World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology

Authors: Mokgophana Ramasobana

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Background: At the core of the demand to utilize evidence-based approaches in the policy-making cycle, prioritization of limited financial resources and results driven initiatives is the urgency to develop a cohort of competent Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) practitioners and public servants. The ongoing strides in the evaluation capacity building (ECB) initiatives are a direct response to produce the highly-sought after M&E skills. Notwithstanding the rapid growth of M&E short courses, participants perceived value and expectation of M&E short courses as a panacea for ECB have not been empirically quantified or measured. The objective of this article is to explicitly illustrate the importance of measuring ECB interventions and understanding what works in ECB and why it works. Objectives: This article illustrates the importance of establishing empirical ECB measurement tools to evaluate ECB interventions in order to ascertain its contribution to the broader evaluation practice. Method: The study was primarily a desktop review of existing literature, juxtaposed by a survey of the participants across the African continent based on the 43 M&E short courses hosted by the Centre for Learning on Evaluation and Results Anglophone Africa (CLEAR-AA) in collaboration with the Department of Planning Monitoring and Evaluation (DPME) Results: The article established that participants perceive short course training as a panacea to improve their M&E practical skill critical to executing their organizational duties. In tandem, participants are likely to demand customized training as opposed to general topics in Evaluation. However, the organizational environments constrain the application of the newly acquired skills. Conclusion: This article aims to contribute to the 'how to' measure ECB interventions discourse and contribute towards the improvement to evaluate ECB interventions. The study finds that participants prefer training courses with longer duration to cover more topics. At the same time, whilst organizations call for customization of programmes, the study found that individual participants demand knowledge of generic and popular evaluation topics.

Keywords: evaluation capacity building, effectiveness and training, monitoring and evaluation (M&E) short course training, perceptions and expectations

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Authors: Samuel Holder

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Mass incarceration in the United States is a human rights issue, not merely a civil rights problem. It is a human rights problem not only because the United States has a high rate of incarceration, but more importantly because of who is jailed, for what purpose they are jailed and, ultimately, the manner in which they are jailed. To sustain the scale of the criminal justice system, one of the darker policies involves a multi-tiered strategy of fee- and fine-collection, targeting, usually, the most vulnerable and poor, many of whom run into the law via small offenses that do not rise to the level of felonies. This paper advances the notion that this debt collection-to-incarceration pipeline is tantamount to a modern-day debtors’ prison system. This article seeks to confront the thorny issue of incarceration via criminal justice debt from a human rights and cause-lawyering position. It will argue that a two-pronged cause-lawyering strategy: the first focused on traditional litigation along constitutional grounds, and the second, an advocacy approach rooted in grassroots campaigns, designed to shift the normative operation and understanding of the rights of marginalized and racialized offenders. Ultimately, the argument suggests that this approach will be effective in combatting the (often highly privatized) criminal justice debt system and bring the roles of 'incapacitation, rehabilitation, deterrence, and retribution' back into the criminal justice legal conversation. Part I contextualizes and historicizes the role of fees, penalties, and fines in American criminal justice. Part II examines the emergence of private industry in the criminal justice system, and its role in the acceleration of profit-driven criminal justice debt collection and incarceration. Part III addresses the failures of the federal and state law and legislation in combatting predatory incarceration and debt collection in the criminal justice system, particularly as waged against the indigent and/or ethnically or racially marginalized. Part IV examines the potential for traditional cause-lawyering litigation along constitutional grounds, using case studies across contexts for illustration. Finally, Part V will review the radical cause-lawyer’s role in the normative struggle in redefining prisoners’ rights and the rights of the marginalized (and racialized) as they intersect at the crossroads of criminal justice debt. This paper will conclude with recommendations for litigation and advocacy, drawing on hypotheses advanced, and informed by case studies from a variety of both national and international jurisdictions.

Keywords: cause-lawyering, criminal justice debt, human rights, judicial fees

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Authors: Hsiao-Yung Wang

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This paper aims to elaborate the rhetorical strategies and its inherent dialectical tensions between transgender movement and gay movement in Taiwan; thereby, a radical/populist democratic model will be reproblematized for theorizing the internal dialogicity of the 'umbrella metaphor' of the so-called 'LGBT' label. Firstly, it examined how the representative gay community in Taiwan defined the category of 'LGBT' by its visual rhetoric of pride parade during the last two decades, and how the imaginary of 'transgender' was systematically precluded or even silenced by 'cisgender privilege' or 'cisnormativity' of the gay community in general. Secondly, it employed Laclau & Mouffe’s (1985) perspective of 'empty signifier' which derives from their radical democratic theorization and populist reason, to explore the rhetorical strategies and language tactics on which transgender activists relied for arguing or mapping both the cooperative and competitive relationship with cisgender allies intentionally. Based on research findings, this paper argued that a relationship between rather than an amalgamation of sexual orientation and gender identity should be recognized. Moreover, that resisting defining transgender as other and everyone else as normal could be the critical issue of LGBT community as a whole, especially while it proceeds toward to a radical/populist democracy.

Keywords: empty signifier, LGBT, populist reason, radical democracy, rhetoric, transgender

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Authors: Lee Da Hyun

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relation between the internal dynamics of standing committees and legislative productivity of the Korean National Assembly using statistical methods. Studies on legislation in South Korea have been largely revolved around political parties due to the uniqueness of its political context including strong party cohesion and party’s nomination right. However, as standing committees have been at the center of legislatures since the 6th National Assembly, there is a growing need for studying the operation and effectiveness of standing committees in legislation process. Thus, through panel data analysis for the sixteen standing committees across the four terms of the Korean National Assembly-from the 16th to the 19th-this article attempts to reveal that legislators’ bill passing rate is not a sole function of factors pertaining to political party as the existing studies have believed. By measuring the ideological distribution within a committee and the bill passing rate, this article provides differentiated interpretation from established theories of standing committees and presents compelling evidence describing complex interactions and independent operation of the standing committees with the subsequent legislative results.

Keywords: collective decision-making, lawmaking, legislation, political polarization, standing committees

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Authors: Aklima Jesmin, Ubaidur Rob, M. Ashrafur Rahman

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Rohingya population of Arakan state in Myanmar are one the most persecuted ethnic minorities in this 21st century. According to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), all human beings are born free, equal in dignity and rights. However, these populations are systematically excluded from this universal proclamation of human rights as they are Rohingya, which signify ‘other’. Based on the accessible and available literatures about Rohingya issue, this study firstly found there are chronological pattern of human rights violations against the ethnic Rohingya which follows the pathology of the Holocaust in this 21st century of human civilization. These violations have been possible due to modern technology, bureaucracy which has been performed through authorization, routinization and dehumanization; not only in formal institutions but in the society as a whole. This kind of apparently never-ending situation poses any author with the problem of available many scientific articles. The most important sources are, therefore the international daily newspapers, social media and official webpage of the non-state actors for nitty-gritty day to day update. Although it challenges the validity and objectivity of the information, but to address the critical ongoing human rights violations against Rohingya population can become a base for further work on this issue. One of the aspects of this paper is to accommodate all the social movements since August 2017 to date. The findings of this paper is that even though it seemed only human rights violations occurred against Rohingya historically but, simultaneously the process of social movements had also started, can be traced more after the military campaign in 2017. Therefore, the Rohingya crisis can be conceptualized within one ‘campaign’ movement for justice, not as episodic events, especially within the Political Process Model than any other social movement theories. This model identifies that the role of international political movements as well as the role of non-state actors are more powerful than any other episodes of violence conducted against Rohinyga in reframing issue, blaming and shaming to Myanmar government and creating the strategic opportunities for social changes. The lack of empowerment of the affected Rohingya population has been found as the loop to utilize this strategic opportunity. Their lack of empowerment can also affect their capacity to reframe their rights and to manage the campaign for their justice. Therefore, this should be placed at the heart of the international policy agenda within the broader socio-political movement for the justice of Rohingya population. Without ensuring human rights of Rohingya population, achieving the promise of the united nation’s sustainable development goals - no one would be excluded – will be impossible.

Keywords: civilization, holocaust, human rights violation, military campaign, political process model, Rohingya population, sustainable development goal, social justice, social movement, strategic opportunity

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Authors: Shaho Ghafur Ahmed

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The right to self-determination of peoples is a fundamental human right recognized by the principles of international law. It could be embodied in the internal level in the form of federalism. Most federal constitutions prevented the secession of constituent entities, while some remained silent, as the case of Iraq, and rare instances of them recognize it. But, after the failure of federalism, these entities seek to separate whenever the opportunity arises. In several cases, they have resort to peaceful methods in some others they resort to force. The constitutional Supreme Court, which guaranty the unity and integrity of the State, often prevent these attempts. After not a commitment of federalism in Iraq, which has been founded since 2004, the Kurdistan region, as the only federated entity, has conducted a unilateral referendum on 25 September 2017 for its independence. The Iraqi government refused it. The Iraqi Federal Supreme Court, through interpreting the constitutional provisions, decided that this referendum and it’s purposes, which was the independence of the region, was unconstitutional. Subsequently, the Iraqi government used forces and blockaded the region so as to force it to turn off this process. So, in this paper, the right to self-determination of the peoples in federated entities and its obstacles will be discussed through the comparative legal basis and analyzing the decisions of the Federal Constitutional Courts. We will compare the role that the Supreme Court of Canada played regarding the referendum that operated in Quebec in 1995, in which it refused only the unilaterally attempts for the independence of this province. While, in the case of the Kurdistan region, the Iraqi Federal Supreme Court has definitively refused this right. No measures were taken by this Court to protect the region from the Iraqi government reactions. This decision led to the questioning of the neutrality of this Court. So, from the point of view of the Kurdistan region, this Court became a political instrument to prevent it to be independent in the international community, in the absence of a clear constitutional provision, through an abstract and an incomplete interpretation of federal constitutional provisions.

Keywords: right of self-determination, federal supreme court, supremacy of federal constitution

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Authors: Gokhan Erkal, Gulsen Aydin, Muge Yuce, Lokman Sahin

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This study aims to analyze the impacts of involving in mediation of conflicts in the Middle East from the perspective of the economic growth of the mediators. The Middle East is a highly volatile region of the world with rampant crises whose affects spill beyond its borders. Therefore, management and resolution of the conflicts in the region are of great significance. Mediation is an instrument used for abating violence and settling dispute. The recourse to mediation has grown to an important degree in recent years. However, for mediators, it is a daunting task to involve in the mediation of the deadlocks in the Middle East. This study tries to shed light on the positive correlation between economic growth of the mediator and the successful outcome of the mediation process to provide motivation for mediators. To this end, first, it briefly introduces the conflicts ongoing in the region and their negative impacts. Second, the methodology, time series analysis, and the data to be used, International Crisis Behavior Project Data, are presented. Third, the empirical test is carried out and the findings are evaluated. The conclusion highlights the benefits of successful mediation for the economic growth of the mediators of Middle Eastern crises.

Keywords: international crises, mediation, Middle East, times series analysis

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Authors: Nusret Mesut Sahin

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Hrant Dink, a prominent Turkish-Armenian journalist, and editor-in-chief of the bilingual Turkish-Armenian newspaper Agos was assassinated in Istanbul on January 19th, 2007 by a nationalist extremist, Ogun Samast. Dink had been voicing the atrocities against the Armenians between 1915 and 1922 during the Ottoman rule, and his comments on the issue appeared in the Turkish media many times before his assassination. It has been argued that the suffocating atmosphere created by the Turkish news media targeting Mr. Dink made him a target of an extremist Turkish juvenile. This study analyzes the media news to understand and explain why Hrant Dink became the target of a nationalist extremist. In this research, content analysis of news articles (N= 170) is conducted to identify whether there is a link between hate speech against Hrant Dink in the Turkish media and his assassination. The content of the newspaper articles is categorized and coded according to the hate language being used. The analysis suggested that Turkish media paved the way for Dink’s assassination. Hate speech against Hrant Dink on the media had risen gradually before the assassination. The study also found that the number of news stories covering hate speech and racist discourse against non-Muslim citizens of Turkey also increased dramatically before the assassination. Therefore, hate speech against minorities in media narratives and news reports should be monitored, and political figures or leaders of social groups who are targeted by some media outlets should be protected.

Keywords: Hrant Dink, assassination, Turkish Armenian journalist, media

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Authors: Thato Masiangoako

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While being home to one of the greatest constitutions in the world, South Africa is also notorious for brutal policing practices, endemic corruption, and an overstrained criminal justice system. This apparent gap between the normative conceptions of the law and the actual experiences of being subjected to the criminal justice system forms the crux of this study. This study explores how community activists, student activists, and migrants in Johannesburg, who rely on the law for protection and effective political expression and participation and understand the law through their experiences of arrest and short-term incarceration. This work introduces the concept of legal consciousness to the South African context, whilst also drawing very heavily from South African literature of the law and criminal justice system. This research is grounded in the experiences of arrest and pre-trial and immigration detention shared by these individuals, which are used to develop a rich account of legal consciousness in South Africa. It also sheds light on some of the ways in which the criminal justice system sustains its legitimacy within a post-apartheid framework despite the gaps between what the law ought to be and it actually is. The study argues that the ways in which these groups make sense of their experiences of the criminal justice system and the law, more broadly, are closely bound to their socio-political identities. This calls the core values of equality and dignity that undergird South Africa’s Constitution into question.

Keywords: criminal justice, immigrant detention, legal consciousness, remand detention

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Authors: Alexander G. Yushchenko

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From a multi-science point of view, we analyze threats to security resulting from globalization of international information space and information and communication aggression of Russia. A definition of Ruschism is formulated as an ideology supporting aggressive actions of modern Russia against the Euro-Atlantic community. Stages of the hybrid war Russia is leading against Ukraine are described, including the elements of subversive activity of the special services, the activation of the military phase and the gradual shift of the focus of confrontation to the realm of information and communication technologies. We reveal an emergence of a threat for democratic states resulting from the destabilizing impact of a target state’s mass media and social networks being exploited by Russian secret services under freedom-of-speech disguise. Thus, we underline the vulnerability of cyber- and information security of the network society in regard of hybrid war. We propose to define the latter a synergetic war. Our analysis is supported with a long-term qualitative monitoring of representation of top state officials on popular TV channels and Facebook. From the memetics point of view, we have detected a destructive psycho-information technology used by the Kremlin, a kind of information catastrophe, the essence of which is explained in detail. In the conclusion, a comprehensive plan for information protection of the public consciousness and mentality of Euro-Atlantic citizens from the aggression of the enemy is proposed.

Keywords: cyber and information security, hybrid war, psycho-information technology, synergetic war, Ruschism

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Authors: Tholaine Matadi

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South Africa is a democratic country with a historical record of racially-motivated marginalisation and exclusion of the majority. During the apartheid era the country was run along pieces of legislation and policies based on racial segregation. The system held a tight clamp on interracial mixing which forced people to remain in segregated areas. For example, a citizen from the Indian community could not own property in an area allocated to white people. In this way, a great majority of people were denied basic human rights. Now, there is a supreme constitution with an entrenched justiciable Bill of Rights founded on democratic values of social justice, human dignity, equality and the advancement of human rights and freedoms. The Constitution also enshrines the values of non-racialism and non-sexism. The Constitutional Court has the power to declare unconstitutional any law or conduct considered to be inconsistent with it. Now, more than two decades down the line, despite the abolition of apartheid, there is evidence that South Africa still experiences hate crimes which violate the entrenched right of vulnerable groups not to be discriminated against on the basis of race, sexual orientation, gender, national origin, occupation, or disability. To remedy this mischief parliament has responded by drafting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill. The Bill has been disseminated for public comment and suggestions. It is intended to combat hate crimes and hate speech based on sheer prejudice. The other purpose of the Bill is to bring South Africa in line with international human rights instruments against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related expressions of intolerance identified in several international instruments. It is against this backdrop that this paper intends to analyse the impact of the Bill on the rights to human dignity, equality, and freedom. This study is significant because the Bill was highly contested and creates a huge debate. This study relies on a qualitative evaluative approach based on desktop and library research. The article recurs to primary and secondary sources. For comparative purpose, the paper compares South Africa with countries such as Australia, Canada, Kenya, Cuba, and United Kingdom which have criminalised hate crimes and hate speech. The finding from this study is that despite the Bill’s expressed positive intentions, this draft legislation is problematic for several reasons. The main reason is that it generates considerable controversy mostly because it is considered to infringe the right to freedom of expression. Though the author suggests that the Bill should not be rejected in its entirety, she notes the brutal psychological effect of hate crimes on their direct victims and the writer emphasises that a legislature can succeed to combat hate-crimes only if it provides for them as a separate stand-alone category of offences. In view of these findings, the study recommended that since hate speech clauses have a negative impact on freedom of expression it can be promulgated, subject to the legislature enacting the Prevention and Combatting of Hate-Crimes Bill as a stand-alone law which criminalises hate crimes.

Keywords: freedom of expression, hate crimes, hate speech, human dignity

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Authors: Larry E. Udu, Joseph N. Edeh

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Unarguably, the land is an indispensable factor of production and has been instrumental to numerous conflicts between crop farmers and herders in Nigeria. The conflicts pose a grave challenge to life and property, food security and ultimately to sustainable socio-economic development of the nation. The paper examines the causes of the Fulani herders/farmers conflicts, particularly in the Middle Belt; numerity of occurrences and extent of damage and their socio-economic implications. Content Analytical Approach was adopted as methodology wherein data was extensively drawn from the secondary source. Findings reveal that major causes of the conflict are attributable to violation of tradition and laws, trespass and cultural factors. Consequently, the numerity of attacks and level of fatality coupled with displacement of farmers, destruction of private and public facilities impacted negatively on farmers output with their attendant socio-economic implications on sustainable livelihood of the people and the nation at large. For instance, Mercy Corps (a Global Humanitarian Organization) in its research, 2013-2016 asserts that a loss of $14billion within 3 years was incurred and if the conflict were resolved, the average affected household could see increase income by at least 64 percent and potentially 210 percent or higher and that states affected by the conflicts lost an average of 47 percent taxes/IGR. The paper therefore recommends strict adherence to grazing laws; platform for dialogue bothering on compromises where necessary and encouragement of cattle farmers to build ranches for their cattle according to international standards.

Keywords: conflict, farmers, herders, Nigeria, socio-economic implications

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Authors: Alessandra Rossodivita, Alexei Tikhomirov, Andrey Trufanov, Nikolay Kinash, Olga Berestneva, Svetlana Nikitina, Fabio Casati, Alessandro Visconti, Tommaso Saporito

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It is well known that world and national societies are exposed to diverse threats: anthropogenic, technological, and natural. Anthropogenic ones are of greater risks and, thus, attract special interest to researchers within wide spectrum of disciplines in efforts to lower the pertinent risks. Some researchers showed by means of multilayered, complex network models how media promotes the prevention of disease spread. To go further, not only are mass-media sources included in scope the paper suggests but also personificated social bots (socbots) linked according to reflexive theory. The novel scope considers information spread over conscious and unconscious agents while counteracting both natural and man-made threats, i.e., infections and terrorist hazards. Contrary to numerous publications on misinformation disseminated by ‘bad’ bots within social networks, this study focuses on ‘good’ bots, which should be mobilized to counter the former ones. These social bots deployed mixture with real social actors that are engaged in concerted actions at spreading, receiving and analyzing information. All the contemporary complex network platforms (multiplexes, interdependent networks, combined stem networks et al.) are comprised to describe and test socbots activities within competing information sharing tools, namely mass-media hubs, social networks, messengers, and e-mail at all phases of disasters. The scope and concomitant techniques present evidence that embedding such socbots into information sharing process crucially change the network topology of actor interactions. The change might improve or impair robustness of social network environment: it depends on who and how controls the socbots. It is demonstrated that the topological approach elucidates techno-social processes within the field and outline the roadmap to a safer world.

Keywords: complex network platform, counterterrorism, information sharing topology, social bots

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Authors: Kyllie Cripps

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In Australia, not dissimilar to other jurisdictions with indigenous populations, indigenous women are more likely to experience violence than any other section of society. In recent years in response to horrific examples of Indigenous women’s deaths, Australian Coronial courts have investigated, wanting to know more about the circumstances that led to the deaths. This paper critically examined 12 Coronial Court investigations from around Australia, analyzing them thematically. The analysis highlighted the differential vulnerability of indigenous women to intimate partner homicides. In all the cases reviewed, it was evident that the women’s deaths, in most instances were entirely preventable. Evidence was also presented demonstrating that services were aware of the women’s heightened risks but were unable to sufficiently coordinate themselves to provide wrap around support to minimise the risk of violence and to maximise the women’s safety. Consequently, putting the women in environments where their deaths were both predictable and inevitable. The profound system failings at the intersections of law, policy, and practice have ultimately cost indigenous women their lives. This paper firstly explores the nuances of the Coronial Court findings – demonstrating the similarities and differences present within the cases. Part two interrogates the reported system failings, and part three considers potential improvements in system integration to prevent future deaths. The paper concludes recognizing that Indigenous women play important valued roles in indigenous communities, their loss has profound costs and consequences, and to honor their memory, we must learn from their deaths and improve responses to intimate partner violence.

Keywords: homicide, intimate partner violence, indigenous women

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Authors: Hasrat Arjjumend, Sabiha Alam

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The Nagoya Protocol is landmark international legislation governing access to genetic resources and benefit sharing from utilization of genetic resource and traditional knowledge. The field implications of the international law have been assessed by surveying academic/ research institutions, civil society organizations (CSOs) and concerned individuals, who gave their opinions on whether the provider parties (usually developing countries) would ensure effective participation of Indigenous people and local communities (ILCs) in establishing the mechanisms to inform the potential users of traditional knowledge (TK) about their obligations under art. 12.2 of Nagoya Protocol. First of all, involvement and participation of ILCs in suggested clearing-house mechanisms of the Parties are seldom witnessed. Secondly, as respondents expressed, it is doubtful that developing countries would ensure effective participation of ILCs in establishing the mechanisms to inform the potential users of TK about their obligations. Yet, as most of ILCs speak and understand local or indigenous languages, whether the Nagoya Protocol provides or not, it is a felt need that the Parties should disclose information in a language understandable to ILCs. Alternative opinions indicate that if TK held by ILCs is disclosed, the value is gone. Therefore, it should be protected by the domestic law first and should be disclosed then.

Keywords: genetic resources, indigenous people, language, Nagoya protocol, participation, traditional knowledge

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Authors: Poonamdeep kaur

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With the increase in number of Non-Resident Indian marriages there is also increase in foreign decree divorces which inevitably causes the problem of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments in India. The Hindus in India are governed by the Hindu Marriage Act, 1956. According to the said Act the courts in India have jurisdiction to try the matrimonial dispute if the marriage is performed in India or the parties to the marriage have domicile in India irrespective of their nationality status. But, sometimes one of the parties to the marriage whose marriage is solemnized in India obtains divorce in foreign courts and prays for the recognition and enforcement of such divorce in India. In such case section 13 of the Indian Civil Procedure Code, 1908, comes into play for the recognition and enforcement of foreign divorces in India. The section makes a foreign judgment conclusive in India subject to the fulfilment of certain conditions. Even if a foreign decree divorce is given on personal connecting factors of the parties to the matrimonial dispute like domicile, such divorce may still be refused recognition in India by virtue of section 13 of the Indian Civil Procedure Code, 1908. It is a universal truth that municipal law of countries is not the same throughout the world. Comity plays an important role in recognition and enforcing a foreign judgment, but, now in India the principle is not applied mechanically as the divorce matter is dealt strictly with regard to Indian Law. So in this paper there will be deep analysis of Indian case laws relating to recognition and enforcement of foreign divorces and based on this a comparative study will be made with the laws of Canada and England on the same subject to find out whether the Indian law on recognition and Enforcement of foreign judgment are in line with the laws of Canada and England and whether in recent years the Indian courts have evolved some new principles of private international law to deal with limping marriages. At last conclusions will be drawn out from the comparative study and suggestions would be given to make the rules of recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments on divorce more certain.

Keywords: divorce, foreign decree, private international law, recognition and enforcement of foreign judgment

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Authors: Meltem Karatepe Kaya

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The concept of corporate governance is not new but, due to the recent international financial crisis, it has become prominent in contemporary business, accounting and legal debates. There is a wealth of anecdotal evidence which shows that protection of minority shareholders is an important issue in the corporate governance literature. Minority shareholders typically hold low amounts of stocks, so the benefits gained from their participation in shareholder meetings are very asymmetric to the cost. Therefore, the presence of a good corporate governance structure is the proper protection of and respect for the rights and interests of shareholders, particularly those of minority shareholders. The research will attempt to find answers to the following questions: Why minority shareholders’ rights should be protected? How minority shareholders’ rights could be improved? Does the legal framework in the United Kingdom provide adequate protection for minority shareholders? This study will assess regulations about the legal protections of minority shareholders and try to find answer this question: ’Why is it inevitable for company law to treat in a successful way the problems arising from minority shareholders' conflict with other shareholders of a company?’The protection of minority shareholders is not only a corporate governance objective in its own right but also has added importance particularly in developing countries. In the United Kingdom(UK) and the United States of America(USA), there are diffused ownership structures so that any shareholders do not influence the management of the company. This is in stark contrast to companies in developing countries such as Turkey where controlling shareholders and related insiders are a well-known feature of ownership structures, and where companies are often governed and managed by controlling shareholders such as family firms and associated companies through cross-shareholdings and pyramiding ownership structures. In Turkey, the agency problem is not between shareholders and management. Rather it gives rise to another dimension of the agency problem – a conflict of interest between majority shareholders (controlling) and minority shareholders. This research will make a particularly useful contribution to knowledge-based information and understanding of company law in the UK, particularly minority shareholders' remedies. It will not only give information about law and regulations of minority shareholders' remedies but also it will provide some knowledge about doctrinal discussions and relevant cases. The major contribution to study will be in the knowledge of law and regulation in the legal protections of minority shareholders in the United Kingdom and Turkey. In this study, the recommendations will be given for the development of the legal framework and practices of protections for minority shareholders and small investors.

Keywords: controlling shareholders, corporate governance, derivative actions, minority shareholders

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Authors: Jacolien Barnard, Corlia Van Heerden

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Effective and accessible consensual dispute resolution and in particular alternative dispute resolution, are central to consumer protection legislation. In this regard, the Consumer Protection Act 68 of 2008 (CPA) of South Africa is no exception. Due to the nature of consumer disputes, alternative dispute resolution (in theory) is an effective vehicle for the adjudication of disputes in a timely manner avoiding overburdening of the courts. The CPA sets down as one of its core purposes the provision of ‘an accessible, consistent, harmonized, effective and efficient system of redress for consumers’ (section 3(1)(h) of the CPA). Section 69 of the Act provides for the enforcement of consumer rights and provides for the National Consumer Commission to be the Central Authority which streamlines, adjudicates and channels disputes to the appropriate forums which include Alternative Dispute Resolution Agents (ADR-agents). The purpose of this paper is to analyze the regulation of these enforcement and redress mechanisms with particular focus on the Central Authority as well as the ADR-agents and their crucial role in successful and efficient adjudication of disputes in South Africa. The South African position will be discussed comparatively with the European Union (EU) position. In this regard, the European Union (EU) Directive on Alternative Dispute Resolution for Consumer Disputes (2013/11/EU) will be discussed (The ADR Directive). The aim of the ADR Directive is to solve contractual disputes between consumers and traders (suppliers or businesses) regardless of whether the agreement was concluded offline or online or whether or not the trader is situated in another member state (Recitals 4-6). The ADR Directive provides for a set of quality requirements that an ADR body or entity tasked with resolving consumer disputes should adhere to in member states which include regulatory mechanisms for control. Transparency, effectiveness, fairness, liberty and legality are all requirements for a successful ADR body and discussed within this chapter III of the Directive. Chapters III and IV govern the importance of information and co-operation. This includes information between ADR bodies and the European Commission (EC) but also between ADR bodies or entities and national authorities enforcing legal acts on consumer protection and traders. (In South Africa the National Consumer Tribunal, Provincial Consumer Protectors and Industry ombuds come to mind). All of which have a responsibility to keep consumers informed. Ultimately the papers aims to provide recommendations as to the successfulness of the current South African position in light of the comparative position in Europe and the highlight the importance of proper regulation of these redress and enforcement institutions.

Keywords: alternative dispute resolution, consumer protection law, enforcement, redress

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Authors: Pataramon Satalak, Sakrit Isariyanon, Teerapong Puripanik

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This article uses the recent events in Thailand as a case study for examining why democratic transition is necessary during political upheaval to ensure that the people’s power remains unaffected. After seizing power in May 2014, the military, backed by anti-government protestors, selected and established their own system to govern the country. They set up the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) which established a People’s Assembly, aiming to reach a compromise between the conflicting opinions of former, pro-government and anti-government protesters. It plans to achieve this through political reform before returning sovereign power to the people via an election in 2018. If a governmental authority is not representative of the people (e.g. a military government) it does not count as a legitimate government. During the last four years of military government, from May 2014 to January 2018, their rule of Thailand has been widely controversial, specifically regarding their commitment to democracy, human rights violations and their manipulation of the rule of law. Democratic legitimacy relies not only on established mechanisms for public participation (like referendums or elections) but also public participation based on accessible and educational reform (often via NGOs) to ensure that the free and fair will of the people can be expressed. Through their actions over the last three years, the Thai military government has damaged both of these components, impacting future public participation in politics. The authors make some observations about the specific actions the military government has taken to erode the democratic legitimacy of future public participation: the increasing dominance of military courts over civil courts; civil society’s limited involvement in political activities; the drafting of a new constitution and their attempt to master support through referenda and its consequence for delaying organic law-making process; the structure of the legislative powers (Senate and the members of parliament); and the control of people’s basic freedoms of expression, movement and assembly in political activities. One clear consequence of the military government’s specific actions over the last three years is the increased uncertainty amongst Thai people that their fundamental freedoms and political rights will be respected in the future. This will directly affect their participation in future democratic processes. The military government’s actions (e.g. their response to the UN representatives) will also have influenced potential international engagement in Thai civil society to help educate disadvantaged people about their rights, and their participation in the political arena. These actions challenge the democratic idea that there should be a checking and balancing of power between people and government. These examples provide evidence that a democratic transition is crucial during any process of political transformation.

Keywords: political tranformation, public participation, Thailand coup d'etat 2014, election 2018

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Authors: Sogo Angel Olofinbiyi

Abstract:

There have been widespread assumptions across the globe that the root cause of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria is religious rather than socio-economic. An investigation into this dichotomy allowed this study to fully demonstrate that the root cause of Boko Haram’s terrorist actions emanates from the non-fulfillment of socio-economic goals that are prompted by the violation of fundamental human rights, corruption, poverty, unconstitutional and undemocratic practices in the northern part of the Nigerian state. To achieve its aim of establishing the root cause of the terrorism crisis in the latter country, the study critically appraised the socio-economic context of the insurgency by adopting one-on-one in-depth interviews involving forty (40) participants to interrogate the phenomenon. Empirical evidence from the study demonstrated that the evolution of Boko Haram terrorism was a response to socio-economic phlebotomy, political and moral putrescence, and the dehumanization of people that stem from a combination of decades of mismanagement and pervasive corruption by various Nigerian leaders. The study concludes that, as long as the endemic socio-economic problems caused by global capitalism vis-a-vis unequal hegemonic power exchange as expressed in socio-political, ethno-religious and cultural forms persist in the Nigerian society, the terrorism insurgency will recur and remain an inevitable enterprise and indeed a normal social reaction to every undesirable state of affairs. Based on the findings, the study urges the need for the amelioration of the conditions of the vast majority of the Nigerian populace by making socio-economic facilities available to them through the political state.

Keywords: Boko Haram Terrorism, insurgency, socio-economic, religious injunctions

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Authors: Bárbara Magalhães Bravo, Cláudia Figueiras

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The economical globalization through the liberalization of the markets and capitals boosted the economical development of the nations and the needs for sorting out the disputes arising from the foreign investment. The arbitration, for all the inherent advantages, such as swiftness, arbitrators’ specialise skills and impartiality sets a pacifier tool for the interest in account. Safeguarded the public interest, we face the problem of the confidentiality in the arbitration. The urgent development of impelling mechanisms concerning transparency, guaranty and protection of the interest in account, reveals itself urgent. Through a bibliography review, we will dense the state of art, by going through the several solutions concerning, and pointing out the most suitable. Through the jurisprudential analysis we will point out the solution for the conflict confidentiality/public interest. The transparency, inextricable from the public interest, imposes the arbitration process can be open to all citizens. Transparency rules have been considered at the UNCITRAL in attempting to conciliate the necessity of publicity and the public interest, however still insufficient. The arbitration of foreign investment carries consequences to the citizens of the State. Articulating mechanisms between the arbitral procedures secrecy and the public interest should be adopted. The arbitration of foreign investment, being a tertius genius between the international arbitration and the administrative arbitration would claim its own regulation in each and every States where the confidentiality rules and its exceptions could be identified. One should enquiry where the limit of the citizens’ individual rights protection and the public interest should give way to the principle of transparency

Keywords: arbitration, foreign investment, transparency, confidenciality, International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes UNCITRAL

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Authors: F. Argurio, F. G. Vaccaro

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In a global environment defined by ever-increasing health issues, in spite of the progress made by modern medicine, this paper seeks to readdress the question of global health in an international relations perspective. The research hypothesis is: the lower the security environment, the higher the spread of communicable diseases. This question will be channeled by re-scaling the connotation of 'global' and 'international' dimension through the theoretical lens of glocalization, a theory by Bauman that starts its analysis from simple systems to get to the most complex ones. Glocalization theory will be operationalized by analyzing health in an armed-conflict context. In this respect, the independent variable 'low security environment' translates into the cases of Syria and Yemen, which provide a clear example of the all-encompassing nature of conflict on national health and the effects on regional development. In fact, Syria and Yemen have been affected by poliomyelitis and cholera outbreaks respectively. The dependent variable will be constructed on said communicable diseases which belong to the families of sanitation-related and vaccine-preventable diseases. The research will be both qualitative and quantitative, based on primary (interviews) and secondary (WHO and other NGO’s reports) sources. The methodology is based on the assessment of the vaccine coverage and case-analysis in time and space using epidemiological data. Moreover, local health facilities’ functioning and efficiency will be studied. The article posits that the intervention and cooperation of international organizations with the local authorities becomes crucial to provide the local populations with their primary health needs. In Yemen, the majority of fatal cholera cases were in the regions controlled by the Houthi rebels, not officially accredited by the International Community. Similarly, the polio outbreak in Syria primarily affected the areas not controlled by the Syrian Arab Republic forces, recognized as the leading interlocutor by the WHO. The jeopardized possibilities to access these countries have been pivotal to the determining the problem in controlling sanitation-related and vaccine preventable diseases. This represents a potential threat to global health.

Keywords: health in conflict-affected areas, cholera, polio, Yemen, Syria, glocalization

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Authors: Dilek Dede

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This study aims at scrutinized the dilemma between education place and working place with professional socialization dimension over the beginning teachers in Turkey is to be found the solution for the dilemma in Turkey. The research question is that how can be explained the gap between education place and working place for beginning teachers in Turkey. That expected to contribute to literature with the solutions for shorting the gap between working area and education area of the teaching profession in Turkey case. The study is constructed in two section. Firstly, socialization of the teaching profession and teaching modules have been discussed through the profession, education, working place indicators. In the second section, Secondly, two educational specialists from Turkey has been interviewed about their observation on trainee teachers compelling to participate the class for candidate teachers after university grade. Then, the dilemma between education area and working area of the teaching profession has been detected by of semi-structured and in-depth interviews, the literature on the relationality of institutions and regulation is discussed. The following outcomes have been accessed in accordance with the data set and literature linkage axis: Firstly, teachers coming from the distinctive programmes as an educational background. Hence, teachers who pertain to distinctive cultures work in the same environment. That cause cultural conflicts and complication of socialization of profession. Secondly, the insufficient partnership between schools and universities besides, the education classes lead to a struggle of culture among these two institutions. Thirdly, the education classes are designed as bureaucratic form instead of coalescence between head teachers and trainee teachers around a common culture. That become deep the dilemma. In conclusion, on condition that applied-oriented education that advocates in-service learning is promoted and this programme is supported with well-structured the in-service training through the partnership of universities and schools, the gap between the working-area and education-area might be shortened.

Keywords: beginning teachers, construction of a common, social mobilization in the teaching profession, teacher training institution, the relationality of the regulations and institutions

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Authors: L. Ponomarenko, Rachid Kaouar

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Morocco has rejoined the African Union and more than 30 years after it left the continental body due to the recognition of the Arabic Republic of Western Sahara. Morocco was readmitted after a one year campaign led by the King himself, who was visiting the Eastern African country with the aim to expend the kingdom presence in new region in Africa after that it managed to build a large influence net in the West Africa region. The return of Morocco can be a beginning of a new era in the foreign policy of Morocco, specially, in the policy towards the state-quo of the Western Sahara conflict, which is considerate as one the biggest obstacle for the cooperation and integration process in the region of North Africa. As a member-state of the African Union Morocco has lot more to lose, according to that the Moroccan position must be more flexible.

Keywords: African Union, Algeria, Morocco, North African Region, Western Sahara

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Authors: Muhammad Danyal Khan

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The standards of patentability are drawing a great impact upon medicine industry of Pakistan which is indirectly troubling the right to health of ordinary citizen. Globalization of intellectual property laws is directly impacting access to medicine for population in Pakistan. Pakistan has enacted Patent Ordinance 2000 to develop the standards of Patent laws in consonance with international commitments. Moreover, Pakistan is signatory to UN Millennium Development Goals (2000-2015), and three of them directly put stress upon the health standards. This article will provide a critical brief about implications of TRIPS Agreement on standards of health in Pakistan and will also propose a futuristic approach for the pharmaceutical industry. This paper will define the paradox of globalization and national preparedness on pharmaceutical patents utilizing industry statistics and case laws from Pakistan. Moreover, this work will contribute towards debate on access to medicine at legislative and interpretative levels that will further help development of equilibrium between pharmaceutical patents and right to health.

Keywords: TRIPS (Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights), patents, compulsory licensing, patent, lifesaving drugs, WTO, infringement

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Authors: Omair Anas

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The Persian Gulf has been in turmoil for a long time since the colonial administration has handed over the role to the small and weak kings and emirs who were assured of protection in return of many economic and security promises to them. The regional order, Saudi Arabia evolved was a rentier regional order secured by an expansion of rentier economy and taking responsibility for much of the expenses of the regional order on behalf of relatively poor countries. The two oil booms helped the Saudi state to expand the 'rentier order' driven stability and bring the countries like Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Palestine under its tutelage. The disruptive misadventure, however, came with Iran's proclamation of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 which it wanted to be exported to its 'un-Islamic and American puppet' Arab neighbours. For Saudi Arabia, even the challenge presented by the socialist-nationalist Arab dictators like Gamal Abdul Nasser and Hafez Al-Assad was not that much threatening to the Saudi Arabia’s then-defensive realism. In the Arab uprisings, the Gulf monarchies saw a wave of insecurity and Iran found it an opportune time to complete the revolutionary process it could not complete after 1979. An alliance of convenience and ideology between Iran and Islamist groups had the real potential to challenge both Saudi Arabia’s own security and its leadership in the region. The disruptive threat appeared at a time when the Saudi state had already sensed an impending crisis originating from the shifts in the energy markets. Low energy prices, declining global demands, and huge investments in alternative energy resources required Saudi Arabia to rationalize its economy according to changing the global political economy. The domestic Saudi reforms remained gradual until the death of King Abdullah in 2015. What is happening now in the region, the Qatar crisis, the Lebanon crisis and the Saudi-Iranian proxy war in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen has combined three immediate objectives, rationalising Saudi economy and most importantly, the resetting the Saudi royal power for Saudi Arabia’s longest-serving future King Mohammad bin Salman. The Saudi King perhaps has no time to wait and watch the power vacuum appearing because of Iran’s expansionist foreign policy. The Saudis appear to be employing an offensive realism by advancing a pro-active regional policy to counter Iran’s threatening influence amid disappearing Western security from the region. As the Syrian civil war is coming to a compromised end with ceding much ground to Iran-controlled militias, Hezbollah and Al-Hashad, the Saudi state has lost much ground in these years and the threat from Iranian proxies is more than a reality, more clearly in Bahrain, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen. This paper attempts to analyse the changing Saudi behaviour in the region, which, the author understands, is shaped by an offensive-realist approach towards finding a favourable security environment for the Saudi-led regional order, a post-rentier order perhaps.

Keywords: terrorism, Saudi Arabia, Rentier State, gulf crisis

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Authors: Fady Tawakol

Abstract:

BitCoin is a decentralized cryptocurrency that can be used without the need of traditional central banks to accomplish any e-commerce trade. The use of such currency could facilitate new economic interactions and linkages. However, without effective and efficient regulations, cryptocurrency transactions are mostly used by criminals to commit crimes such as money laundering, theft, and blackmailing. And because law is one step behind technological developments, this paper discusses the importance of regulations and supervision for the BitCoin-system, to provide unified regulatory solutions for our digital future in the Middle East. It will provide a detailed analysis of the legal nature of BitCoin along with, its regulation with respect to criminal and civil law.

Keywords: BitCoin, financial protection, crypto currency, money laundering

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Authors: Minh Thi Hai Vo

Abstract:

This article draws on in-depth interviews with state employees at public hospitals and universities in its institutional analysis of the autonomy practices of public service delivery units in Vietnam. Unlike many empirical and theoretical studies that view formal and informal institutions as complements or substitutes, this article finds no evidence of complementary or substitutive relationships. Instead, the article finds that formal institutions accommodate informal ones and that informal institutions tend to compete and interfere, with the existing and ineffective formal institutions. The result of such conflicting relationship is that the actual autonomy of public service delivery units is, in most cases, perceived to be greater than the formal autonomy they are given. In the condition of poor regulation, the informal autonomy may result in unethical practices including rent-seeking and corruption. The implication of the study finding is policy-makers need to redesign and reorganize the autonomisation of public service delivery units to make informal institutions support and reinforce formal ones in a complementary manner.

Keywords: autonomy, formal institutions, informal institutions, public service delivery units, Vietnam

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Authors: Haley Hrymak

Abstract:

For decades drug addiction has been understood to be a health problem and not a social problem. While research has advanced to allow for a more comprehensive understanding of the factors affecting addiction, the justice system has lagged behind. Given all that is known about addiction as a health issue and the need for effective rehabilitation to prevent further involvement with crime, there is a need for a dramatic shift in order to ensure individual's human right to health is being upheld within the Canadian criminal justice system. This research employs the qualitative methodology to interview advocates who work with substance users within the Greater Vancouver area to explore best practices for representing individuals with substance abuse issues within the Canadian justice system. The research shows that treatment, not punishment, is what is needed in order for recidivism to be reduced for individuals with substance abuse issues. The creative options that advocates employ to work within the current system are intended to provide a guide for lawyers working within the current criminal justice system.

Keywords: addiction, criminal law, right to health, rehabilitation

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Authors: Chukwuemeka Castro Nwabuzor

Abstract:

The 2015 Administration of Criminal Justice Act in Nigeria clearly sets out conditions for bail for felonies, lesser offenses and capital offenses. Even where the conditions for bail are met, granting an application for bail is not automatic as it is subject to the discretion of the court. Where the court, however, grants bail to an accused, the detaining authority which usually is the executive arm of government is bound to comply with the order of the court. This paper discusses the constitutionality of the continued detention of criminal suspects in disobedience to an order of the court and in the absence of an appeal. Particularly, the paper looks at the rights to personal liberty, the dignity of the human person and also the presumption of innocence which remains one of the crucial pillars of our criminal jurisprudence. The paper analyses the reasons posed by the executive for the continued detention of a suspect including State security and security of the suspect and questions whether the reasons are reasonable justifiable in a constitutional democratic society and whether they breach the principles of separation of powers. The paper concludes that the continued detention criminal of suspects in disobedience to court orders constitutes contempt of court and dishonours the principles of separation of powers enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. This paper makes a strong case for the donation of more enforceable powers to the judiciary particularly with regards to the granting of compensation orders against the executive and ensuring compliance by the executive to bail orders.

Keywords: breach of fundamental rights, contempt of court, discretion of court, right to bail, separation of powers

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