial findings, the discourse of Canada being a humanitarian country and Canadians being generous, as well as the idea of Syrian refugees having to publicly announce how grateful they are, is still present in the local community newspapers. This seems to be done to counter the hateful narratives of citizens who might view them as people who are abusing help provided by the community or the services provided by the government. However, compared to the major and national newspapers in Canada, many these local community newspapers are very inclusive of Syrian refugee voices. Most of the News and Community articles interview Syrian refugees and ask them their personal stories of plight, survival, resettlement and starting a ‘new life’ in Canada. They are not seen as potential threats nor are they dismissed – the refugees were named and were allowed to share their personal experiences in these news articles. These community newspapers, even though their representations are far from perfect, actually address some aspects of the refugee resettlement issue and respond to their community’s needs. There are quite a number of news articles that announce community meetings and orientations about the Syrian refugee crisis, ways to help in the resettlement process, as well as community fundraising activities to help sponsor refugees or resettle newly arrived refugees. This study aims to promote awareness of how these individuals are socially constructed so we can, in turn, be aware of the certain biases and stereotypes present, and its implications on refugee laws and public response to the issue.

Keywords: forced migration and conflict, media representations, race and multiculturalism, refugee studies

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Authors: Majority Oji

Abstract:

The print media played a major role in the agitation for self-rule in Nigeria in the 1950s. It remains as a bastion of hope in the dark days of military rule in the country. But in the troubled waters of Nigeria’s politics, accusing fingers are pointed in the direction of the print media as problematic to the political development of the nation. Thus, Nigeria as a nation is torn between the paralyzing forces of political instability and the building powers of political stability. The press assigned a constitutional role to hold everyone, especially government officials accountable to the public, appears to be at the center of these forays. The paper takes a look at the strength and weakness of the print media as a stabilizing or destabilizing agent to the political development of Nigeria. Engaging in this study is essential and the findings fundamental to the sustainability of Nigeria’s nascent democracy. The study draws on the content analysis method. News items from major newspapers across the country were content analyzed to test the validity of the claims that the press serve as agent of political stability or political instability, and whether to accept or reject such claims. The study found that the press has published more stories that unite the people politically as found in the tested hypothesis which shows that P>0.05 implying that media publications are not significant to political instability of the nation regardless of the number of published news stories. The study recommends that all issues relating to professional and ethical standards that affect the practice of journalism in the print media should be addressed by regulatory bodies to starve of chances of information that could lead to intolerance being peddled in the print media.

Keywords: Nigeria, political instability, political stability, print media

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Authors: Rudolf Egger

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This paper explores the relationships between the basic learning processes of leading trade union workers and their methods for coping with the changes in the life-courses of societies today. It will discuss the fragile discourse on lifelong learning in trade unions and the “production of self-techniques” to get in touch with the new economic forms. On the basis of an empirical project, different processes of the socialization of leading trade union workers will be analysed to discover the consequences of the lifelong learning discourse. The results show what competences they need to develop for the “wider benefits of negotiations”. The main challenge remains to make visible how deeply intertwined trade union learning and education are with development in an ongoing dynamic economic process, rather than a quick-fix injection of skills and information. There is a complex relationship existing between the three ‘partners’, work, learning and society forming. The author suggests that contemporary trade unions could be trendsetters who make their own learning agendas by drawing less on formal education and more on informal and non-formal learning contexts. This is in parallel with growing political and scientific consciousness of the need to arrive at new educational/vocational policies and practices.

Keywords: trade union workers, educational leadership, learning societies, social acting

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