Search results for: political commitment

Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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Paper presents the discussion of scholars concerning speech impact, peculiarities of its realization, speech strategies, and techniques. Departing from the viewpoints of many prominent linguists, the paper suggests manipulative argumentation be viewed as a most pervasive speech strategy with a certain set of techniques which are to be found in modern American political discourse. The precedence of their occurrence allows us to regard them as pragmatic patterns of speech impact realization in effective public speaking.

Keywords: speech impact, manipulative argumentation, political discourse, technique

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Authors: Maryam Vaezi

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In this study, the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse has been applied in order to investigate the 2016 Clinton-Trump presidential debates. All three kinds of utterances (acclaims, attacks, and defenses) were produced by the candidates supporting the usefulness of the Functional Theory of Political Campaign Discourse for the analysis of the presidential debates as a type of political discourse. Attacks comprised 45% of the candidates’ utterances, followed by acclaims at 33%; defenses were the least common function at 22%. The candidate from the Democratic Party, Hillary Clinton, acclaimed more, whereas the Republican Party presidential candidate, Donald Trump, attacked more. Simple denial was the most common form of defense used by the candidates. Both candidates directed more of their utterances to policy (past deeds, future plans, and general goals) than character (personal qualities, leadership abilities, and ideals). Analyzing debates in terms of the functions performed by the candidates to increase their desirability and chance of winning the election, can lead to a better understanding of these significant political events as well as other forms of political discourse.

Keywords: acclaim, attack, defend, character, Democratic Party, Donald Trump, Hillary Clinton, policy, presidential debates, Republican Party

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Authors: Sabry A. El Azazy

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Tourism plays an essential role in supporting the National Economy. Egypt was ranked as one of the most attractive touristic destinations worldwide. Tourism as a service sector affects political events and unstable conditions. Within the revolution of January 25th, 2011, tourism became below standards, and the archeological heritage sites were subject to threat. Because of the political tension and social instability, Egypt's tourism sector has drastically dropped. Currently, Egypt is working on overcoming the crisis caused by political unrest. However, it is expected to take a long time to get back to where it was, especially in terms of regaining the confidence of travelers in the country's ability to guarantee and maintain security and stability. Recently, many great projects have been done, such as; New Administrative Cairo Capital, New Suez Canal logistic project, New City of Al Alamin, New Grand Egyptian Museum, as well as other great projects that reflect positively on the tourism industry and archaeological heritage development in Egypt.

Keywords: archaeology, archaeological heritage, attractions, national economy, political events, touristic destinations, tourism industry

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Authors: Chupicai Manuel

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The purpose of this article is to examine the political economy and history of internal displacement, migration and human security in Zimbabwe from 1800 to present day. The article gives a timeline of major internal displacement, migration trends that took place in Zimbabwe before colonialism, through the colonial period up to the present day and examines the human security context of such periods. In view of the above, a political economy analysis will be employed to examine the different factors that promoted internal displacement and human movements from 1800 to the present day and explore the architecture of human security in Zimbabwe. The ultimate goal of this literature review is to provide a longitudinal analysis of internal displacement, migration and human security regimes that existed in Zimbabwe with the view of promoting social cohesion and nation building.

Keywords: human security, internal displacement, migration, political economy

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Authors: Bisola Olumegbon

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Globally, there were about 229 million cases of malaria in 2022. The sub-Saharan African region accounted for 92% of the reported cases and 94% of deaths. Nigeria had the highest number of malaria cases and deaths, representing 27% of global cases. This scholarly project was a case study guided by the political determinants of health. Triangulation of data using thematic analysis was used to identify the political determinants of malaria in Nigeria and to understand how the concept of interaction contributes to the persistence of the disease. The analysis involved a deductive and inductive approach based on the literature review and the evidence of political determinants gathered in the data. Participants’ in-depth interviews were used to collect data from frontline personnel. Data triangulation was done using thematic analysis, a method used to identify patterns and themes in qualitative data. The study findings revealed a correlation between political determinants of health and malaria management efforts in Nigeria. Some influencing factors included voting challenges, inadequate funding, lack of health priority from the government, noncompliance among patients, and hurdles to effective communication. The findings suggest a need to deliberately increase dedication to the political agenda, provide sufficient financial resources, enhance communication, and active community involvement to address the persistent malaria endemic effectively. Further study is recommended to identify interventions to address identified factors of political determinants of health to reduce malaria in Nigeria. Such intervention must involve collaboration with diverse stakeholders such as policymakers, healthcare professionals, community leaders, and researchers.

Keywords: malaria, malaria management, health worker, stakeholders, political determinant of health

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Authors: Tewele Gerlase Haile

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Like any other country, Ethiopia's state government has reached today by undergoing many political changes. Until the last quarter of the 19th century, the aristocratic regimes of Ethiopia were using their infinite mystical power to shape the traditional public administrative institutions of the country. Mystical, feudal, social, and revolutionary political systems were used as sources of ruling power to the long-lasted monarchical, military and dictatorial regimes. For a country that is struggling to escape from the vicious cycle of poverty, famines, and civil wars, understanding how political regimes reform public policies and institutions is necessary for several reasons. A retrospective policy analysis approach is employed to determine how public policies are shaped by institutional factors and why the traditional public administration paradigm of Ethiopia continues to date despite regime changes. Using the experiences of political reforms practiced in four successive regimes (1916-2023), this retrospective analysis reveals a causal relationship among policy, institutional, and political failures. Moreover, Ethiopia's law-making and policy-making background significantly reflects the behavior of governments and their institutions. With a macro-level policy analysis in mind, the paper analyzes why the recent policy and institutional reforms twisted the country into unresolved military catastrophes.

Keywords: public administration, public policy, institutional reform, political structure

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Authors: Radwan Hussien Alkebsee

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Under the argument that reputational costs deter firms from engaging in tax avoidance activities, this paper investigates the relationship between tax avoidance and forced CEO turnover. This study is based on a broad sample of Chinese listed companies spanning the period 2011 to 2018. The findings reveal that tax avoidance is positively associated with forced CEO turnover. This suggests that firms that engage in tax avoidance experience a high rate of leadership replacement. The findings also reveal that the positive association between tax avoidance and forced CEO turnover is pronounced for state-owned firms, firms with no political connections, and firms located in “more developed” regions with extensive tax enforcement action, while it is not for private firms, firms with political connections, and firms located in “less developed” regions with weak tax enforcement actions. The baseline results remain consistent and robust for endogeneity concerns.

Keywords: tax avoidance, CEO turnover, political connections, regional tax enforcement, China

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Authors: Yassir Yousfi

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The Ultras phenomena have become the most spectacular form of football fandom in the early twenty-first century. Yet, since their appearance in Morocco, they have been associated with violence and vandalism. This paper aims to explain the political dimension of Moroccan ultra group in terms of their chants in Morocco post-February 20thera. It seeks to analyze their narratives which have shifted to a form of social Hirak, or, using AsefBayat’s term, non-movement. The paper focuses on the dynamics of two nationally and universally notorious groups located in Casablanca, Morocco’s biggest and most densely populated city, namely the “Winners” (supporters of the Wydad Athletic Club) and the “Green Boys” (supporters of the Raja Club Athletic) of Casablanca. The paper adopts a critical perspective analysis that attempts to sketch out some examples of their “political” chants to understand their discourses, spaces of their activities, levels of their impact on the street protests, and their prospects in the political scene. It also seeks to deconstruct the concept of “social movement” while referring to the Ultras as well as discussing their political transition.

Keywords: ultra groups, transition, political chants, football violence, cultural movement

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Authors: Arunima Datta, Prathama Guha Chaudhuri, Ashis Mukhopadhyay

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Background: Acceptance and commitment therapy (ACT) is one of the newer forms (third wave) therapy. This therapy helps a cancer patient to increase acceptance level about their disease as well as their present situation. Breast cancer patients are known to suffer from depression and mild cognitive impairment; both affect their quality of life. Objectives:The present study had assessed effect of structured ACT intervention on cognitive function and acceptance level among breast cancer patients who were undergoing chemotherapy. Method: Data was collected from 123 breast cancer patients those who were undergoing chemotherapy were willing to undergo psychological treatment, with no history of past psychiatric illness. Their baseline of cognitive function and acceptance levels were assessed using validated tools. The effect of sociodemographic factors and clinical factors on cognitive function was determined at baseline.The participants were randomly divided into two groups: experimental (ACT, 4 sessions over 2 months) and control group. Cognitive function and acceptance level were measured during post intervention on 2months follow-up. Appropriate statistical analyses were performed to determine the effect on cognitive function and acceptance level in two groups. Result: At baseline, the factors that significantly influenced slower speed of task performance were ER PR HER2 status; number of chemo cycle, treatment type (Adjuvant and neo-adjuvant) was related with that. Sociodemographic characteristics did not show any significant difference between slow and fast performance. Per and post intervention analysis showed that ACT intervention resulted in significant difference both in terms of speed of cognitive performance and acceptance level. Conclusion: ACT is an effective therapeutic option for treating mild cognitive impairment and improve acceptance level among breast cancer patients undergoing chemotherapy.

Keywords: acceptance and commitment therapy, breast cancer, quality of life, cognitive function

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Authors: Isaac Alonge Olusola

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One of the major peculiarities of man is the ability to communicate and interact with language. The original Yoruba society, before the advent of the Europeans, was purely oral. That is the major means of inter- personal communication was through speaking. The abolition of slave trade by Britain marked the beginning of development of Yoruba alphabet and introduction of writing around 1800. However, most of the writing was Christian religion-focused. Later, the introduction of British colonial rule led to the introduction of writing that dwelt on political and economic emancipation. On October 1, 1960, Nigeria was granted independence by the British colonial masters and self-rule started in Nigeria. Unfortunately, the military and civilian administrations brought about political and economic oppression instead of comfort. The discomfort brought about by Nigerian political and military rulers turned the Yoruba poets to activists, reactionaries and critics. This paper will give a brief preamble on the history of Nigeria and how she got her political independence from the British in 1960. It will thereafter go further to mention some political and economic hardship brought about by Nigerian leaders. Using literary theories called semiotics and structuralism, the reactions and criticisms of some Yoruba poets will be mentioned and analyzed vis-à-vis the counter reactions of the governments in power. Moreover, the paper will bring about a conclusion on how to create a conducive atmosphere for the Yoruba poets to operate in Nigeria. Finally, suggestions will be offered on how the Nigerian government and Yoruba poets can co-exist positively to bring about a better standard of living to Nigerians and also promote good governance

Keywords: Yoruba, Yoruba language, Yoruba poets, political leaders

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Authors: Omar Abdillah, Mirna Adriani

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In this work, we perform new approach for analyzing public sentiment towards the presidential candidate in the 2014 Indonesian election that expressed in Twitter. In this study we propose such procedure for analyzing sentiment over Indonesian political message by understanding the behavior of Indonesian society in sending message on Twitter. We took different approach from previous works by utilizing punctuation mark and Indonesian sentiment lexicon that completed with the new procedure in determining sentiment towards the candidates. Our experiment shows the performance that yields up to 83.31% of average precision. In brief, this work makes two contributions: first, this work is the preliminary study of sentiment analysis in the domain of political message that has not been addressed yet before. Second, we propose such method to conduct sentiment analysis by creating decision making procedure in which it is in line with the characteristic of Indonesian message on Twitter.

Keywords: unsupervised sentiment analysis, political message, lexicon based, user behavior understanding

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Authors: Igbozuruike Chigozie Jude, Agwu Agwu Ejem

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This research examines the comparative influence of social media and TV campaigns on youth participation in the 2023 general elections in Nigeria. It interrogates the roles played by these two media in influencing youth participation, especially youths in Nigeria, while revealing the factors that influenced their exposure to the media and their participation. The study employed a survey design of quantitative research method to gather the data for this study. Data was collected through a questionnaire from 300 youths in Lagos. The sample size was selected using a multi-stage cluster sampling technique. Social media was the most media that was rated to have had the most impact on youth participation during the election period with its political campaigns. The elaborate likelihood model was used to underpin the study. The study concluded that social media campaigns played a major role in political participation among the youth during the 2023 general election. It revealed how social media contributed to the youths' participation and influenced them to engage in common forms of political participation. The main recommendation of this study is that since the majority of the youths are between the ages of 18 to 35, the media should work on coming up with more content around the year to sensitize them about their political rights and enlighten them socio-politically so that they grow up to become responsible citizens in the country both politically and socially.

Keywords: social media, general election, Nigeria, political apathy, youth

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Authors: Nancy Bartekian, Christine Reyna

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Republicans and Democrats are often polarized when it comes to important topics, but the portrayal of polarization of key issues might be distorted and exaggerated. We examined Republicans' and Democrats’ attitudes about police reform policy during the 2020 racial justice protests and calls to ‘defund the police’. We hypothesized that a) Republicans and Democrats will be polarized on the “defund police'' question; however, b) they will have similar overall attitudes towards specific police reform policies (will be on the same side of the scale--disagree vs. agree), but c) will differ in their extent of agreement or disagreement (main effect of political party ID, but located on the same side of the scale). Using one-way, Multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) controlling for race, education, and income, we found an overall effect of political party ID. Six out of the nine policies studied were, in fact, not polarizing; both groups were in consensus on whether they disagreed or agreed with the policy, including “defund police''. Results suggest that polarization might be exaggerated.

Keywords: political psychology, social, ideology, polarization

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Authors: Bihan Qaimari

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In many areas of the world there are political conflicts the consequences of which have an inevitable impact on the educational system. Palestine is one such country where the experience of political conflict, going back over many years, has had a devastating effect on the development and maintenance of a stable educational environment for children and their teachers. Up to now there have been few studies that have focussed on the effects of living and working in a war zone on the professional identity of teachers. The aim of this study is to explore how the formation of Palestinian teachers’ professional identity is affected by their experience of the current political conflict its impact on the school social culture. In order to gain an in-depth understanding of the impact of political violence on the formation of the professional identity of Palestinian teachers, a qualitative multiple case-study approach was adopted which draws on sociocultural theories of identity formation. An initial study was first conducted in six schools and this was followed by an in-depth study of teachers working in three further primary schools. Data sources included participant observation, a research diary, semi-structured group and individual interviews. Grounded theory, constant-comparative methods, and discourse analysis procedures were used to interpret the data. The findings suggest that the Palestinian primary school teachers negotiate multiple conflicting identities through their every day experiences of political conflict and the schools’ social culture. This tension is formed as a result of the historical cultural meaning that teachers construct about themselves and within the current unstable and unsettling conditions that exist in their country. In addition, the data indicate that the geographical location of the schools in relation of their proximity to the events of the political conflict also had an influence on the degree of tension inherent in teachers’ professional identity. The study makes significant theoretical, practical, and methodical contributions to the study of the formation of teachers’ professional identity in countries affected by political conflict.

Keywords: identity, political conflict, Palestine, teacher's professional identity

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Authors: Renée Fregosi

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The contribution presently proposed will report on the beginnings of a Franco-Chilean study to be launched in 2015 by a multidisciplinary team of Renée Fregosi Political Science University Paris 3 / CECIEC, Norma Muñoz Public Policies University of Santiago of Chile, Jean-Daniel Lelievre, Medicine Paris 11 University, Marcelo WOLFF Medicine University of Chile, Cecilia Blatrix Political Science University Paris-Tech, Ernesto OTTONE, Political Science University of Chile, Paul DENY Medicine Paris 13 University, Rafael Bugueno Medicine Hospital Urgencia Pública of Santiago, Eduardo CARRASCO Political Science Paris 3 University. The problem of hidden populations challenges some criteria and concepts to re-examine: in particular the concept of target population, sampling methods to "snowball" and the cost-effectiveness criterion that shows the connection of political and scientific fields. Furthermore, if the pattern of homosexual transmission still makes up the highest percentage of the modes of infection with HIV, there is a continuous increase in the number of people infected through heterosexual sex, including women and persons aged 50 years and older. This group can be described as " unknown risk people." Access to these populations is a major challenge and raises methodological, ethical and political issues of prevention, particularly on the issue of screening. This paper proposes an inventory of these types of problems and their articulation, to define a new phase in the prevention against HIV refocused on women.

Keywords: HIV testing, hidden populations, difficult to reach PLWHA, women, unknown risk people

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Authors: Deretha Bester

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This article explores the recent military coups in Mali (August 2020) and Burkina Faso (January 2022), utilizing qualitative case study analyses to examine the pre-coup domestic contextual conditions that precipitated the events. By framing the research through the conceptual lens of state fragility, the research identifies key political, economic, and societal factors that converge to create an environment conducive for coups to occur. From the analyses, the study discusses several patterns that emerged, all revealing the significance of the core functions of governance. Through an in-depth exploration that brings the state back into the coup debate, the study provides rich insights into the complex dynamics of military intervention in political affairs, highlighting the urgency of understanding the underlying domestic factors that can lead to radical political changes. By illuminating these intricate dynamics, the article seeks to provide detailed insights needed to fully understand the challenges moulding the region's political terrain.

Keywords: governance failures, military coups, political dynamics, Sahel region, state fragility

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Authors: Francis Wargirai

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Since gaining independence in 1975, Papua New Guinea`s core challenge has been the consolidation of democracy against a backdrop of enormous social, political and territorial diversity. Consequently, the government has implemented several political reforms including decentralization. Constitutional planners believed that national unity, would be better achieved by sharing state power over centralization. They anticipated that this would institutionalize a democratic civic culture by providing opportunities to groups and individuals to make political decisions within their jurisdiction. This would then eventually lead to confidence and participation in the larger entity of the state. In retrospect, civil society and community based groups are largely underrated and have had minimal influence on decisions at the local level, consequently contributing to nepotism, patronism and cynicism. By applying an elitist approach to analyze how national political leaders exert their influence and power within the local government system and local communities, this paper argues that decentralization has fragmented local communities. With an absence of political party roots and deeply divided ethnic groups, national political leaders have used divide and rule tactics resulting in mistrust among citizens. Through their influence and power within local governments to dictate projects and services to certain areas, this has resulted in skepticism and divisions among civil society along different cultural cleavages. This has been a contributing factor to anomalies in democratic consolidation and democratic political culture in Papua New Guinea.

Keywords: civic culture, cultural cleavages, decentralization, democratic consolidation

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Authors: Abrar Al-Enzi

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This study investigates the role of the popular utilization of Wasta within Arab societies. Wasta, by definition, is a set of personal networks based on family or kinship ties in which power and influence are utilized to get things done. As Wasta evolved, it became intensely rooted in Arab cultures, which is considered as an intrinsic tool of the culture, a method of doing business transactions and as a family obligation. However, the consequences related to Wasta in business are substantial as it impacts organizational performance, employee’s perception of the organization and the atmosphere between employees. To date, there has been little in-depth organizational research on the impact of Wasta. Hence, the question that will be addressed is: Does Wasta influence human resource management, knowledge sharing and innovation in Kuwait, which in turn affects employees’ commitment within organizations? As a result, a mixed method sequential exploratory research design will be used to examine the mentioned subject, which consists of three phases: (1) Doing some initial exploratory interviews; (2) Developing a paper-based and online survey (Quantitative method) based on the findings; (3) Lastly, following up with semi-structured interviews (Qualitative method). The rationale behind this approach is that both qualitative and quantitative methods complement each other by providing a more complete picture of the subject matter.

Keywords: commitment, HRM practices, social capital, Wasta

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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Both in language and literature there exists the theory of recurrence of text and talk chunks which brings us to the notion of precedence. It must be stated that precedence as a pragma-linguistic phenomenon is yet underknown and it is the main objective of the present research to revisit and reveal it thoroughly. In line with the main research objective, analysis of political text and talk provides abundant relevant data for the illustration of the phenomenon of precedence. The analysis focuses on certain pragmatic universals (e.g. intention) and categories (e.g. speech techniques) which lead to the disclosure of the present object of study.

Keywords: intention, precedence, political discourse, pragmatic universals

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Jose Carlos Montemayor, Kendrick Thomas Angelo Santos

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Filipinos have been divided on President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership ever since his election in 2016. This study aimed to gain a thorough, in-depth understanding of the opinions of Filipinos from different age and income brackets on these issues in order to address the lack of studies analysing the current Philippine political landscape. An interview tackling relevant national issues were conducted with twelve respondents from the intersections of four age groups and three income brackets. The government’s handling of some issues received mixed opinions, some had neutral viewpoints, while others had more unfavorable ones. The responses differed on three levels: (1) the general stance on an issue; (2) the strength of a stance; and (3) the factoring in of an issue in forming an overall perception on the administration’s performance. Contrary to previous studies on political thought, opinions varied greatly such that no unique set of viewpoints could be attributed to any of the defined age or income groups. These results will be most useful to political science researchers, political analysts, and candidates shaping their platforms for the upcoming elections. Future studies are recommended to tackle more national issues and to consider other factors that may affect political opinions and behavior.

Keywords: age groups, opinion formation, socioeconomic brackets, Philippine politics, Rodrigo Duterte

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Authors: Amanda Aliende da Matta, Maria del Pilar Fogueiras Bertomeu, Valeria de Ormaechea Otalora, Maria Paz Sandin Esteban, Miriam Comet Donoso

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This communication presents the preliminary emerging themes in a research on political participation of young women. The study follows a qualitative methodology; in particular, the applied hermeneutic phenomenological method, and the general objective of the research is to give an account of the experience of political participation as young women. The study participants are women aged 18 to 35 who have experience in political participation. The techniques of data collection are the descriptive story and the phenomenological interview. With respect to the first methodological steps, these have been: 1) collect and select stories of lived experience in political participation, 2) select descriptions of lived experience (DLEs) in political participation of the chosen stories, 3) to prepare phenomenological interviews from the selected DLEs, 4) to conduct phenomenological thematic analysis (PTA) of the DLEs. We have so far initiated the PTA on 5 vignettes. Hermeneutic phenomenology as a research approach is based on phenomenological philosophy and applied hermeneutics. Phenomenology is a descriptive philosophy of pure experience and essences, through which we seek to capture an experience at its origins without categorizing, interpreting or theorizing it. Hermeneutics, on the other hand, may be defined as a philosophical current that can be applied to data analysis. Max Van Manen wrote that hermeneutic phenomenology is a method of abstemious reflection on the basic structures of the lived experience of human existence. In hermeneutic phenomenology we focus, then, on the way we experience “things” in the first person, seeking to capture the world exactly as we experience it, not as we categorize or conceptualize it. In this study, the empirical methods used were: Lived experience description (written) and conversational interview. For these short stories, participants were asked: “What was your lived experience of participation in politics as a young woman? Can you tell me any stories or anecdotes that you think exemplify or typify your experience?”. The questions were accompanied by a list of guidelines for writing descriptive vignettes. And the analytical method was PTA. Among the provisional results, we found preliminary emerging themes, which could in the advance of the investigation result in meaning structures of political participation of young women. They are the following: - Complicity may be inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Feelings may be essential/inherent in political participation as a young woman; - Hope may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Frustration may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - Satisfaction may be essential in authentic political participation as a young woman; - There may be tension between individual/collective inherent/essential in political participation as a young woman; - Political participation as a young woman may include moments of public demonstration.

Keywords: applied hermeneutic phenomenology, hermeneutics, phenomenology, political participation

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Authors: Ali Asghar Sotoudeh

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Mediation Diplomacy has emerged as one of the main pillars of China's foreign policy goals and practices, and Beijing has established itself as a peacekeeping force in regional conflicts and crises such as Afghanistan, Syria, Sudan, Yemen, and the Arab-Israeli peace process. China is deepening and intensifying its diplomatic interventions in the Middle East and trying to shape the security and political developments in the Middle East. On the other hand, economically, China has become one of the most important trading partners with Middle Eastern governments. China is also seeking to expand its foreign policy and economic interests in the Middle East through the New Silk Road initiative and has signed cooperation agreements with 17 Arab countries. In this regard, due to the importance of the subject, this research focuses on answering this question; what is the basis of China's political mediation and economic expansionism in the Middle East? In parallel with this question, this study follows the hypothesis that the mediating role of peace is a legitimate way for China to intervene in Middle East political crises, Without causing China to deviate from its traditional guiding principles based on non-interference in the internal affairs of other actors in the international system. This policy also promotes the security of economic interests and increases the country's political influence in the Middle East. The research method is descriptive-analytical based on the qualitative method, and the data collection method is library and internet resources.

Keywords: China, middle east, political mediation, economic expansionism

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Authors: Hamid Vahidkia

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Purview has customarily been considered in worldwide law as simply an address of the rights and powers of states. Conceived in this way, the rules onward serve the imperative work of delimiting (whereas tolerating a few covers of) state administrative specialist – the address of when an individual or occasion may be subject to national direction – a work which is shared with the cognate teach of private worldwide law. This article proposes that the thought and the rules of locale in worldwide law require reconceptualization in light of three advancements. The primary is the developing acknowledgment that in an extend of circumstances, the work out of national locale may, beneath worldwide law, be an address of duty or commitment instead of right. The moment advancement is the expanded acknowledgment that such jurisdictional obligations may, in a few circumstances, be owed not as it were to other states but also to private parties, especially through the rise and fortifying of the teachings of refusal of equity and get to equity. The third improvement is the broadly perceived wonder known as party independence, beneath which private parties in the gracious debate have the control to bestow locale on national courts and to decide themselves which law administers their connections. In combination, these improvements propose the need to reexamine the concept of ward in worldwide law to reflect the more complex substances of a worldwide lawful arrangement beneath which states possess both jurisdictional rights and commitments and are not the elite on-screen characters.

Keywords: international law, jurisdiction, purview, preconceptions, commitment

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Authors: Zarine Avetisyan

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The process of speech production and transmission naturally implies the occurrence of certain defective assumptions and erroneous formulations which may be both spontaneous, caused by haste, carelessness, etc., or deliberate. Whether deliberate or not, fallacies always act by way of “faux pas”. In the latter case, we deal with fake or deceptive arguments which are the focus of the given paper. The paper departs from the assumption that fallacies are arguments that prove nothing. Additionally and more importantly, political discourse becomes the main domain for scholarly “cultivation” while pinning down fallacies. The fallacy of telling the truth but deliberately omitting important key details in order to falsify the larger picture called “the half truth” captures special attention in the given paper.

Keywords: break in the information chain, fallacy, half truth, political discourse

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Authors: Milene Magalhães Pinto, Irlen Antônio Gonçalves

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This paper is within the area of History of Education in Brazil, having a descriptive and exploratory nature. It has been built on the belief that professional education is organized under political guidelines and solidifies through institutionalized discourses, allowing to know its mission concerning the society in which it operates by studying these speeches. Our purpose is to analyze how the Republican political culture yielded changes in public education through reforms to professional education in the First Republic, based on seven procedures of law that occurred in the Legislature of State of Minas Gerais. The Republican effort to reform the teaching was the result of a conception of society that aspired to advance the country by way of the national worker.

Keywords: professional education, republican political culture, education reforms, Brazil

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Authors: Umar Ubandawaki

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Political participation involves voluntary and deliberate efforts by the members of a political system to determine the kinds of political institution and individuals that will govern them and equally influence the mobilization and allocation of the available societal resources. Over the years, youths in Nigeria participated actively in political party rallies and voting to elect their leaders and representatives in governance. This paper examines categories and nature of participation in politics as well as factors that derived youths into politics in Sokoto State. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative data generated from focus group discussions, interviews and questionnaire, the paper find out that youth, in Sokoto State, have been induced in participatory activities that encourage political thuggery and manipulation of electoral outcomes. Moreover, they are neglected in the mobilization and allocation of the available resources of the society i.e they are denied dividends of good governance. The paper recommends that youths should be engaged into positive participatory activities for ensuring inclusiveness and promotion of good governance in Nigeria. It is hoped that this will enlighten youth and policy implementers on the constructive strategies in controlling youth’s participation in politics in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, governance, inclusivenes, participation and politic

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Authors: Pedro Cardoso Alves, Ana Lucia Galinkin, José Carlos Ribeiro

Abstract:

Political participation, can be a somewhat tricky subject to define, not in small part due to the constant changes in the concept fruit of the effort to include new forms of participatory behavior that go beyond traditional institutional channels. With the advent of the internet and mobile technologies, defining political participation has become an even more complicated endeavor, given de amplitude of politicized behaviors that are expressed throughout these mediums, be it in the very organization of social movements, in the propagation of politicized texts, videos and images, or in the micropolitical behaviors that are expressed in daily interaction. In fact, the very frontiers that delimit physical and digital spaces have become ever more diluted due to technological advancements, leading to a hybrid existence that is simultaneously physical and digital, not limited, as it once was, to the temporal limitations of classic communications. Moving away from those institutionalized actions of traditional political behavior, an idea of constant and fluid participation, which occurs in our daily lives through conversations, posts, tweets and other digital forms of expression, is discussed. This discussion focuses on the factors that precede more direct forms of political participation, interpreting the relation between informational habits, ideology, and political efficacy. Though some of the informational habits can be considered political participation, by some authors, a distinction is made to establish a logical flow of behaviors leading to participation, that is, one must gather and process information before acting on it. To reach this objective, a quantitative survey is currently being applied in Brazilian social media, evaluating feelings of political efficacy, social and economic issue-based ideological stances and informational habits pertaining to collection, fact-checking, and diversity of sources and ideological positions present in the participant’s political information network. The measure being used for informational habits relies strongly on a mix of information literacy and political sophistication concepts, bringing a more up-to-date understanding of information and knowledge production and processing in contemporary hybrid (physical-digital) environments. Though data is still being collected, preliminary analysis point towards a strong correlation between information habits and political efficacy, while ideology shows a weaker influence over efficacy. Moreover, social ideology and economic ideology seem to have a strong correlation in the sample, such intermingling between social and economic ideals is generally considered a red flag for political polarization.

Keywords: political efficacy, ideology, information literacy, cyberpolitics

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Authors: Mehdi Heydari Sanglaji

Abstract:

The dramatic events of the 11 September, and their tragic repercussions, catapulted issues of the political violence in and from the ‘Muslim world’ onto the political discourse, be it in patriotic speeches of campaigning politicians or the TV and news punditry. Depending on what end of the political spectrum the politician/pundit pledges fealty to, the overall analyses of political violence in the West Asia and North Africa (WANA) tends towards two overarching categories: on the Right, the diagnosis has unanimously been, ‘they must hate our freedom.’ On the Left, however, there is the contention that the West has to be counted as the primary cause of such rage, for the years of plundering of lives and resources, through colonialism, the Cold War, coups, etc. All these analyses are premised on at least two presuppositions: the violence in and from the WANA region a) is always reactionary, in the sense that it happens only in response to something the West is or does; and b) must always already be condemned, as it is essentially immoral and wrong. It is the aim of this paper to challenge such viewpoints. Through a rigorous study of the historical discourses on political violence in the Leftist organizations active in Algeria and Lebanon, we claim there is a myriad of diverse reasons and justifications presented for advocating political violence in these countries that defy facile categorization. Inspecting such rhetoric for inciting political violence in Leftist discourses, and how some of these reasonings have percolated into other movements in the region (e.g., Islamist ones), will reveal a wealth of indigenous discourses on the subject that has been largely neglected by the Western Media punditry and even by the academia. The indigenous discourses on political violence, much of which overlaps with emancipatory projects in the region, partly follow grammar and logic, which may be different from those developed in the West, even by its more critical theories. Understanding so different epistemology of violence, and the diverse contexts in which political violence might be justifiable in the mind of ‘the other,’ necessitates a historical, materialist, and genealogical study of the discourse already in practice in the WANA region. In that regard, both critical terrorism studies and critical discourse analysis provide exemplary tools of analysis. Capitalizing on such tools, this project will focus on unearthing a history of thought that renders moot the reduction of all instances of violence in the region to an Islamic culture or imperialism/colonialism. The main argument in our research is that by studying the indigenous discourses on political violence, we will be far more equipped in understanding the reasons and the possible solutions for acts of terrorism in and from the region.

Keywords: political violence, terrorism, leftist organizations, West Asia/North Africa

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Authors: Eran Gusacov

Abstract:

This article argues that, as a rule, having children and adolescents participate in adult public protests, in terms of educational thought, is ideological education, brainwashing or indoctrination, and not political education, as will be defined in the article. This is a modest argument in its scope: it does not declare categorically that from a perspective of educational thought, parents and teachers need to refrain from bringing children and teenagers to social protests. The perspective offered in this article neither automatically invalidates any indoctrination in educational activities nor does it oppose the legitimacy of protests initiated by adolescents. It does, however, argue that having children and teens participate in such protests is not political education – an argument that belongs to the educational field. Furthermore, the perspective offered here does not deal with the legal layer of the children’s rights to organize, to demonstrate and/or to protest or with issues of political thought. While the examples provided in the article mainly deal with the Israeli reality, it presents a general argument, which is relevant for wherever children participate in demonstrations.

Keywords: ideological education, indoctrination, political education, protest

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