Search results for: political conflicts

Authors: Marc Arthur Bien Aimé, Julio da Silveira Moreira

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This study examines the political speech in Haiti over the course of the decade 2011-2021, focusing on the speeches of the presidents Michel J. Martelly and Jovenel Moïse and their impacts on their awareness collective. In using a qualitative approach, we have analyzed the speech of the president pronounced in response to the political instability of countries, as well as interviews with a group of 20 Haitians living in Port- Au-Prince. Our results put in evidence their complex relationship between politics, awareness collective, and the influence of the powers imperialists. We show that the situation in Haiti's disastrous social and political situation is driven by personal political interests and the absence of a state political project. Moreover, the speeches of the president’s analysis are meaningless, transforming concepts such as social progress and justice in simple words. This political rhetoric contributes to the domination symbolic of the population of Haitian. This study is also linked to the theme “Constitutions, processes democratic and critical of the state in Latin America,” emphasizing the importance of analysis of political speech to understand the complexities of the democratic process and criticism of the State in their Latin American region. We suggest future research to deepen our understanding of these political dynamics and their impact on public policies and developments of the constitutions throughout Latin America.

Keywords: political discourse, conscience collective, inequality social, democratic processes, constitutions, Haiti

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Authors: Emmanuel Anim

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Ghana has been touted as an oasis of peace in Africa following her relatively peaceful democratic elections, proliferated number of the media, and freedom of speech. Besides, the former Gold Coast country is yet to experience any major incidence of terrorism. Nevertheless, the somewhat occasional simmering violence and conflicts arising from political, religious and chieftaincy skirmishes, largely at its northern part portrays that it is not immune to the political violence of terrorism. The predominantly-based qualitative research reveals that current conditions of socio-politico-economic, and religious issues in Ghana places the West African country on the possible sidelines of the phenomenon of terrorism, when its status quo is juxtaposed with the factors enumerated to have culminated in the rise of Boko Haram, and its accompanying insurgency in Nigeria. Arguing from the perspective of the theory of Social Movement, the analyses and discussions note that the current state of affairs in Ghana could foster domestic terrorism in the country. What is more, the research shows that Ghana faces threats from transnational terrorism given the tendency for elements in Ghana to sympathize and subscribe to the ideological dictates and appeals from Boko Haram and other terrorist organizations. As a consequence, the study recommends that adverse conditions of poverty, poor governance, unemployment, and rising levels of (Islamic) religious radicalization should be remedied by economic improvements, good governance, job creation, and de-radicalization programs by government officials to aid mitigate the incidence of terrorism in the country.

Keywords: Boko Haram, Ghana, Nigeria, terrorism

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Authors: Imbesat Daudi

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One of the most discussed topics of the last century happens to be if Islamic civilization is violent. Many Western intellectuals have promoted the notion that Islamic civilization is violent. Citing 9/11, in which 3000 civilians were killed, they argue that Muslims are prone to violence because Islam promotes violence. However, Muslims reject this notion as nonsense. This topic has not been properly addressed. First, violence of civilizations cannot be proven by citing religious texts, which have been used in discussions over civilizational violence. Secondly, the question of whether Muslims are violent is inappropriate, as there is implicit bias suggesting that Islamic civilization is violent. A proper question should be which civilization is more violent. Third, whether Islamic civilization is indeed violent can only be established if more war-related casualties can be documented within the borders of Islamic civilization than that of their cohorts. This has never been done. Finally, the violent behavior of Muslim countries can be examined by comparing acts of violence committed by Muslim countries with acts of violence of groups of nations belonging to other civilizations by appropriate parameters of violence. Therefore, parameters reflecting group violence have been defined; violent conflicts of various civilizations of the last two centuries were documented, quantified by number of conflicts and number of victims, and compared with each other by following the established principles of statistics. The results show that whereas 80% of genocides and massacres were conducted by Western nations, less than 5% of acts of violence were committed by Muslim countries. Furthermore, the West has the highest incidence (new) and prevalence (new and old) of violent conflicts among all groups of nations. The result is unambiguous and statistically significant. Becoming informed can only be done by a methodical collection of relevant data, objective analysis of data, and unbiased information, a process which this paper follows.

Keywords: Islam and violence, demonization of Muslims, violence and the West, comparison of civilizational violence

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Authors: Alireza Fard Kashani

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This study reports on the experiences and attitudes of six Iranian migrant families, from two groups of asylum seekers and skilled workers, with regard to their language, identity, and acculturation in Australia. The participants included first generation parents and 1.5-generation adolescents, who had lived in Australia for a minimum of three years. For this investigation, Mendoza’s (1984, 2016) acculturation model, as well as poststructuralist views of identity, were employed. The semi-structured interview results have highlighted that Iranian parents and adolescents face low degrees of intergenerational conflicts in most domains of their acculturation. However, the structural and lawful patterns in Australia have caused some internal conflicts for the parents, especially fathers (e.g., their power status within the family or their children’s freedom). Furthermore, while most participants reported ‘cultural eclecticism’ as their preferred acculturation orientation, female participants seemed to be more eclectic than their male counterparts who showed inclination towards keeping more aspects of their home culture. This finding, however, highlights a meaningful effort on the part of husbands that in order to make their married lives continue well in Australia they need to re-consider the traditional male-dominated customs they used to have in Iran. As for identity, not only the parents but also the adolescents proudly identified themselves as Persians. In addition, with respect to linguistic behaviour, almost all adolescents showed enthusiasm to retain the Persian language at home to be able to maintain contacts with their relatives and friends in Iran and to enjoy many other benefits the language may offer them in the future.

Keywords: acculturation, asylum seekers, identity, intergenerational conflicts, language, skilled workers, 1.5 generation

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Authors: Thomas Rockstuhl, Kok Yee Ng, Guido Gianasso, Soon Ang

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Two meta-analyses show that intercultural experience is not related to intercultural adaptation or performance in international assignments. These findings have prompted calls for a deeper grounding of research on international experience in the phenomenon of global work. Two issues, in particular, may limit current understanding of the relationship between international experience and global work performance. First, intercultural experience is too broad a construct that may not sufficiently capture the essence of global work, which to a large part involves sensemaking and managing intercultural conflicts. Second, the psychological mechanisms through which intercultural experience affects performance remains under-explored, resulting in a poor understanding of how experience is translated into learning and performance outcomes. Drawing on recognition primed decision-making (RPD) research, the current study advances a cognitive processing model to highlight the importance of intercultural conflict familiarity. Compared to intercultural experience, intercultural conflict familiarity is a more targeted construct that captures individuals’ previous exposure to dealing with intercultural conflicts. Drawing on RPD theory, we argue that individuals’ intercultural conflict familiarity enhances their ability to make accurate judgments and generate effective responses when intercultural conflicts arise. In turn, the ability to make accurate situation judgements and effective situation responses is an important predictor of global work performance. A relocation program within a multinational enterprise provided the context to test these hypotheses using a time-lagged, multi-source field study. Participants were 165 employees (46% female; with an average of 5 years of global work experience) from 42 countries who relocated from country to regional offices as part a global restructuring program. Within the first two weeks of transfer to the regional office, employees completed measures of their familiarity with intercultural conflicts, cultural intelligence, cognitive ability, and demographic information. They also completed an intercultural situational judgment test (iSJT) to assess their situation judgment and situation response. The iSJT comprised four validated multimedia vignettes of challenging intercultural work conflicts and prompted employees to provide protocols of their situation judgment and situation response. Two research assistants, trained in intercultural management but blind to the study hypotheses, coded the quality of employee’s situation judgment and situation response. Three months later, supervisors rated employees’ global work performance. Results using multilevel modeling (vignettes nested within employees) support the hypotheses that greater familiarity with intercultural conflicts is positively associated with better situation judgment, and that situation judgment mediates the effect of intercultural familiarity on situation response quality. Also, aggregated situation judgment and situation response quality both predicted supervisor-rated global work performance. Theoretically, our findings highlight the important but under-explored role of familiarity with intercultural conflicts; a shift in attention from the general nature of international experience assessed in terms of number and length of overseas assignments. Also, our cognitive approach premised on RPD theory offers a new theoretical lens to understand the psychological mechanisms through which intercultural conflict familiarity affects global work performance. Third, and importantly, our study contributes to the global talent identification literature by demonstrating that the cognitive processes engaged in resolving intercultural conflicts predict actual performance in the global workplace.

Keywords: intercultural conflict familiarity, job performance, judgment and decision making, situational judgment test

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Authors: Solopova Olga

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The present paper briefly recalls theoretical preconditions for investigating cognitive-discursive models of future in political discourse. The author reviews theories and methods used for strengthening a future focus in this discourse working out two main tools – a model of future and a metaphorical scenario. The paper examines the implications of metaphorical analogies for modeling future in mass media. It argues that metaphor is not merely a rhetorical ornament in the political discourse of media regulation but a conceptual model that legislates and regulates our understanding of future.

Keywords: cognitive approach, future research, political discourse, model, scenario, metaphor

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Authors: Hui Wang, Huan Zhang

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This study uses systematic review and qualitative comparative analysis methods to comprehensively inquire about the recent street-level policy entrepreneurship research, to identify the characteristics and lessons we can learn from 20 years of street-level policy entrepreneurship literature, and the relations between political contexts and street-level policy entrepreneurs’ strategies. Using data from a systematic review of street-level policy entrepreneurship literature, we identify the sub-components of different political contexts and core strategies of street-level policy entrepreneurs and estimate the configurational relations between different political settings and street-level policy entrepreneurs’ strategies. Our results show that street-level policy entrepreneurs display social acuity, define the problem, and build team strategies when policy or political streams dominate. Street-level policy entrepreneurs will use lead-by-example strategies when both policy and political streams dominate. Furthermore, street-level policy entrepreneurs will use bureaucratic strategies, even if no stream dominates in the political context.

Keywords: policy entrepreneurs, qualitative comparative analysis, street-level bureaucracy, systematic review

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Authors: Mehdi Beyad

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Muhammad Abduh stands as a founding thinker of Islamic revivalism and modernism, the political phenomenon which began with him and Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in the 19th century which sought to address the perceived regression of Islamic societies in the face of western colonialism and the onslaught of modernity. The scholarship on Abduh and al-Afghani, and Islamic modernism in general, is vast. This paper, however, provides a critical approach to some of this scholarship and attempts to re-think the epistemic framework of Abduh's political thought and the place of Islam therein. Much of the current work on Abduh falls into the trap of seeing his task as one of "compromising" Islam for the values of European modernity. This paper argues that for Abduh, Islam was not just a compartmentalised theological framework: it was at the nexus of societal emancipation, intellectual and cultural rejuvenation, and political progress. Far from “modernising” and diluting Islam to the extent that it became irrelevant in the face of rationality as defined by European modernity, Islam remained central to Abduh’s political framework.

Keywords: Islamic political thought, Islamic revivalism, modernism, Muhammad Abduh, epistemology

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Authors: Hyeon Jong Yoo, Jae Hwan Yang, Dong Kyu Kim

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Recently, riding a bicycle is recommended as an eco-friendly means of transportation. In Seoul, the mayor has secured budget for extending bicycle infrastructure. As bicycle rental centers are adopted in places, more citizens are using bike rental service on bike-only roads for leisure. However, most of the citizens are not experienced in riding bicycles. They usually do not wear helmets, keep the balance of bicycle riding, and pay attention to nearby occasions. Therefore, in this study, bicycles on Han-river bike-only road were tracked, and their behaviors were analyzed in order to show how dangerously beginner riders are riding. The number of conflicts is calculated to evaluate riding safety on the most crowded bike-only road. As a result, conflicts between beginner riders and fast-driving skilled drivers are frequently observed especially at night, and on weekends. In conclusion, it is suggested that the government should acknowledge citizens the fact that bikes are vehicles and adopt a test for bike driving.

Keywords: bicycles, safety, bike-only road, policy proposal

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Authors: Sohaib Khaliq

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This paper pursues a systematic analysis of the broad range of theories and studies relevant to Islam and democracy, in general and as they have been developed from and applied to the Indonesian and Pakistani cases. The analysis finds that an Islamic society’s potential to assimilate democratic political institutions is contingent on either an unconstrained 'political participation' or its ability to 'reinterpret' religious text. Drawing on a comparison of Indonesia and Pakistan, the present study favors a route that passes through the religious gates of theoretical reinterpretation. In doing so, the study brings Muslim reformation theory into focus by clarifying the mechanism by which reformation takes place.

Keywords: Islam, democratization, political Islam, reformation

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Authors: Wesam Hamed

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This paper contributes to the existing literature by investigating the impact of political risks on the capital adequacy ratio in the banking sector of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, which is the first attempt for this nexus to the best of our knowledge. The dynamic panel data model (System‐GMM) showed that political risks significantly decrease the capital adequacy ratio in the banking sector. For this purpose, we used political risks, bank-specific, profitability, and macroeconomic variables that are utilized from the data stream database for the period 2005-2017. The results also actively support the “too big to fail” hypothesis. Finally, the robustness results confirm the conclusions derived from the baseline System‐GMM model.

Keywords: capital adequacy ratio, system GMM, GCC, political risks

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Authors: Busari Moshood Olanyi

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Good governance remains the expectation of every political party in power, especially in this democratic dispensation of the Nigerian Nation. The need to ensure that the citizenry enjoys the dividends of democracy as often promised during various electioneering campaigns is envisioned to be the motif for different agendas and political slogans by different administrations. Unfortunately, different political agendas towards the security of lives and properties, halting the pillage of the economy by corrupt public officials and creation of employment opportunities for the youths, have a record of setback in the history of political leadership and governance in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper examined the principles of Islamic theocracy in its advocacy for a paradigm shift in the Nigerian political system, with a view to engendering good governance. Islamic political terms such as Shūrā (mutual consultation), ‘Adālah (equality and justice), Khilāfah (succession and stewardship) Majlis ash-Shūrā (consultative forum) and Muḥāsabah (accountability) were espoused as sacrosanct to implementing Islamic theocracy as an alternative system of government in Nigeria. The paper concluded by being flexible on the nomenclature of the suggested political system, considering the multi-religious nature of the country as a political entity. Among other recommendations, infusion of politics into our moral/religious system and not the other way round was considered a good step in the direction of a political paradigm shift for ensuring good governance and guaranteeing its sustainability in Nigeria.

Keywords: Nigerian nation, democracy, good governance, Islamic theocracy, paradigm shift

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Authors: Sajid Iqbal Sheikh

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From almost last 100 years 'political islam' has diversity in its usage as terminology in the speculative works of both muslim and non-muslims theorists. 'Political islam' as a term was coined consciously as equal to the 'militant islam' and “Terrorist Islam” vs “Plain Islam” and “Modern Islam” etc. Many paradigm shifts tamed the term into one of the hottest debate of the day. This research paper aims to categorize historical linkage of its coinage, development phases and present status. Based on content analysis, Narrative approach has been utilized for the sake of dexterous conclusion. The paper treasures out that Western dominance on civilizational and political spheres of the holistic world considers 'political islam' a gigantic threat and plans to resist it in theoretic and practical fields simultaneously. Despite minor strategic variances, the ideological followers of Syed Qutab, Mulana Mudoodi and Hasan Al-Bana, are struggling hard for the achievement of their ultimate goal of Political change, specifically in the Muslim World in the prior phase. The paper concludes that Resistance to Islamic resurgence and its Political goals is being observed in most of the Muslim world, especially in the Turkey, Algeria, Egypt, Tsunia and Yeman etc, which is a basic cause of contrary reaction in the Muslim World.

Keywords: electoral process, islamic resurgence, islamic political theory, muslim response, resistance, western hegemony

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Authors: Andre C Jordaan

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The end of the Cold War and rivalry between super powers has changed the nature of military build-up in many countries. A call from international institutions like the United Nations, International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to reduce the levels of military expenditure was the order of the day. However, this bid to cut military expenditure has not been forthright. Recently, active armed conflicts occurred in at least 46 states in 2021 with 8 in the Americas, 9 in Asia and Oceania, 3 in Europe, 8 in the Middle East and North Africa and 18 in sub-Saharan Africa. Global military expenditure in 2022 was estimated to be US$2,2 trillion, representing 2.2 per cent of global gross domestic product. Particularly sharp rises in military spending have followed in African countries and the Middle East. Global military expenditure currently follows two divergent trends, either a declining trend in the West caused mainly by austerity, efforts to control budget deficits and the wrapping up of prolonged wars. However, some parts of the world shows an increasing trend on the back of security concerns, geopolitical ambitions and some internal political factors. Conflict related fatalities in sub-Saharan Africa alone increased by 19 per cent between 2020 and 2021. The interaction between military expenditure (read conflict) and international trade is generally the cause of much debate. Some argue that countries’ fear of losing trade opportunities causes political decision makers to refrain from engaging in conflict when important trading partners are involved. However, three main arguments are always present when discussing the relationship between military expenditure or conflicts and international trade: Free trade could promote peaceful cooperation, it could trigger tension between trading blocs and partners, and trade could have no effect because conflict is based on issues that are more important. Military expenditure remains an important element of the overall government expenditure in many African countries. On the other hand, numerous researchers perceive increased international trade to be one of the main factors promoting economic growth in these countries. The purpose of this paper is therefore to determine what effect, if any, exist between the level of military expenditure and international trade within a selection of 19 African countries. Applying an augmented gravity model to explore the relationship between military expenditure and international trade, evidence is found to confirm the existence of an inverse relationship between these two variables. It seems that the results are in line with the Liberal school of thought where trade is seen as an instrument of conflict prevention. Trade is therefore perceived as a symptom of peace and not a cause thereof. In general, conflict or rumors of conflict tend to reduce trade. If conflict did not impede trade, economic agents would be indifferent to risk. Many claim that trade brings peace, however, it seems that it is rather peace that brings trade. From the results, it appears that trade reduces the risk of conflict and that conflict reduces trade.

Keywords: African countries, conflict, international trade, military expenditure

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Authors: Sara Melkonyan

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Over the past decades, the political (and partly legal) doctrine of remedial secession has emerged on the basis of the development of internationally recognized human rights and rights of peoples stemming from various multilateral treaties, which stipulates that aggrieved and persecuted nations have the right to secede from the parent state as a remedy for their continuous and unstoppable grievances. The 44-day war in Nagorno-Karabakh and the following events posed severe challenges for Nagorno-Karabakh and its people. Constant aggression and threat, the humanitarian crisis caused by the closure of the Lachin Corridor, the persistent threat of ethnic cleansing of Artsakhi Armenians, and the state policy that has been executed towards Artsakhi people by the Azerbaijani authorities come to prove that the Artsakhi people cannot survive under Azerbaijani control and secession may be the last resort for ending oppression. The paper tries to make parallels with similar cases and discuss the doctrine of remedial secession applied selectively among different cases. This paper aims to figure out why in some cases the secessionist movements succeeded to gain independence based on the doctrine of remedial secession, in other cases, they refused to gain recognition from the international community. Through analyzing the domestic-level and then international-level factors, the study concluded that the doctrine of remedial secession is inherently in the political realm and almost impossible to draw substantial “recipes” for warranting secession, and the latter is not applied similarly among the cases, so its success mainly depends on the geopolitical interests of the great powers involved.

Keywords: R2P, remedial secession, self-determination, conflicts

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Authors: Grace Modupe Adebo, Ayodeji Oluwamuyiwa Adedapo

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Women are key actors in ensuring food security in terms of food availability, food access, and food utilization in the developing economy, however, they suffer mostly during violent conflicts due to their feminist nature of rearing and caring for their children and relatives. The study was embarked upon to access the effects of violent conflicts posed by Boko Haram insurgency on women and food security in the Northeast of Nigeria. The study made use of secondary data. A time series data collected over a 22 years period were used. The data collected were subjected to descriptive statistics and t-test analysis. The findings of the study established a significant difference in food production (availability) before and after the Boko Haram insurgency at the 1% level of significance. The high level of Internally Displaced Person (IDP) with a high proportion of women depicts a very low level of food accessibility as the men and women has fled and uninhabited their place of abode for over a period of four to five years, thus diminishing their economic power, and the means of acquiring food which invariably endanger food stability and utilization. The study confirmed the abduction and changing roles of women as cooks, porters, spies, partners, and sex slaves to Boko Haram troop members, thus affecting their livelihoods and food security. The study recommends hands-on interventions by the governmental, non-governmental and international agencies to terminate the activities of Boko Haram in the area and restore the food production for enhanced food security.

Keywords: Boko Haram insurgency, food accessibility, food production, food utilization, women’s livelihoods

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Authors: E Tambo, O. O. Olalubi, E. C. Ugwu, J. Y. Ngogang

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Despite the World Health Organization (WHO) declaration of international health emergency concern, the status quo of responses and efforts to stem the worst-recorded Ebola epidemic Ebola outbreak is still precariously inadequate in most of the affected in West. Mining natural resources have been shown to play a key role in both motivating and fuelling ethnic, civil and armed conflicts that have plagued a number of African countries over the last decade. Revenues from the exploitation of natural resources are not only used in sustaining the national economy but also armies, personal enrichment and building political support. Little is documented on the mining and ecological impact on the emergence and geographical distribution of Ebola in Africa over time and space. We aimed to provide a better understanding of the interconnectedness among issues of mining natural, resource management, mining conflict and post-conflict on Ebola outbreak and how wealth generated from abundant natural resources could be better managed in promoting research and development towards strengthening environmental, socioeconomic and health systems sustainability on Ebola outbreak and other emerging diseases surveillance and responses systems prevention and control, early warning alert, durable peace and sustainable development rather than to fuel conflicts, resurgence and emerging diseases epidemics in the perspective of community and national/regional approach. Our results showed the first assessment of systematic impact of all major minerals conflict events diffusion over space and time and mining activities on nine Ebola genesis and geo-distribution in affected countries across Africa. We demonstrate how, where and when mining activities in Africa increase ecological degradation, conflicts at the local level and then spreads violence across territory and time by enhancing the financial capacities of fighting groups/ethnics and diseases onset. In addition, led process of developing minimum standards for natural resource governance; improving governmental and civil society capacity for natural resource management, including the strengthening of monitoring and enforcement mechanisms; understanding the post-mining and conflicts community or national reconstruction and rehabilitation programmes in strengthening or developing community health systems and regulatory mechanisms. In addition the quest for the control over these resources and illegal mining across the landscape forest incursion provided increase environmental and ecological instability and displacement and disequilibrium, therefore affecting the intensity and duration of mining and conflict/wars and episode of Ebola outbreaks over time and space. We highlight the key findings and lessons learnt in promoting country or community-led process in transforming natural resource wealth from a peace liability to a peace asset. The imperative necessity for advocacy and through facilitating intergovernmental deliberations on critical issues and challenges affecting Africa community transforming exploitation of natural resources from a peace liability to outbreak prevention and control. The vital role of mining in increasing government revenues and expenditures, equitable distribution of wealth and health to all stakeholders, in particular local communities requires coordination, cooperative leadership and partnership in fostering sustainable developmental initiatives from mining context to outbreak and other infectious diseases surveillance responses systems in prevention and control, and judicious resource management.

Keywords: mining, mining conflicts, mines, ecological, Ebola, outbreak, mining companies, miners, impact

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Authors: Maria Krambia-Kapardis, Andreas Kapardis

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The relevant literature has been inundated with arguments for ethics, moral values, honesty, resilience, trust in leadership as well as responsible leadership. In many countries around the globe, and as shown by some recent reports, many political leaders are not role models and do not show best practices by being ethical, responsible, compassionate, and resilient. Journalists, whistleblowers, WikiLeaks, Al Jazeera, and the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) have been brought out from the shadow of political leaders who lack the virtues/attributes outlined above by the UN Global Compact. A number of political leaders who lack ethical and responsible leadership skills will continue to find loopholes to enrich themselves and their close friends and relatives. Some researchers use the Millon Inventory of Diagnostic; however, this test, while it provides helpful and useful insights into the personality of a person who leads or inspire his/her people but does not show if that person is ethical, motivating, and empowers his people with trust and honesty. Thus, it is recommended that political leaders ought to undergo training that encompasses Aristotelian Ethics by embedding the appropriate values and behaviours in their strategies, policies, and decisions, enhancing the change factors that will help in the implementation of a more sustainable development model. Finally, there is a need to develop a pedagogy and a curriculum which enables the development of responsible political leaders.

Keywords: political leaders, corruption, anti-corruption, political corruption

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Authors: Nadia Elouaer

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Tax revenue is the main state resource and one of the important variables in tax policy. Nevertheless, this resource is continually decreasing, so it is important to focus on the reasons for this decline. Several studies show that the taxpayer is reluctant to pay taxes, especially in countries at risk or in countries in transition, including Tunisia. This study focuses on the tax evasion behavior of a Tunisian taxpayer under the influence of his political beliefs, as well as the influence of different tax compliance variables. Using a questionnaire, a sample of 500 Tunisian taxpayers is used to examine the relationship between political beliefs and taxpayer affiliations and tax compliance variables, as well as the study of the causal link between political beliefs and fraudulent behavior. The data were examined using correlation, factor, and regression analysis and found a positive and statistically significant relationship between the different tax compliance variables and the tax evasion behavior. There is also a positive and statistically significant relationship between tax evasion and political beliefs and affiliations. The study of the relationship between political beliefs and compliance variables shows that they are closely related. The conclusion is to admit that tax evasion and political beliefs are closely linked, and the government should update its tax policy and modernize its administration in order to strengthen the credibility and disclosure of information in order to restore a relationship of trust between public authorities and the taxpayer.

Keywords: fiscal policy, political beliefs, tax evasion, taxpayer behavior

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Authors: Ola Hafez

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This study examines the way selected Egyptian digitally mediated memes utilize intertextuality as a means of expression. It is motivated by the emerging digital socio-political humorous practice using various forms of political commentary in Egyptian social media. One of these forms involves the use of memes incorporating (often doctored) video frames taken from Egyptian plays, films and songs, and relocated in a different socio-political context, often with a caption that re-appropriates the frame for the purpose of critical commentary, thus juxtaposing the socio-political phenomena being addressed and the Egyptian artistic and cultural heritage. The paper presents a discourse study of a convenience sample of a recent social media campaign and carries out two levels of analysis. At the micro level, the study pinpoints the various modes of intertextuality employed, including verbal as well as visual intertextuality in the light of the work of social semiotics by Kress and van Leeuwen. At the macro level, the paper sheds light on the socio-political implications of such practice in the light of Political Discourse Analysis.

Keywords: digitally mediated discourse, discourse analysis, Egyptian Arabic, intertextuality, memes, multimodality, political discourse analysis

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Authors: May Al Sahib

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This paper draws together an analysis of two autobiographical writings; Ahdaf Soueif’s Cairo: My City, Our Revolution (2012), Radwa Ashour’s Heavier than Radwa (2013), and Revolution is My Name: An Egyptian Woman’s Diary from Eighteen Days in Tahrir (2015). Soueif, Ashour, and Prince are Egyptian authors, activists, and cultural commentators who are fully aware that being a ‘third world’ citizen constrains the writer into taking a specific pattern in writing. However, this paper will analyze the choice of literary form in writing the 2011 January revolution. All texts give factual accounts of the revolution with all its contesting powers lingering with mixed references of anxiety and merriment that accentuates their sense of communal solidarity against social corruption and political positioning. Through shifting between the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘we’, these narratives do not solely engage with the personal life of the memorialist; but rather give an account of the collective. Both writers take us to the heart of high-spirited Tahrir Square in 2011 while millions are ranting to oust Hosni Mubarak, the 30 years ruling dictator. By utilizing the instrumentality of collective memory for expressing textual collectivity in their non-fictional writings, these writers are depicting the people power of Egyptians and the historical civil-resistance against governmental unfairness and establishing a certain type of patriotism that elevates and priorities itself from minor conflicts. Their de-individualizing type of life narrative represents the Arabic nation through vital socio-political situations that perpetuate the politics of resistance and collectivity with a constant fear of betraying it and erupts historical moments aiming for an improved future. The texts incorporate an explicit set of reported political series of thought that shape an overall public argument and representational ideas.

Keywords: resistance narrative, life-writing, Tahrir memoir, Middle Eastern literature

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Authors: Peter Jin

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Ever since the recent resurgence of interest in political theorist Carl Schmitt’s work, much of the current analysis on Schmitt has fo-cused on evaluating Schmitt’s legacy by exposing contradictions in his rationale. Rather than condemn such contradictions, this paper instead seeks to analyze these contradictions in an effort to better understand the radical shift in Schmitt’s intellectual trajectory from an astute critic of liberal democracy to a fascist apologist towards the end of the Weimar period. An essential part of this change is his interest in what Schmitt called ‘the emergence of aesthetics.’ Schmitt diagnosed the underlying issue with the aesthetic in the political sphere to be its irrationalism, indifference, and indeci-siveness. For Schmitt, the latter two of these were especially prob-lematic for two of his key concepts: the ‘political’ and ‘the shared historical reality.’ Schmitt’s radical depiction of ‘the political’ as an existential opposition of allegiances that necessitated a state of emergency and a decisionist sovereign political struggle required an equally radical justification, or Schmitt’s call for ‘a shared his-torical reality’ not based in historical fact yet able to mobilize the masses. In this way, Schmitt clearly condemns the indifferent, indecisive aesthetic that runs against his decisionist, action-oriented political theory. Yet despite his firm stance against aestheticism, Schmitt himself used the evocative and irrational power of aesthet-icism as a tool to present his own ‘political myth’ that compelled believers to join in decisive unity against a common enemy. In short, Schmitt’s contradictions on aestheticism and his creation of a ‘political myth’ suggest that Schmitt’s underlying conflict with aestheticism was not as much of an issue of irrationality as it was a chronic preoccupation with coercing concrete action at the expense of rational deliberation.

Keywords: aesthetics of the political, Carl Schmitt, political myth, Weimar democracy

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Authors: Dursun Kalebaşi

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When we examine the history of mankind (from the past up to the present), we see that millions of people died because of the wars. Especially, since the beginning of 19th century, the increase of the human death rate is caused mostly by the regional conflicts and natural disasters rather than the wars. From that point of view, the biggest threat humanity face today is temperature increase and climate change that started to emerge in recent years. When we take into account the natural disasters on one hand and refuges that flee from regional conflicts on the other, it stands out as a dramatic situation because of the huge human losses. In this context, most of the countries started to give more importance to Search and Rescue (SAR) operations to stop the loss of lives or decrease the death rate. This article will tell about the SAR activities in Turkey since 2000 and discuss the Turkey’s contributions to Rescue Missions after the natural disasters in different parts of the world. Moreover, there will be some new highlights to a more habitable and more peaceful world through the SAR missions.

Keywords: search and rescue, natural disasters, migration and world peace, Turkish army forces

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Authors: Ibrahim Baba

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The work examines the nature and causes of differential politics in Africa with particular reference to the sub-Saharan region of the continent. It also among other objectives provides alternative panacea to gender discrimination in African politics and offers solutions on how to promote political inclusion of all citizens in respect of gender differences in Africa. The work is conducted using library base documentation analysis.

Keywords: gender, political, participation, differential politics, sub-Saharan Africa

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Authors: Lee Kar Heng

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Activists are people who use strong actions such as public protests or social media accusations in support of or opposition to controversial issues. While activism is the act of using such vigorous campaigns and actions to achieve political or social changes by the activists, today, the pressure and stresses from activism do not only grow in terms of civil rights but also in racial justice, labour reforms, and environmental change, to name a few. Some activism acts are constructive, but many are destructive, and they affect businesses as activists direct their sights on corporations, business entities, and organizations to achieve their supporting objectives beyond reasonable means. The paper attempts to share experiences of businesses being attacked by activists and how the attacks are mitigated. In sharing, this paper will discuss the effectiveness of the activist action and ways to react to them. The positive and negative impacts caused by activists' support action against corporations are also discussed.

Keywords: activism, conflicts, business, social responsibility

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Authors: Havva Nur Tarakci, Bahar Urhan Torun

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The transformation that is seen in every area of life by technology, especially internet technology changes the structure of political communications too. Internet, which is at the top of new communication technologies, affects political communications with its structure in a way that no traditional communication tools ever have and enables interaction and the channel between receiver and sender, and it becomes one of the most effective tools preferred among the political communication applications. This state as a result of technological convergence makes Internet an unobtainable place for political communication campaigns. Political communications, which means every kind of communication strategies that political parties called 'actors of political communications' use with the aim of messaging their opinions and party programmes to their present and potential voters who are a target group for them, is a type of communication that is frequently used also among social media tools at the present day. The electorate consisting of different structures is informed, directed, and managed by social media tools. Political parties easily reach their electorate by these tools without any limitations of both time and place and also are able to take the opinions and reactions of their electorate by the element of interaction that is a feature of social media. In this context, Facebook, which is a place that political parties use in social media at most, is a communication network including in our daily life since 2004. As it is one of the most popular social networks today, it is among the most-visited websites in the global scale. In this way, the research is based on the question, “How do the political parties use Facebook at the campaigns, which they conduct during the election periods, for informing their voters?” and it aims at clarifying the Facebook using practices of the political parties. In direction of this objective the official Facebook accounts of the four political parties (JDP–AKParti, PDP–BDP, RPP-CHP, NMP-MHP), which reach their voters by social media besides other communication tools, are treated, and a frame for the politics of Turkey is formed. The time of examination is constricted with totally two weeks, one week before the mayoral elections and one week after the mayoral elections, when it is supposed that the political parties use their Facebook accounts in full swing. As a research method, the method of content analysis is preferred, and the texts and the visual elements that are gotten are interpreted based on this analysis.

Keywords: Facebook, political communications, social media, electrorate

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Authors: Grace Rademacher

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Trauma” of the Kingdom of Hungary and the “Lost Cause” of the American Confederacy. Applying Nicole Maurantonio’s articulation of “confederate exceptionalism” and Svetlana Boym’s definition of “restorative nostalgia”, this article argues that, via memorialization and public discourse, both far right bodies flood their constituencies with narratives of nostalgia and martyrdom to sow existential anxieties about past and prophetic victimhood, all under the guise of protecting or restoring heritage. Linking this practice to gamification and conspiracy theorizing and following the work of Patrick Jagoda, this article identifies such industries of nostalgia as means by which the far right in both nations can partake in the “immanent and improvisational process of problem making.” Reified through monuments and references to the Trianon Trauma and the American confederacy, political actors “problem make” by alleging that they are victims of the West or the Left, subject to the cruel whims of liberalism and denial of historical legitimacy. In both nations, relying on their victimhood, pundits and politicians can appeal to white supremacists and distract citizens from legitimate active conflicts, such as wars or democratic rollbacks, redirecting them to fictional, mythical attacks on Hungarian or American society and civilization. This article will examine memorials and monuments as “lieux de memoire” and identify the purposeful similarities between the discourse of public figures and politicians such as María Schmidt, János Lázár, and Viktor Orbán, with that of Donald Trump and pundits such as Tucker Carlson.

Keywords: nationalism, political memory, white supremacy, trianon

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Authors: Seyed Salahedin Naghshbandi, Mahnaz Ahmadikhatir, Siavash Hamidzadeh

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between organizational political behavior and ethical values with the job enthusiasm of the sport personnel of the National Iranian Gas Company. The population of this research included all personnel of the National Iranian Gas Company's sports personnel (150 people). For collecting information, library resources and three questionnaires, organizational political behavior by Kaspar and Carlsen (1997), Lewall's moral values questionnaire (1986) and job enthusiasm questionnaire Schaufeli & Bekker (2003) have been used. Validity of the questionnaires was confirmed by university professors. Using Cronbach alpha correlation coefficient, the reliability of the organizational political behavior questionnaire was 0.92, the moral values questionnaire was 0.86 and the Schaufeli & Baker job enthusiasm questionnaire was 0.91-0.96. The results of this research show a significant, direct and positive relationship between the components of job aspiration with political behavior and ethical values. Therefore, managers of organizations should, as far as possible, remove political behaviors from the organization and be able to institutionalize ethical values in their organization so that they can increase employee eagerness.

Keywords: political behavior, ethical values, job enthusiasm, staff, national Iranian gas company

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Authors: Kindeye Fenta Mekonnen, Alagaw Ababu Kifle

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The failure of international responses to armed conflict to address local preconditions for national stability has recently attracted what has been called the ‘local turn’ in peace building. This ‘local turn’ in peace building amplified a renewed interest in traditional/indigenous methods of conflict resolution, a field that has been hitherto dominated by anthropologists with their focus on the procedures and rituals of such approaches. This notwithstanding, there is still limited empirical work on the relevance of traditional methods of conflict resolution to end localized conflicts vis-à-vis hybrid and modern approaches. The few exceptions to this generally draw their conclusion from very few (almost all successful) cases that make it difficult to judge the validity and cross-case application of their results. This paper seeks to fill these gaps by undertaking a quantitative analysis of the trend and applications of different communal conflict resolution initiatives, their potential to usher in long-term peace, and the extent to which their outcomes are influenced by the intensity and scope of a conflict. The paper makes the following three tentative conclusions. First, traditional mechanisms and traditional actors still dominate the communal conflict resolution landscape, either individually or in combination with other methods. Second, traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution tend to be more successful in ending a conflict and preventing its re-occurrence compared to hybrid and modern arrangements. This notwithstanding and probably due to the scholarly call for local turn in peace building, contemporary communal conflict resolution approaches are becoming less and less reliant on traditional mechanisms alone and (therefore) less effective. Third, there is yet inconclusive evidence on whether hybridization is an asset or a liability in the resolution of communal conflicts and the extent to which this might be mediated by the intensity of a conflict.

Keywords: traditional conflict resolution, hybrid conflict resolution, communal conflict, relevance, conflict intensity

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Authors: Fai-Ho E. Choi, Wing-Tung Au

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This study investigated the effects of embodiment on conflict management. As shown in the research literature, the physiological (i.e. bodily postures) can affect the emotional and cognitive proceedings of human beings, but little has been shown on whether such effects would have ramifications in decision-making related to other individuals. In this study, conflict is defined as when two parties have seemingly incompatible goals, and the two have to deal with each other in order to maximize one’s own gain. In a matched-gender experiment, university undergraduate students were randomly assigned to either the high power condition or the low power condition, with participants in each condition instructed to perform a fix set of bodily postures that would either embody them with a high sense of power or a low sense of power. One high-power participant would pair up with a low-power participant to engage in an integrative bargaining task and a dictator game. Participants also filled out a pre-trial questionnaire and a post-trial questionnaire measuring general sense of power, self-esteem and self-efficacy. Personality was controlled for. Results are expected to support our hypotheses that people who are embodied with power will be more unyielding in a conflict management situation, and that people who are dealing with another person embodied with power will be more yielding in a conflict management situation. As conflicts arise frequently both within and between organizations, a better understanding of how human beings function in conflicts is important. This study should provide evidence that bodily postures can influence the perceived sense of power of the parties involved and hence influence the conflict outcomes. Future research needs to be conducted to investigate further how people perceive themselves and how they perceive their opponents in conflicts, such that we can come up with a behavioral theory of conflict management.

Keywords: conflict management, embodiment, negotiation, perception

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