Search results for: elites

Authors: Inga Balarjishvili, Ia Natsvlishvili

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Article aims to discuss the controversial character of the institutional preferences of elites and society in modern Georgia. Desktop research method is used to formulate the findings and analyze the outcomes. It is accepted that transformation process in Post-Soviet Georgia went with the prevalence of elites’ institutional preferences over the needs of the society that induced voluntarism in the process of formation of institutions. Hypothesis of 'quasi-inclusion trap' is put forward in the article as an effect of authoritarian modernization that is proved by instable paces of wealth and economic growth in the post-authoritarian period. On the one hand, monopolization of institutional choice by the elites, blocking formation of inclusive political and economic institutions for fear of losing status-quo worsen perspectives for achieving free availability regime. On the other hand, consciousness of the society is dominated by informal institutions, judicial nihilism and orientation on 'self-survival values.' This hinders its consolidation as a 'collective principal' against 'institutional utilitarianism,' result of which is hindered economic development.

Keywords: elites, hypothesis of 'quasi-inclusion trap', institutional preferences, post-Soviet Georgia

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Authors: Guanghua Yu

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This article has examined the rise of the UK, US, and China at different historical times to explain the argument that it is open access in the economic sphere, as well as institutional building related to the protection of property rights, contract enforcement, financial market, the rule of law, and human resource accumulation that determine economic and human development. Both the UK, after the Glorious Revolution in the seventeenth century, and China, after its adoption of the open door policy at the end of the 1970s, follow such a path of development. The difference between the UK and China in moving toward that path is the different coordination of elites. While the coordination of elites in the UK through parliament played important roles in forcing the government to consider the wider encompassing interest in society after the Glorious Revolution, the coordination of elites in China has mainly been achieved by the Communist Party of China such that the Chinese Government has started to pay greater deal of attention to the wider encompassing interest in the country from 1978. The article has also examined the rise of the US following colonial settlement to independence and institutional building thereafter. The US case is similarly consistent with the argument that open access in the economic sphere and institutional building matter the most to economic development. More decentralized methods of the coordination of elites in the US among colonies (states), the federal governments, and other political groups similarly shaped the path towards open access in the economic sphere and institutional building. As such, open access in the political sphere plays an indirect role in development at best. If that is correct, there are possibilities that different political systems are able to achieve coordination of elites so that governments will turn their attention to development.

Keywords: open access, interconnected institutions, democracy, development

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Authors: Maryam Kakavand, Samira Entezari, Sara Khoshjamalfekri, Raghad Mimar

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The objective of this study is 1) to compare elite female and beginner taekwondo players in terms of plantar pressure distribution, vertical ground reaction force, contact area, mean pressure, and right and left longitudinal arches, and 2) to compare preferred and non-preferred limbs among elite players. To the best of authors’ knowledge, as of yet, there is no information available about the plantar pressure distribution and arch index among taekwondo players. Material and Methods: An analytical-comparative research method is applied. Therefore seven elite athletes and eight novice athletes were selected. The emed-C50 platform was used to assess plantar pressure distribution, vertical ground reaction force, contact area, mean pressure of different areas, and planter longitudinal arch in a second step protocol. Independent t-test and dependent t-test were used at a level of 0.05 to compare the elites and beginners' right and left feet, and preferred and non-preferred limbs among elite athletes, respectively. Results: In comparing the right and left limbs of elite and beginner groups, findings indicate that there is only a significant difference in the mean pressure of the first metatarsal of the right foot. Findings also showed a significant difference in the contact area of the toes 3, 4, 5 regions between elites’ preferred and non-preferred limbs. However, no significant difference was found between the two groups’ right and left limbs and elites’ preferred and non-preferred limbs in terms of pressure distribution, vertical ground reaction force, and arch index. Conclusion: It seems that taekwondo exercises have affected pressure distribution patterns among advanced players causing some differences in their planter pressure distribution pattern when compared to that of beginners. Therefore, taekwondo exercises may be a factor contributing to asymmetry performance in preferred and non-preferred limbs.

Keywords: planter pressure, arch index, taekwondo, elite

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Authors: Sterlyn Poueriet Gil

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Through the years, the construction of cultural identity in the Dominican Republic has been subject to multiple unfavorable conditions fostered by the elites. These conditions have led to the loss of a pattern that lasts over time; leaving this as a result of inconsistency and the diversity of elements that at first are theses and antitheses and gives form to the complexity of what we can call: "the culture of a people that tries to reinvent itself in each social-historical moment". Religion is one of those cultural elements that does not escape the will of the elites. In the country, there are multiple religious groups that, in one way or another, represent what the people are, their ancestral customs, their philosophy, and even their strengths as groups of a certain social environment. However, these have always been marginalized and discriminated against by the country's official religion and their respective denominations. The objective of this research was to verify to what extent interreligious discrimination was real, moving from the assumption to scientific evidence through the application of research techniques such as the survey, fieldwork, and qualitative analysis of the collected evidence, the supremacy of the dominant religion condemns its rites and in many cases the person himself. In many communities, freedom of worship is reserved for traditional groups, having cases in the country where the manifestations of rites such as the "gagá" and the "prillé" have been prohibited, considering them as diabolical and primitive practices; this seeks to deny the roots of a people marked by poverty and social conflicts but remains firm in the will to be.

Keywords: cultural identity, freedom of worship, gagá, popular demonstrations

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Authors: Annamarie Rannou, Horace Bartilow

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Global concerns about xenophobic activity are on the rise across developed and developing countries. And yet, social science scholarship has almost exclusively examined xenophobia as a prejudice of advanced western nations. This research argues that the fields of study related to xenophobia must be re-conceptualized within a framework of ethnicity in order to level the playing field for cross-regional inquiry. This study develops a new concept of ethnic xenophobia and integrates existing explanations of anti-migrant expression into theories of ethnic threat. We argue specifically that political elites convert economic, political, and social threats at the national level into ethnic xenophobic activity in order to gain or maintain political advantage among their native selectorate. We expand on Stuart Kaufman’s theory of symbolic politics to underscore the methods of mobilization used against migrants and the power of elite discourse in moments of national crises. An original dataset is used to examine over 35,000 cases of ethnic xenophobic activity targeting refugees. Wordscores software is used to develop a unique measure of anti-migrant elite rhetoric which captures the symbolic discourse of elites in their mobilization of ethnic xenophobic activism. We use a Structural Equation Model (SEM) to test the causal pathways of the theory across seventy-two developed and developing countries from 1990 to 2016. A framework of Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) is also applied to two pairs of developed-developing country cases, including Kenya and the Netherlands and Lebanon and the United States. This study sheds tremendous light on an underrepresented area of comparative research in migration studies. It shows that the causal elements of anti-migrant activity are far more similar than existing research suggests which has major implications for policy makers, practitioners, and academics in fields of migration protection and advocacy. It speaks directly to the mobilization of myths surrounding refugees, in particular, and the nationalization of narratives of migration that may be neutralized by the development of deeper associational relationships between natives and migrants.

Keywords: refugees, ethnicity, symbolic politics, elites, migration, comparative politics

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Authors: Patrick Dzimiri

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This chapter discusses the military-orchestrated leadership change in Zimbabwe that transpired in November 2017. Fundamentally, the chapter provides a critical examination of military interference in the country's politics and its implications for a political transition in the post-Mugabe dispensation. This chapter offers insight into Zimbabwe's political crises propelled by the lack of a succession plan. It emerged that the succession battle within ZANU-PF got complicated by the militarisation of factionalism. The chapter builds from an extensive review of primary and secondary data sources on political developments before and post-Mugabe era. Vilfredo Pareto's (1848-18923) theory on elite circulation is deployed herein to explain the absence of a succession mechanism within ZANU-PF and the militarisation of socio-politics life Zimbabwe. The chapter argues that what transpired in Zimbabwe’s power wrangle within the ZANU-PF political elites was triggered by a lack of a clear succession policy. Building from insights offered by Pareto's theory of elite circulation, it is averred that the removal of Mugabe by the military did not herald any form of political transition but rather a mere power play of one elite replacing another. In addition, it is argued that the lack of political reform by the Mnangagwa government affirms the position that political elites seek power for personal self-actualisation and not the public good. The chapter concludes that Mnangagwa's rise to power is nothing but a new elite displacing the old elite structure and does not herald a positive transition and transformation in the politics of Zimbabwe.

Keywords: military, politics, zimbabwe, governance, political transition

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Authors: Musa Ogah Ari

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Poverty has engaged the attention of the global community. Both the rich and poor countries are concerned about its prevalence and impacts. This phenomenon is more pervasive among developing countries with the greater challenges manifesting among African countries. In Nigeria people live with very low income, and so decent three-square meals, clothes, shelter and other basic necessities are very difficult to come by for most of the population. Qualitative health facilities are seriously lacking to over 160 million population in the state. Equally lacking are educational and social infrastructures that can be available to the people at affordable rates. Roads linking the interior parts of the state are generally in deplorable conditions, particularly in the rainy season. Safe drinking water is hard to come by as the state is not properly placed and equipped to function in full capacity to serve the interest of the people. The challenges of poverty is definitely enormous for both the national and state governments consequently, debilitating scourge of poverty. As the ruling elites in Nigeria claim to reduce the rising profile of poverty through series of policies and programmes, food production, promotion and funding of co-operatives for agriculture, improvement of infrastructures at the rural areas to guaranteeing employment through skill acquisition, assistance of rural women to break away from poverty and the provision of small scale credit facilities to poor members of the public were abysmally low. It is observed that the poverty alleviation programmes and policies failed because they were by nature, character and implementation pro-elites and anti-masses. None of the programmes or policies engaged the rural poor either in terms of formulation or implementation.

Keywords: the state, poverty, government policies, strategies, social amenities, corruption

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Authors: M. Moncef Khaddar

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This paper focuses mainly on a contextualized understanding of ‘autocratic authoritarianism’ in Tunisia without approaching its peculiarities in reference to the ideal type of capitalist-liberal democracy but rather analysing it as a Tunisian ‘civilian dictatorship’. This is reminiscent, to some extent, of the French ‘colonial authoritarianism’ in parallel with the legacy of the traditional formal monarchic absolutism. The Tunisian autocratic political system is here construed as a state manufactured nationalist-populist authoritarianism associated with a de facto presidential single party, two successive autocratic presidents and their subservient autocratic elites who ruled with an iron fist the de-colonialized ‘liberated nation’ that came to be subjected to a large scale oppression and domination under the new Tunisian Republic. The diachronic survey of Tunisia’s autocratic authoritarian system covers the early years of autocracy, under the first autocratic president Bourguiba, 1957-1987, as well as the different stages of its consolidation into a police-security state under the second autocratic president, Ben Ali, 1987-2011. Comparing the policies of authoritarian regimes, within what is identified synchronically as a bi-cephalous autocratic system, entails an in-depth study of the two autocrats, who ruled Tunisia for more than half a century, as modern adaptable autocrats. This is further supported by an exploration of the ruling authoritarian autocratic elites who played a decisive role in shaping the undemocratic state-society relations, under the 1st and 2nd President, and left an indelible mark, structurally and ideologically, on Tunisian polity. Emphasis is also put on the members of the governmental and state-party institutions and apparatuses that kept circulating and recycling from one authoritarian regime to another, and from the first ‘founding’ autocrat to his putschist successor who consolidated authoritarian stability, political continuity and autocratic governance. The reconfiguration of Tunisian political life, in the post-autocratic era, since 2011 will be analysed. This will be scrutinized, especially in light of the unexpected return of many high-profile figures and old guards of the autocratic authoritarian apparatchiks. How and why were, these public figures, from an autocratic era, able to return in a supposedly post-revolutionary moment? Finally, while some continue to celebrate the putative exceptional success of ‘democratic transition’ in Tunisia, within a context of ‘unfinished revolution’, others remain perplexed in the face of a creeping ‘oligarchic transition’ to a ‘hybrid regime’, characterized rather by elites’ reformist tradition than a bottom-up genuine democratic ‘change’. This latter is far from answering the 2010 ordinary people’s ‘uprisings’ and ‘aspirations, for ‘Dignity, Liberty and Social Justice’.

Keywords: authoritarianism, autocracy, democratization, democracy, populism, transition, Tunisia

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Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

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In Ethiopia, the relationships between different communities have been characterized by mistrust, prejudice, and conflict, resulting in mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations. These relationships are mainly based on ethnic, religious, and linguistic lines, leading to a polarized society. The aim of this study is to appraise the nature of two major community relationships, namely the I-Thou relationship, characterized by genuine dialogue and mutual understanding, and the I-It relationship, characterized by a monologue and mutual suspicion. The study also aims to analyze how these two types of relationships contribute to either resolving or aggravating conflicts and building or deteriorating peace in Ethiopia. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore the nature of the I-Thou and I-It relationships in the Ethiopian context. It also examines how political elites shape these relationships within the community. The study finds that the dominant relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, which is manifested as "com-animation." This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts have arisen, leading to violence, displacement, and human rights violations. The study concludes that there is a need to shift from the I-It (com-animation) relationship to the I-Thou (communication) relationship in Ethiopian society. This shift would involve rethinking and readjusting societal relationships, especially among political elites, to foster genuine dialogue, mutual understanding, and lasting peace. It is imperative to overcome mutual mistrust, prejudice, and misunderstanding in order to resolve conflicts and build a harmonious society in Ethiopia. The study's findings and recommendations contribute to raising awareness among both Ethiopians and the international community on the potential for conflict resolution and peacebuilding through a shift in community relationships.

Keywords: dialogue, I-Thou relationship, I-It relationship, conflict resolution, building peace

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Authors: Aleksandra Dragojlov

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Since the election of Aleksandar Vučić and the Progressives, Serbia has witnessed a slow decline in media freedom, which has been worse than in the 1990s. Although the government adopted a package of three laws in August 2014 to bring the media landscape up to European standards, the implementation of the laws has been limited and marginal, with the progressives engaging in fake compliance. The adoption of the new media strategy for 2020-2025 in 2020 has not led to genuine domestic reform and compliance with EU conditionality. In fact, the EU Commission and journalists’ associations in Serbia have criticised the decline in Serbia’s media freedom citing continued attacks on journalists and indirect political and economic control through advertising and project co-financing, which continue to be features of the Serbian media landscape. In the absence of clear and credible EU conditionality, the decline of media freedom is in the eye of the beholder, where the gap between public engagements with Serbian politicians and the critical stance of progress reports regarding the degradation of the media have enabled Serbian elites to exploit this ambiguity to continue their strategy of fake compliance vis-a-vis rule of law. This study used a mixed methods approach combining both primary and secondary sources with those semi-structured interviews via Zoom, email, and in person with EU and Serbian officials and journalists. Our findings add to the studies where the lack of clear and credible conditionality has allowed Serbia politicians to exploit them in a manner that would suit their own interests, finding new means to retain their control over the media. We argued and concluded that it is this discrepancy between public engagements with Serbia and the progress reports in the area of freedom of expression that has not led to genuine domestic media reforms in Serbia and instead allowed Serbian elites to engage in a strategy of fake and even non-compliance towards media freedom conditionality.

Keywords: media freedom, EU conditionality, Serbia, fake compliance, EU integration, Chapter 23, justice and fundamental rights

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Authors: Hatice Idil Gorgen

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Turkey has been investing in its national defence industrial base since the 1980s. State’s role in defence industry showed differences in Turkey. Parallel with this, ruling group’s attitude toward companies in defence sector varied. These changes in policies and behaviors of the state have occurred throughout such milestones as political and economic turmoil in domestic and international level. Hence, it is argued that state’s role, relations with private companies in defense sector and its policies towards the defense industry has shown differences due to the international system, political institutions, ideas and political coalitions in Turkey since the 1980s. Therefore, in order to see changes in the role of the state in defence sector, this paper aims to indicate first, history of state’s role in production and defence industry in the post-1980s era. Secondly, to comprehend the changes in the state’s role in defence industry, Stephan Haggard’s sources of policy change will be provided in the theoretical ground. Thirdly, state cooperated, and joint venture defence firms, state’s actions toward them will be observed. The remaining part will explore the underlying reasons for the changes in the role of the state in defence industry, and it implicitly or explicitly impacts on state business relations. Major findings illustrate that targeted idea of self-sufficient or autarky Turkey to attract domestic audience and to raise the prestige through defence system; ruling elites can regard defence industry and involved business groups as a mean for their ends. State dominant value, sensitive perception which has been ever since Ottoman Empire, prioritizes business groups in defence industry compared to others and push the ruling elites to pursue hard power in defence sectors. Through the globally structural transformation in defence industry, integration of Turkey to liberal bloc deepened and widened interdependence among states. Although it is a qualitative study, it involves the numerated data and descriptive statistics. Data will be collected by searching secondary sources from the literature, examining official documents of ministry of defence, and other appropriate ministries.

Keywords: defense industry, state and business relations, public private relations, arm industry

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Authors: Ben Main Piotr Ozieranski

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State government spending on pharmaceuticals stands at 1 trillion USD globally, promoting criticism of the pharmaceutical industry's monetization of drug efficacy, product cost overvaluation, and health injustice. This paper elucidates the mechanisms behind a state-institutional response to this problem through the sociological lens of the strategic relational approach to state power. To do so, 30 expert interviews, legal and policy documents are drawn on to explain how state elites in New Zealand have successfully contested a 30-year “pharmaceutical spending containment policy”. Proceeding from Jessop's notion of strategic “selectivity”, encompassing analyses of the enabling features of state actors' ability to harness state structures, a theoretical explanation is advanced. First, a strategic context is described that consists of dynamics around pharmaceutical dealmaking between the state bureaucracy, pharmaceutical pricing strategies (and their effects), and the industry. Centrally, the pricing strategy of "bundling" -deals for packages of drugs that combine older and newer patented products- reflect how state managers have instigated an “incentivization game” that is played by state and industry actors, including HTA professionals, over pharmaceutical products (both current and in development). Second, a protective context is described that is comprised of successive legislative-judicial responses to the strategic context and characterized by the regulation and the societalisation of commercial law. Third, within the policy, the achievement of increased pharmaceutical coverage (pharmaceutical “mix”) alongside contained spending is conceptualized as a state defence of a "social profit". As such, in contrast to scholarly expectations that political and economic cultures of neo-liberalism drive pharmaceutical policy-making processes, New Zealand's state elites' approach is shown to be antipathetic to neo-liberals within an overall capitalist economy. The paper contributes an analysis of state pricing strategies and how they are embedded in state regulatory structures. Additionally, through an analysis of the interconnections of state power and pharmaceutical value Abrahams's neo-liberal corporate bias model for pharmaceutical policy analysis is problematised.

Keywords: pharmaceutical governance, pharmaceutical bureaucracy, pricing strategies, state power, value theory

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Authors: David Maina Muthegethi

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For decades, archaeological work of Swahili Civilization has mainly concentrated on exploration of economic and political dynamics of City states. This paper moves further and explore how gender roles were formed, maintained, negotiated and re-negotiated through time and space in Gede City. Unlike other Swahili city states, Gede was located around two miles away from the shores of Indian Ocean. Nonetheless, the city was characterized by security walls, stone houses, mosques and tombs typical of Swahili City states such as Kilwa. The study employed several methods of data collection namely: archival research, survey, re-examination of collected materials and excavation of Gede archaeological site. Since, the study aimed to examine gender roles across different social class, a total of three houses were excavated based on their social hierarchy. Thus, the houses were roughly categorized as belonging to elites, middle class and lower class. The house were located in the inner wall, second inner wall and the outer wall of Gede City respectively. Key findings shows that gender roles differed considerably along classes in Gede archaeological site. For instance, the women of the elite and middle class were active participants in Gede international trade through production and consumption of imported goods. This participation corresponded with commercialization of Gede households especially in elite’ areas where they hosted international traders. On the other hand, the middle class houses, women concentrated on running of light industries aimed at supplying goods for the urban community. Thus, they were able to afford exotic goods as their elites counterparts. Lastly, the gender roles of lower class entailed subsistence gender roles with little participation in Gede formal commerce. Interestingly, gender roles in Gede were dynamic in nature and response to cultural diffusion, spread of Islam, intensification of trade, diversification of subsistence patterns and urbanization. Therefore, this findings, demonstrate centrality of gender in reconstruction of social lives of Swahili Civilization.

Keywords: gender roles, Islam, Swahili civilization, urbanization

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Authors: Daniel Silander

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This article explores the EU Initiated European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) towards Ukraine. It also explores Russian geopolitics in the region. We argue that Ukraine is sandwiched between two regional powers in the EU and Russia. By analyzing EU democracy promotion towards Ukraine and neighbors, we assess a weak EU normative capacity. Instead of building a “ring of friends”, as argued by the EU Commission, in an enlarged democratic community, the EU has achieved poor democratic records in Ukraine which opened for a revival of Russia in the region and causes the international crisis over Crime of 2014.

Keywords: regional neighborhood policy, European Union, Russia, Ukraine, domestic elites

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Authors: Yali Liu

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The ethnographic research involved a multi-sited field trip study in China to compile in-depth data from Chinese multilingual academics of Korean, Japanese, and Russian. It aimed to create a culturally-informed portrait of their values and perceptions regarding their choice of language for academic publishing. Extended and lengthy fieldwork, or known as ‘deep hanging out’, enabled the author to gain a comprehensive understanding of the research context at the macro-level and the participants’ experiences at the micro-level. This research involved multiple fieldwork sites, which the author selected in acknowledgment of the diversity in China’s regions with respect to their geopolitical context, socio-economic development, cultural traditions, and administrative status. The 14 weeks of data collection took the author over-land to five regions in northern China: Hebei province, Tianjin, Jilin province, Gansu province, and Xinjiang. Responding to the fieldwork dynamics, the author positioned herself at different degrees of insiderness and outsiderness. This occurred at three levels: the regional level, the individual level, and the within-individual level. To enhance the ability to reflect on the authors’ researcher subjectivity, the author explored her understanding of the five ‘I’s, derived from the authors’ natural attributes. This helped the author to monitor her subjectivity, particularly during critical decision-making. The methodological challenges the author navigated were related to interviewing elites; this involved the initial approach, establishing a relationship, and negotiating the unequal power relationship during our contact. The author developed a number of strategies to strengthen her authority, and to gain the confidence of her envisaged participants and secure their collaboration, and the author negotiated a form of reciprocity that reflected their needs and expectations. The current ethnographic research has both theoretical and practical significance. It contributes to the methodological development regarding multi-sited ethnographic research. The messiness and strategies about positioning and interviewing elites will provide practical lessons for researchers who conduct ethnographic research, especially from power-‘less’ positions.

Keywords: multi-sited ethnographic research, elite interview, multilingual China, subjectivity, reciprocity

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Authors: Alvian R. E. Purnomo, K. Noni Srijati, Hernawan Adi

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Government regulation is a result of agreement on the struggle of ideas, interests, and ideologies among elites in state institution. The polemic about death penalty policy in Indonesia is still becoming an interesting discussion and also a complex issue. There are pros/ cons of whether the policy is humane or not. Indonesia becomes the concern of the world’s community because the policy of death penalty applied is considered not reflecting the values of Indonesian culture including tolerance, mutual cooperation, and love. This paper examines them using literature study on how public policy theories respond to humanity issues and how Indonesian government should take steps to the issue of the death penalty that has become polemic until now.

Keywords: government regulation, public policy, death penalty policy, humanity

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Authors: Surajo Ladan

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English has been in existence in Nigeria since colonial period. The advent of English in Nigeria has caused a lot of linguistic changes in Nigerian languages especially among the educated elites and to some extent, even the ordinary people were not spared from this phenomenon. This scenario has generated a linguistic situation which culminated into the creation of Nigerian Pidgin that are conglomeration of English and other Nigerian languages. English has infiltrated the Nigerian languages to a point that a typical Nigerian can hardly talk without code-switching or using one English word or the other. The existence of English loanwords in Nigerian languages has taken another dimension in this scientific and technological age. Most of scientific and technological inventions are products of English language which are virtually adopted into the languages with phonological, morphological, and sometimes semantic variations. This paper is of the view that there should be a re-think and agitation from Nigerians to protect their languages from the linguistic genocide of English which are invariably facing extinction.

Keywords: linguistic change, loanword, phenomenon, pidgin

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Authors: Nargess Fasih Mardanloo

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The purpose of this study was to identify affecting Stadium factors on branding of sport events in Iran. Research methods was qualitative. Interviews was used to collect data. Research community were experts and elites of sports management, sports events and sports marketing who use theoretical and Snowball sampling, 11 individuals were selected. The results showed, Effective ingredients in the city of the event included: Design and branding stadiums and sport facilities, General welfare in Stadium, Reconstruction of Present sports places.Managers can pay attention to the effective stadium factors. Then they use of the benefits of branding event, such as an increase in interest and media sponsors, ticket sales are able to enjoy the event, and many others.

Keywords: brand, branding of sport event, sports events, stadium, sport management.

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Authors: Louay Safi

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The notion of secular society that evolved over the last two centuries was initially intended to free the public sphere from religious imposition, before it assumed the form a comprehensive ideology whose aim is to prevent any overt religious expression from the public space. The negative view of religious expression, and the desire by political elites to purge the public space from all forms of religious expressions were first experienced in the Middle East in the last decades of the twentieth century in relation to Islam, before it manifests itself in the twentieth century Europe. Arab regimes were encouraged by European democracies to marginalize all forms of religious expressions in the public as part of the secularization process that was deemed necessary for modernization and progress. The prohibition of Islamic symbols and outlawing the headscarf was first undertaken to Middle Eastern republics, such as Turkey in 1930s and Syria in 1970s, before it is implemented recently in France. Secularization has been perceived by European powers as the central aspect of social and political liberalization, and was given priority over democratization and human rights, so much so that European elites were willing to entrust the task of nurturing liberal democracy to Arab autocrats and dictators. Not only did the strategy of empowering autocratic regimes to effect liberal democratic culture failed, but it contributed to the rise of Islamist extremism and produced failed states in Syria and Iraq that undermine both national and global peace and stability. The paper adopts the distinction made by John Rawls between political and comprehensive liberalism to argue that the modernization via secularization in Muslim societies is counterproductive and has subverted early successful efforts at democratization and reform in the Middle East. Using case studies that illustrate the role of the secularization strategy in Syria, Iran, and Egypt in undermining democratic and reformist movements in those countries, the paper calls for adopting a different approach rooted in liberal and democratic values rather than cultural practices and lifestyle. The paper shows that Islamic values as articulated by reform movements support a democratic and pluralist political order, and emphasizes the need to legitimize and support social forces that advocate democracy and human rights. Such an alternative strategy allows for internal competition among social groups for popular support, and therefore enhances the chances that those with inclusive and forward-looking political principles and policies would create a democratic and pluralist political order more conducive to meaningful national and global cooperation, and respectful of human dignity.

Keywords: democracy, Islamic values, political liberalism, secularization

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Authors: Nilufer Turksoy

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Social media tools successfully connect people from different milieu to each other. This easy access allows politicians with populist attitude to circulate any kind of political opinion or message, which will hardly appear in conventional media. Populism is a relevant concept, especially, in political communication research. In the last decade, populism in social media has been researched extensively. The present study focuses on how social media is used as a playground by Turkish Cypriot politicians to perform populism in Northern Cyprus. It aims to determine and understand the relationship between politicians and social media, and how they employ social media in their political lives. Northern Cyprus’s multi-faced character provides politicians with many possible frames and topics they can make demagogy about ongoing political deadlock, international isolation, economic instability or social and cultural life in the north part of the island. Thus, Northern Cyprus, bizarrely branded as a 'no man's land', is a case par excellence to show how politically and economically unstable geographies are inclined to perform populism. Northern Cyprus is legally invalid territory recognized by no member of the international community other than Turkey and a phantom state, just like Abkhazia and South Ossetia or Nagorno-Karabakh. Five ideological key elements of populism are employed in the theoretical framework of this study: (1) highlighting the sovereignty of the people, (2) attacking the elites, (3) advocacy for the people, (4) excluding others, and (5) invoking the heartland. A qualitative text analysis of typical Facebook posts was conducted. Profiles of popular political leaders who occupy top positions (e.g. member of parliament, minister, chairman, party secretary), who have different political views, and who use their profiles for political expression on daily bases are selected. All official Facebook pages of the selected politicians are examined during a period of five months (1 September 2017-31 January 2018). This period is selected since it was prior to the parliamentary elections. Finding revealed that majority of the Turkish Cypriot politicians use their social media profile to propagate their political ideology in a populist fashion. Populist statements are found across parties. Facebook give especially the left-wing political actors the freedom to spread their messages in manipulative ways, mostly by using a satiric, ironic and slandering jargon that refers to the pseudo-state, the phantom state, the unrecognized Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus state. While most of the political leaders advocate for the people, invoking the heartland are preferred by right-wing politicians. A broad range of left-wing politicians predominantly conducted attack on the economic elites and ostracism of others. The finding concluded that different politicians use social media differently according to their political standpoint. Overall, the study offers a thorough analysis of populism on social media. Considering the large role social media plays in the daily life today, the finding will shed some light on the political influence of social media and the social media usage among politicians.

Keywords: Northern Cyprus, populism, politics, qualitative text analysis, social media

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Authors: Birhanu Bitew Geremew

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In its attempt to colonize Ethiopia, Italy challenged the nationalism of Ethiopiawinet, claiming that Ethiopia is a mere collection of discrete ethnic groups brought together by Amhara colonialism. Extracting data from a variety of sources including secondary materials, opinions expressed in the broadcast, print and social media platforms, party documents, official letters and key informant interviews, this paper provides a critical reflection on how the colonial presence of Italy made a political mess in Ethiopia by asserting ethnic nationalism. The paper argues that the narratives invented by the Italians greatly contributed to the emergence of ethnic nationalism following the advent of Marxism-Leninism in Ethiopia. Borrowing narratives from the Italians, Ethiopian ethnic elites of the 1960s, who were the advocates of Marxism, simplistically categorized the Amhara as oppressor while ‘others’ as oppressed in Leninist fashion. This categorization negatively shaped the attitude of ‘others’ towards the Amhara and instigated massively executed genocide against these people.

Keywords: Amhara colonialism, Ethiopia, Genocide, historical narratives, Marxism

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Authors: Sandiso Mahlala, Fulufhelo Netswera

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Anecdotes of corruption and clear-cut lines of patronage in political parties and the government are frequently featured in South African newspapers and news media. Such graft and favouritism have institutionalised themselves more and more, resulting in the phenomenon of governmental capture and the diversion of Covid-19 relief monies. In order to further their own interests, political elites and those working in the public and private sectors influenced government decisions in this way. This paper presents examples of state capture, Covid-19 corruption, and patronage, as well as how these have a negative impact on broader governance and society at large. The fact that such corruption and patronage are occurring at a time when the South African economy is stagnating is particularly troubling since it implies that more people are getting less and raises concerns about the country's future political stability. This article further examines how party patronage as one method by which political parties exploit the state. The conceptual nature of the study is supported by a survey of the relevant literature from a range of sources, such as government regulations, media excepts, and scholarly works.

Keywords: political corruption, political patronage, patronage, state capture, COVID-19, corruption, South Africa

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Authors: Lorena Munoz

Abstract:

Since the 1990s cities in the global south have implemented revanchist neoliberal urban regeneration policies that cater to urban elites based on “recovering” public space for capital accumulation purposes. These policies often work to reify street vending as survival strategies of ‘last resort’ for marginalized people and as an unorganized, unsystematic economic activities that needs to be disciplined, incorporated and institutionalized into the formal economy. This paper suggests, that by moving away from frameworks that reify formal/informal spheres of the economy, we are able to disrupt and rethink normative understandings of economic practices categorized as ‘informal’. Through queering economies, informal workers center their own understandings of self-value and legitimacy informing their economic lives and contributions to urban life. As such, queering the economy opens up possibilities of rethinking urban redevelopment policies that incorporate rather than remove street vendors, as their economic practices are incorporated into the everyday fabric and aesthetic of urban life.

Keywords: queering economies, street vendors, immigrant economies, race and nationality

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Authors: Michael F. Mascolo

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Western democratic traditions are being strained. Western nations are losing the common agonistic ground needed to engage in traditional forms of democracy – adversarial debate, voting, and the peaceful transfer of power. Political polarization among party elites has become commonplace. Because it seeks to resolve conflict through the integration of opposites, a dialectical approach to resolving partisan conflict offers the promise of helping political partisans bridge ideological divides. This paper contains an analysis of dialectical engagement as a collaborative alternative to adversarial politics. Dialectical engagement involves two broad phases: collaborative political problem-solving and dialectical problem-solving. The paper contains a description of an 18-month longitudinal study assessing the effectiveness of dialectical engagement as a method for bridging divides on contentious socio-political issues. The study shows how dialectical engagement produced dramatic consensus among a small group of individuals from different political orientations as they worked together to resolve the issue of capital punishment.

Keywords: collaborative democracy, dialectical thinking, capital punishment, partisan conflict

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Authors: Zeynep Selin Acar

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In the world of wars, it is aimed to find ways to protect civilians propound by political elites. Current threats may come from edges of the security concerns, meaning uncontrollable terrorist groups, unanticipated government-supported armed groups or separatists, and unimaginable merge of the previous with foreign supports or oppositions of which could flow into all groups– flaws of international state system. These threats resulted in transformation of inter-state system into a world system with distinctive actors and brought along the changes in strategic plans of political and military bodies, as well as adaptations of principles framing the strategies in terms of may-be-applicable international law constrained by ethical considerations. This paper aims to analyse the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP), being one of those, with its criteria aiming to regulate military interventions taking the protection of civilians both as the reason for intervention, jus ad bellum or right to war, and as the duties during the intervention, jus in bello or how to conduct the war. In addition it will discuss the rise of its bindingness in terms of Responsibility Not to Veto (RNtoV), Franco/Mexican Political Declaration opened in signature for UN member states on September 2015.

Keywords: civilian protection, protection as responsibility, responsibility to protect, responsibility not to veto

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Authors: Wajid Hussain

Abstract:

The paper draws upon the study of socioeconomic reality as associated with discursively manipulative strategies in the representative fictional works from the South Asian Indian and the Afro-American literature. The study determines the context to which power functions behind the discourse of the powerful social groups, investigates how the socially established identities, such as constituted by caste and race, serve the vested interests of these elites, and, finally, ascertains the reaction which this socioeconomic monopoly of the few incurs from the socioeconomically dominated majority of the society. The study examines this notion in the selected fictional works by applying the methodological theory of Dialectical Materialism, which is the philosophical foundation of Marxism, and the concept of Discourse and Manipulation, a perspective form of Critical Discourse Analysis. The study adds a new dimension to the existing literature in that it not only focuses on the tussle between the social classes as based on the socioeconomic disparity but also traces out the emergence of the individuals from the socioeconomically victimized groups. Besides, it studies this endless socioeconomic process, as based on class distinction, from the perspective of discourse as well.

Keywords: dialectical materialism, discourse and manipulation, caste, race

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Authors: Michal Stelmach

Abstract:

The aim of this paper is a critical analysis of the security policy in the field of the fight against transnational criminal groups in Central America in XXI century. We are analyzing all taken issues from several perspectives: political, anthropological, sociological and legal which allows me to confront behavior and the attitudes of the political elites against official legislative changes and declared actions, strategies and policies against practice. In the first part of paper we would like to present the genesis and characteristic of transnational gangs, called maras and next we would like to present their activities and roles within chosen sectors of organized crimes. In the second part we will analyze the government’s policy towards transnational criminal groups. The analysis will be concentrated on public safety policy implemented in specific Central American countries as well as regional international cooperation. The main intention of the author is to present the state of the security in Central America in XXI century by emphasizing failures and successes in the fight against transnational criminal organizations. Additionally we want to present and define the challenges currently facing the region now and to show the prediction of the situation’s development within next future and to define the recommendations on the design of public security policies in Central American countries.

Keywords: maras, public security, human rights, Central America

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Authors: David E. Wilkins

Abstract:

While colonialism in its many guises remains the dominant theoretical framework within which to analyze Indigenous relations with state powers, this paper takes a deep look at the treaty, policy, and statutory efforts initiated by both Indigenous peoples and colonial, and later federal representatives within what is now the United States that were intended to create a Native constituent state of the union. While these plans ultimately failed, they are indicative of the reality that, throughout much of the shared Indigenous and American history, there were both Native and non-Native political elites who were keen on the idea of incorporating Indigenous peoples into the burgeoning body politic. This paper explores why these plans arose, who the architects were that devised them, which Native peoples were involved in, and why they ultimately failed to be enacted. Although governmental relations within the US remain fraught and unpredictable, Native nations continue to wield a form of sovereignty that, while truncated, has maintained their distinctive political statuses. There is much to be learned from the exploration of these mixed successes and failures. There are other examples across the globe whereby Indigenous peoples like the Saami and the Māori have secured greater clarity of their retained autonomy through structural political arrangements with the states that have laid claim to their territories while the Ainu struggle to regain their status.

Keywords: indigenous, sovereignty, diplomacy, intergovernmental

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Authors: Sisaye Tamrat Ayalew

Abstract:

The study focuses on the nature of community relationships in Ethiopia, specifically the I-Thou and I-It relationships, and how they contribute to conflict resolution and peacebuilding. It highlights the importance of genuine dialogue and mutual understanding in creating a unified and peaceful society. It analyzes the nature of community relationships in Ethiopia and evaluate how these relationships either contribute to conflict resolution or exacerbate conflicts. It aims to understand the role of genuine dialogue (I-Thou relationship) versus monologue (I-It relationship) in building lasting peace in the country. The study adopts a qualitative approach, specifically hermeneutics, to explore and understand the nature of community relationships in Ethiopia. It involves analyzing the characteristics of both I-Thou and I-It relationships and examining how the political elites shape these relationships within the community. The findings of the study indicate that the predominant type of relationship in Ethiopian society is the I-It relationship, referred to as "com-animation". This relationship is characterized by mutual mistrust, prejudice, hostility, and misunderstanding. As a result, conflicts, mass killings, displacement, and human rights violations have occurred. The study emphasizes the importance of shifting from com-animation to communication (I-Thou relationship) in order to address conflicts and establish lasting peace.

Keywords: dialogue, I-thou relationship, peace building, I-It relationship

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Authors: Jamilu Adamu

Abstract:

Radical political activities among the people of Northern Nigeria and Sabon Birni, in particular from the formation of the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU) and Northern People Congress (NPC) in the last decade of colonial rule, led to the dramatic spread of radical ideas that were expressed through party politics. The above two parties were said to be more prominent in each of the movements throughout the period covered by this study. The NEPU and NPC were said to have opposed one another in an attempt to establish their political control in the area. What is apparent about the nature of the opposition is that the earlier NEPU and People Redemption Party (PRP) emerged from the idea of liberating the common man (Talakawa) against all forms of oppression, thereby rejecting a contrary idea of supporting the native elites and their colonial collaborators as envisaged in the ideology of the later NPC and National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This laid the ground for ideological confrontation between the supporters of the two opposing wings all over the northern emirates and the Sabon Birni district in particular. The study used a qualitative method of data collection. This study examines the historical developments of radical party politics among the Gobirawa people of the Sabon Birni District of Sokoto. It also investigates the factors that inspired opposition politics among the Gobirawa people of Sabon Birni. These were analyses side-by-side with the role of the traditional leaders in the area in suppressing the activities of the opposition party.

Keywords: NEPU, NPC, radical politics, Sabon-Birni District

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