Search results for: national politics

Authors: Lee Da Hyun

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The purpose of this study is to explore the relation between the internal dynamics of standing committees and legislative productivity of the Korean National Assembly using statistical methods. Studies on legislation in South Korea have been largely revolved around political parties due to the uniqueness of its political context including strong party cohesion and party’s nomination right. However, as standing committees have been at the center of legislatures since the 6th National Assembly, there is a growing need for studying the operation and effectiveness of standing committees in legislation process. Thus, through panel data analysis for the sixteen standing committees across the four terms of the Korean National Assembly-from the 16th to the 19th-this article attempts to reveal that legislators’ bill passing rate is not a sole function of factors pertaining to political party as the existing studies have believed. By measuring the ideological distribution within a committee and the bill passing rate, this article provides differentiated interpretation from established theories of standing committees and presents compelling evidence describing complex interactions and independent operation of the standing committees with the subsequent legislative results.

Keywords: collective decision-making, lawmaking, legislation, political polarization, standing committees

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Authors: Oyku Yenen

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The notion of biopolitics, as studied by such intellectuals as Foucault, Agamben, and Negri, is an important guide for comprehending the current understanding of politics. While Foucault evaluates biopolitics as a survival policy, Giorgio Agamben, German legist, identifies the theory with death. Agamben claims the fact we can all considered to be homo sacer who are abandoned by the law, left in the field of exception, and whose killing does not require punishment. Agamben defines the person who is tried by the public for committing a crime but is not allowed to be sacrificed and whose killing is not considered a crime, as 'homo sacer'. This study analyzes how the concept of 'homo sacer' is made visible in TV series such as Çemberimde Gül Oya (Cagan Irmak, 2005-2005), Hatırla Sevgili (Ummu Burhan, 2006-2008), Bu Kalp Seni Unutur Mu? (Aydin Bulut, 2009-1010) all of which portray the period Turkey's 1980 military coup, within the framework of Agamben's thoughts and notions about biopolitics. When the main plots of these abovementioned TV series, which constitute the universe of this study, are scrutinized closely, they lay out the understanding of politics that has existed throughout history and prevails today. Although there is a large number of TV series on the coup of 1980, these three series are the only main productions that specifically focused on the event itself. Our final analysis will reveal that the concepts of homo sacer, bare life, exception, camp have been embodied in different ways in these three series. In these three series, which all deal with similar subjects using differing perspectives, the dominant understanding of politics is clearly conveyed to the audience. In all three series, the reigning power always decides on the exceptions, those who will live, those who will die, and those who will be ignored by law. Such characters as Mehmet, Sinan, Yıldız, Deniz, Defne, all of which we come across in these series, are on trial as a criminals of thought and are subjected to various forms of torture while isolated in an area where they are virtually deprived of law. Their citizenship rights are revoked. All of them are left alone with their bare lives (zoe).

Keywords: bare life, biopolitics, homo sacer, sovereign power, state of exception

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Authors: Adekeye Joshua Temitope

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“Transgender” presents a complexion of ambiguity in the African context and it remains a contested topography in the discourse of sexual identity. The casts and stigmatisations towards transgender unveils vital facts and intricacies often ignored in the academic communities; the problems and oppressions of given sex/gender system, the constrain of monogamy and ignorance of fluidity of human sexuality thereby generating dual discords of “enforced heterosexual” and “unavoidable homosexual.” The African culture voids transgender movements and perceive same-sex sexual behavior as “taboo or bad habits” and this provide reasonable explanations for the failure of asserting for the sexual rights in GLBT movement in most discourse on sexuality in the African context. However, we could not deny the real existence of active flowing and fluidity of human sexuality even though its variants could be latent. The incessant consciousness of the existence of transgender practices in Africa either in form of bisexual desire or bisexual behavior with or without sexual identity, including people who identify themselves as bisexual opens up the vision for us to reconsider and reexamine what constitutes such ambiguity and controversy of transgender identity at present time. The notion of identity politics in gay, lesbian, and transgender community has its complexity and debates in its historical development. This paper analyses the representation of the historical trajectory of transgender practices by presenting the dynamic transition of how people cognize transgender practices under different historical conditions since the understanding of historical transition of bisexual practices would be very crucial and meaningful for gender/sexuality liberation movement at present time and in the future. The paper did a juxtaposition of the trajectories of bisexual practices between Anglo-American world and Africa, as it has certain similarities and differences within diverse historical complexities. The similar condition is the emergence of gay identity under the influence of capitalism but within different cultural context. Therefore, the political economy of each cultural context plays very important role in understanding the formation of sexual identities historically and its development and influence for the GLBT movement afterwards and in the future. By reexamining Kinsey’s categorization and applying Klein’s argument on individual’s sexual orientation this paper is poised to break the given and fixed connection among sexual behavior/sexual orientation/sexual identity, on the other hand to present the potential fluidity of human sexuality by reconsidering and reexamining the present given sex/gender system in our world. The paper concludes that it is obligatory for the essentialist and exclusionary trend at this historical moment since gay and lesbian communities in Africa need to clearly demonstrate and voice for themselves under the nuances of gender/sexuality liberation.

Keywords: heterosexual, homosexual, identity politics, queer politics, transgender

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Authors: Egboja Simon Oga

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One of the most important keys to the success of a nation is to ensure steady development and national economic self-sufficiency and independence. It is therefore in this regard that this paper is designed to identify food security to be crucial to all nations’ effort toward sustainable national development. Nigeria as a case study employed various effort by the successive government towards food security. Emphasis were placed on the extent to which government has boosted food security situation on the basis of the identified limitations, conclusion was drawn, recommendation/suggestions proffered, that subsidization of the process of farm inputs like fertilizer, improved seeds and agrochemical, education of farmers on modern methods of farming through extension services, improvisation of village-based food storage mechanism and provision of infrastructural facilities in rural areas to facilitate the preservation and easy evacuation of farm produces are necessary.

Keywords: food, governance, development, security

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Authors: Jordan Daud, Satriya Wibawa, Wahyu Wardhana

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The US Global War on Terror has had effect on Southeast Asia as Second Front of Global War on Terror. Since 2001, ASEAN had adopted legal framework to counter the terrorist threat through numerous approach which accommodate various counterterrorism policy of the ten member states. ASEAN have also enhanced multilateral cooperation with US and its allies in Asia Pacific region in addressing terrorist threat, terrorist funding, cyber terrorism and other forms of terrorism. This cooperation is essential to maintain international security and stability and also assure economic development. This work focuses on the US-ASEAN counterterrorism cooperation due to they identified terrorism as a mutual enemy that posed to human security, infrastructure security, and national security. Having in mind that international terrorism usually connected with Muslim community, this paper will also elaborate the concept of Jihad and Islam revivalism in politics to avoid negative image of Islam and Muslim. This paper argues that as region with large Muslim community, Southeast Asia still need to tighten counter terrorism cooperation and also lessening Muslim stereotypes with terrorism through educating public understanding and inter-faith and intra-faith dialogue to create a better world.

Keywords: ASEAN, U.S., counter terrorism, Muslim stereotypes

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Authors: Moslem Hossain, Mukesh Kumar, K. C. Das

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Background: Household headship is the crucial decision-maker as well as the economic provider of the household. In Indian society, household heads occupied by men from the pre-colonial period. This study attempt to examine the changes in household headship in India. Methods: The study used univariate and multivariate analysis to examine the trends and patterns of different characteristics of the household head using the various rounds of national family health survey data. Results: The female household head is gradually increasing; on the other hand, the male-dominant is decreasing over the four national family and health surveys. The mean age of the household head is higher in rural areas than urban India. Only ten percentage of Households are higher educated, and 83 percent of the male household head has a low standard of living. The mean family size of the household has a decreasing trend in both the urban and rural areas during the study period. Conclusions: The result indicates that women's autonomy is increasing and leading to inclusive growth, which introduced in the eleven five year plan, especially focuses on the woman and young people in the country.

Keywords: household head, national family health survey, mean age, mean family size

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Authors: Seyed Salahedin Naghshbandi, Mahnaz Ahmadikhatir, Siavash Hamidzadeh

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The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between organizational political behavior and ethical values with the job enthusiasm of the sport personnel of the National Iranian Gas Company. The population of this research included all personnel of the National Iranian Gas Company's sports personnel (150 people). For collecting information, library resources and three questionnaires, organizational political behavior by Kaspar and Carlsen (1997), Lewall's moral values questionnaire (1986) and job enthusiasm questionnaire Schaufeli & Bekker (2003) have been used. Validity of the questionnaires was confirmed by university professors. Using Cronbach alpha correlation coefficient, the reliability of the organizational political behavior questionnaire was 0.92, the moral values questionnaire was 0.86 and the Schaufeli & Baker job enthusiasm questionnaire was 0.91-0.96. The results of this research show a significant, direct and positive relationship between the components of job aspiration with political behavior and ethical values. Therefore, managers of organizations should, as far as possible, remove political behaviors from the organization and be able to institutionalize ethical values in their organization so that they can increase employee eagerness.

Keywords: political behavior, ethical values, job enthusiasm, staff, national Iranian gas company

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Authors: Girma Y. Iyassu Menelik

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The international community has gone through indescribable atrocities resulting from acts of war. These atrocities turned Europe and Africa into a wilderness of bloodshed and crime. In the period 1960- 1970s Africa witnessed unprecedented and well-documented assaults on life and property. This necessitated the adoption, signing and ratification of the International Criminal Court, establishment of the International Court of Justice which is a great achievement for the protection and fulfilling of human rights in the context of international political instability. The ICC came as an important opportunity to advance justice for serious crimes committed in violation of international law. Thus the Rome statute has become a formidable contribution to peace and security. There are concerns that the ICC is targeting African states. However, the ICC cannot preside over cases that are not parties to the Rome statute unless the UN Security council refers the situation or the relevant state asks the court to become involved. The instable international political situation thus deals with criminal prosecutions where amnesty is not permissible or is strongly repudiated. The court has become important justice instruments for states that are unable or unwilling to fulfill their obligation to address legacies of massive human rights violations. The ICJ as a court has a twofold role; to settle legal disputes submitted to it by states, and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by duly authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies. All members of the UN are ipso facto parties to the statute of the ICJ. The court gives advisory opinion on any legal question. These courts are the most appropriate fora to pronounce on international crimes and are in a better position to know and apply international law. Cases that have been brought to the courts include Rwanda’s genocide, Liberia’s Charles Taylor etc. The receptiveness and cooperation of the local populations are important to the courts and if the ICC and ICJ can provide appropriate protections for the physical and economic safety of victims then peace and human rights observance can be attained. This paper will look into the effectiveness and impediments of these courts in handling criminal and injustices in international politics as while as what needs to be done to strengthen the capacity of these courts.

Keywords: ICC, international politics, justice, UN security council, violence, protection, fulfilling

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Authors: Essa Njie

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One of the challenges that Africa needs to overcome for the sustenance of its democratic gains is to separate the state from the ruling party to avoid the latter’s attempt in monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions for political supremacy. But this separation must go along with the process of depoliticizing the civil services (separation from partisan politics) which have been politicized by incumbents to register electoral successes. While researches conducted on the Gambia’s democratic reality tend to have looked at a wide range of challenges confronting the country’s democratic progress, this paper focuses on state power monopolization and its impediment to democratic governance in the country. The paper explores the involvement of civil/public servants in partisan politics in the Gambia. It looks at the intertwined nature of the state and the ruling party as state resources could not be separated from that of the ruling party (lack of separation between political and non-political resources) in both Dawda Jawara and Yahya Jammeh eras, and how such affected the country’s democratic credential. The paper in particular addresses the need for the current government to depoliticize the country’s civil service and concomitantly separate the state from the ruling party by not monopolizing the former’s resources and institutions to galvanize political support.

Keywords: civil service, democratic consolidation, monopolisation, multi-party elections, public institutions, ruling party, state resources

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Authors: Simeon Karafolas, Maciej Woźniak

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Mostly of public financing programs at national and regional level are funded from European Union sources. EU can participate directly to a national and regional program (example LEADER initiative, URBAN…) or indirectly by funding regional or national funds. Funds from European Union are provided from EU multiannual financial framework form which the annual budget is programmed. The adjusted program 2007-2013 of the EU considered commitments of almost 1 trillion Euros for the EU-28 countries. Provisions of the new program 2014-2020 consider commitments of more than 1 trillion Euros. Sustainable growth, divided to Cohesion and Competitiveness for Growth an Employment, is one of the two principal categories; the other is the preservation and management of natural resources. Through this financing process SMEs benefited of EU and public sources by receiving grants for their investments. Most of the financial instruments are available indirectly through the national financial intermediaries. Part of them is managed by the European Investment Fund. The paper focuses on the public financing to SMEs by examining case studies on divers forms of public help. It tries to distinguish the efficiency of the examined good practices and therefore try to have some conclusions on the possibility of application to other regions.

Keywords: DIFASS, grants, SMEs, public financing

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Authors: Xiaoman Dong

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The refugee problem has a long history, but the scale and severity of modern refugee crises demand us to consider if the progress of political history exacerbates the refugee problem. This paper argues that although sovereignty owes its legitimacy to the protection of human rights, the modern state system complicates the refugee problem by first introducing then blurring the line between human rights and civil rights, and making national identity indispensable to basic livelihood and dignity. This paper first explains the source of the modern state system’s legitimacy by putting it in the context of social contract theories and the politics of nation-building. It then discusses how states create the concept of statelessness, which leads to more violations on human rights. Using historical records of the League of Nations High Commission for Refugees and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, this paper reveals that neither the refugee problem of the Cold-War period nor the current refugee crisis is collateral damage of war, but rather the consequence of intentional exclusionary policies produced out of political interests. Finally, it contends that if the modern state system is to sustain, it cannot prioritize the protection of civil rights of a particular group over the protection of basic human rights of all.

Keywords: burden sharing, human rights, legitimacy of state, positive externality, sovereignty

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Authors: Anyaogu Paul

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The study examines the problem of child labour in respect to National security in Nigeria. The current situation reflects a chronic urban poverty, which can compel parents and guardians to send their children and wards of school age to engage in income yielding activities to augment family income. The study sought to explain the basis of child labour, its causes and its effects on its victim and society at large. A social survey research design was employed to select the respondents. A sample size of 250 respondents was selected from targeted population of children below the age of 18 years. A questionnaire instrument was employed to collect data. An accidental sampling technique was employed to select the respondents. The findings revealed that child labour is on the increase and a serious threat to national security and social cohesion. The study recommends that the Nigerian government should enforce the laws on child labour and provide opportunities for job creation for urban dwellers. More so, government should also provide free and compulsory education at primary and secondary school levels of education.

Keywords: child labour, family income, national security, survey research

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Authors: Mai Alshareef

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The Saudi government considers the modernisation of the education system as a critical component of the national development plan, Saudi Vision 2030; however, this sudden reform creates tension amongst Saudis. This study examines first the reflection of the social and digital education reform on stakeholders and the general Saudi public, and second, the influence of information and communication technologies (ICTs) on the ethnoreligious conflict in Saudi Arabia. This study employs Cyberconflict theory to examine conflicts in the real world and cyberspace. The findings are based on a qualitative case study methodology that uses netnography, an analysis of 3,750 Twitter posts and semi-structural interviews with 30 individuals, including key actors in the Saudi education sector and Twitter activists during 2019\2020. The methods utilised are guided by thematic analysis to map an understanding of factors that influence societal conflicts in Saudi Arabia, which in this case include religious, national, and gender identity. Elements of Cyberconflict theory are used to better understand how conflicting groups build their identities in connection to their ethnic/religious/cultural differences and competing national identities. The findings correspond to the ethnoreligious components of the Cyberconflict theory. Twitter became a battleground for liberals, conservatives, the Saudi public and elites, and it is used in a novel way to influence public opinion and to challenge the media monopoly. Opposing groups relied heavily on a discourse of exclusion and inclusion and showed ethnic and religious affiliations, national identity, and chauvinism. The findings add to existing knowledge in the cyberconflict field of study, and they also reveal outcomes that are critical to the Saudi Arabian national context.

Keywords: education, cyberconflict, Twitter, national identity

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Authors: Sohail Zafar, Sardar Javaid Iqbal Khan

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We use a parametric approach within a translog cost function framework to estimate the economies of scale in National Bank of Pakistan from 1997 to 2013. The results indicate significant economies of scale throughout the sample at aggregates and disaggregates taking in account size subject to stipulation ownership. The factor markets often produce scale inefficiencies in the banking of developing countries like Pakistan such inefficiencies are common due to distortion in factor markets leading to the use of inappropriate factor proportions. The findings suggest that National Bank of Pakistan diversify their asset portfolios that it has cost advantage, therefore, expansion in size should be encouraged under current technology because it appears to be cost effective. In addition, our findings support the implementation of universal banking model in Pakistan.

Keywords: scale economies, cost function, disaggregates, aggregates

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Authors: Kay Carroll

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Creating historical consciousness in children and young people is critical to global inclusion and engagement. In a context of international and technological flux, children are confronted with shifting national identities. Within this quantitative study of Australian children and young people, the concept and development of historical consciousness are explored. The analysis reports on how children and young people are connected through national, collective, and personal narratives to understand historically significant events and changes, anchor themselves to universal and intergenerational traditions and norms, be open to divergent perspectives and resilient to perpetual socio-cultural shifts. This paper presents the development and factors that shape national historical consciousness in children and young people using established international frameworks and stages of historical consciousness. This research reports on quantitative surveys conducted with over 680 school children from ages 12 years to 19 years within Australian schools. Concepts of global citizenship, inclusion, and engagement with national historical memory and significance are explored. Findings identify the social benefits of collective and personal historical consciousness and consider the current barriers and enablers in developing a young person’s historical consciousness for the future.

Keywords: curriculum, global citizenship, historical consciousness, significance

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Authors: Alaa Alshaikh

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While digital technologies were initially seen as harbingers of globalisation and cosmopolitanism, scholars increasingly acknowledge their role in the rise of nationalism. This paper studies the national identity in light of the digital media in Saudi Arabia. It offers an extensive meta-analysis of the evolution of the national identity on social media. It examines the national identity and its components and deals with the difference between it and digital nationalism, which is formed and affected by the country's fulfillment of the citizen's needs. Hereto a systematic examination of all 40 articles published between October 2016 and December 2022 was conducted. Findings indicate that three characteristics of contemporary nationalism are partly linked to recent shifts in digital communication: diversification, fragmentation, and commodification. The paper concludes by considering the implications of our arguments for future research in the field.

Keywords: meta analysis, Saudi Arabia, nationalism, social media

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Authors: Damian Winczewski

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Carl von Clausewitz’s political theory of war was criticized in the 20th century in several ways. It was also the source of many disagreements over readings of its most popular theses. Among them, the reflections of thinkers categorized as part of the broader postmodern current stand out, such as Michael Foucault and his successors, who presented a nuanced and critical approach to strategy theory. Foucault viewed it as part of a broader political–legal discourse of sovereignty rooted in the Middle Ages, which underlies modern biopower. Clausewitz’s theory of strategy underpinned a new humanist discourse rationalizing the phenomenon of war while, in a methodological sense, becoming an epistemic model of how Foucault conceived power strategy. Foucault’s contemporary commentators try to develop his position by arguing the analogy between the discourse prevailing in Clausewitz’s time and the contemporary neoliberal discourse and technological revolution on the battlefield, which create a new order of power. Meanwhile, they recognize that the modern development of strategy was to make Clausewitz’s understanding of war obsolete. However, postmodernists focusing on showy stylistics in their assessments rely on a mythologized narrative about Clausewitz, reducing his theories to a discourse of war as a way for nation-states to conduct foreign policy. In this article, Clausewitz shows that his theory goes much deeper and provides a critical perspective on the relationship between war and politics. The dialectical structure makes it possible to understand war as a historically variable but constantly policy-dependent phenomenon.

Keywords: Clausewitz, Foucault, Virilio, postmodernism, war and politics, power

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Authors: Birge Yildirim Okta

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This paper aims to narrate the story of Atatürk Cultural Center in Taksim Square, which was demolished in 2018, and discuss its architectonic as a social place of memory and its existence and demolishment as the space of politics. Focusing on the timeline starting from early republican period till today, the paper uses narrative discourse analysis to research Atatürk Cultural Center as a place of memory and a space of politics in its existence. After the establishment of Turkish Republic, one of most important implementation in Taksim Square, reflecting the internationalist style, was the construction of Opera Building in Prost Plan. The first design of the opera building belonged to Aguste Perret, which could not be implemented due to economic hardship during World War II. Later the project was designed by architects Feridun Kip and Rüknettin Güney in 1946 but could not be completed due to 1960 military coup. Later the project was shifted to another architect Hayati Tabanlıoglu, with a change in its function as a cultural center. Eventually, the construction of the building was completed in 1969 in a completely different design. AKM became a symbol of republican modernism not only with its modern architectural style but also with it is function as the first opera building of the republic, reflecting the western, modern cultural heritage by professional groups, artists and the intelligentsia. In 2005, Istanbul’s council for the protection of cultural heritage decided to list AKM as a grade 1 cultural heritage, ending a period of controversy which saw calls for the demolition of the center as it was claimed it ended its useful lifespan. In 2008 the building was announced to be closed for repairs and restoration. Over the following years, the building was demolished piece by piece silently while Taksim mosque has been built just in front of Atatürk Cultural Center. Belonging to the early republican period, AKM was a representation of a cultural production of a modern society for the emergence and westward looking, secular public space in Turkey. Its erasure from Taksim scene under the rule of the conservative government, Justice and Development Party and the construction of Taksim mosque in front of AKM’s parcel is also representational. The question of governing the city through space has always been an important aspect for governments, those holding political power since cities are the chaotic environments that are seen as a threat for the governments, carrying the tensions of proletariat or the contradictory groups. The story of AKM as a dispositive or a regulatory apparatus demonstrates how space itself is becoming a political medium, to transform the socio-political condition. The article aims to discuss the existence and demolishment of Atatürk Cultural Center by discussing the constructed and demolished building as a place of memory and a space of politics.

Keywords: space of politics, place of memory, atatürk cultural center, taksim square

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Authors: Josie West

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This paper focuses on the conflicts and utility of Marxist Feminist frames for sex work research, drawing on findings uncovered through in-depth interviews with online sex workers, alongside critical discourse analysis of media and political commentary. It brings the critical perspective of women into digital workerism and gig economy dialogue who, despite their significant presence within online work, have been overlooked. The autonomist Marxist concept of class composition is adopted to unpack the social, technical and political composition of this often-invisible segment of the service sector. Autonomism makes visible the perspective of workers engaged in processes of mobilization and demobilizaiton. This allows researchers to find everyday forms of resistance which occur within and outside trade unions. On the other hand, Marxist feminist arguments about invisibility politics can generate unhelpful allegories about sex work as domestic labour within the reproductive sphere. Nick Srnicek’s development of Marx’s notion of infrastructure rents helps theorize experiences of unpaid labour within online sex work. Moreover, debates about anti-work politics can cause conflict among sex workers fighting for the labour movement and those rejecting the capitalist work ethic. This illuminates’ tensions caused by white privilege and differing experiences of sex work. The monopolistic and competitive nature of sex work platforms within platform capitalism, and the vulnerable position of marginalised workers within stigmatized/criminalised markets, complicates anti-work politics further. This paper is situated within the feminist sex wars and the intensely divisive question of whether sex workers are victims of the patriarchy or symbols of feminist resistance. Camgirls are shown to engage in radical tactics of resistance against their technical composition on popular sex work platforms. They also engage in creative acts of resistance through performance art, in an attempt to draw attention to stigma and anti-criminalization politics. This sector offers a fascinating window onto grassroots class-action, alongside education about ‘whorephobia.’ A case study of resistance against Only Fans, and a small workers co-operative which emerged during the pandemic, showcases how workers engage in socialist and political acts without the aid of unions. Workers are victims of neoliberalism and simultaneous adopters of neoliberal strategies of survival. The complex dynamics within unions are explored, including tensions with grass-roots resistance, financial pressures and intersecting complications of class, gender and race.

Keywords: autonomist marxism, digital labor, feminism, neoliberalism, sex work, platform capitalism

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Authors: Chukwudi S. Osondu

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Currently, the two most economically viable states in Nigeria, Lagos State and Rivers, are challenging the National Government over the legality of the latter’s continued collection and disbursement of the Value Added Tax (VAT) in their respective states. These states recently enacted laws empowering their respective states agencies to collect and administer the Value Added Tax (VAT) in their states. Before now, it was the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) that is mandated by the National Government to collect VAT throughout the Federation, and have same administered by the Federal Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission, another Federal agency. Most states in the South-South and South-West geopolitical zones and a handful of states in the South-East are supportive of the actions taken by Lagos and Rivers states and are ready to follow suit. This action is seen as the beginning of resistance by the states over the continued strangulating over-centralized systems operating in the country. The Nigeria Federation has over the years operated a unitary system with grave consequences for development and possible implosion of the polity. The Quota System, the Federal Character policy, the control of the natural resources, and the security infrastructure by the National Government have been in place for decades with the attendant misgivings by some sections in the Nigeria Project. This paper evaluates the impact of the over-centralization power on the National Government with reference to fiscal policies, security, resource exploitation, infrastructural development, and national cohesion. It concludes that “unitary federalism” scuttles national development, inflames disunity, and stokes dissatisfaction among states in the federation. The paper concludes by suggesting a federation where power is devolved to the states, with the states as the federating units allowed to, each develop at its own pace.

Keywords: peace, conflict, insecurity, corporate existence, sustainable development, peaceful coexistence

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Authors: Ebru Thwaites Diken

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This article analyzes the works of certain directors in Danish cinema, namely Susanne Bier and Lone Sherfig, in the context of transnationalisation of Danish cinema. It looks at how the films' narratives negotiate and reconstruct the local / national / regional and the global. Scholars such as Nestingen & Elkington (2005), Hjort (2010), Higbee and Lim (2010), Bondebjerg and Redvall (2011) address transnationalism of Danish cinema in terms of production and distribution processes and how film making trascends national boundaries. This paper employs a particular understanding of transnationalism - in terms of how ideas and characters travel - to analyze how the storytelling and style has evolved to connect the national, the regional and the global on the basis of the works of these two directors. Strategies such as Hollywoodization - i.e. focus on stardom and classical narration, adhering to conventional European genre formulas, producing Danish films in English language have been identifiable strategies in Danish cinema in the period after the 2000s. Susanne Bier and Lone Scherfig are significant for employing some of these strategies simultaneously. For this reason, this article will look at how these two directors have employed these strategies and negotiated the cultural boundaries and exchanges.

Keywords: danish cinema, transnational cinema, susanne bier, lone scherfig, national cinema

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Authors: Mohammad Aynal Haque

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Under the international cooperation — Paris Agreement — countries outline their self-determined policy ambition for emissions reduction in their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) as a key to addressing climate change globally. Although practically all countries commit themselves to reach the Paris landmark (below 20 C) globally, some act as climate leaders, others behave as followers, and others turn out to be climate laggards. As a result, there is a substantial variation in ‘emissions reduction targets’ across countries. Thus, a question emerges: What explains this variation? Or why do some countries opt for higher while others opt for lower ‘emissions reduction targets toward global mitigation efforts? Conceptualizing the ‘emissions reduction targets by 2030’ outlined in NDCs by each country as the climate policy ambition (CPA), this paper explores how certain national political, economic, environmental, and external factors play vital roles in determining climate policy ambition. Based on the cross-country regression analysis among 168 countries, this study finds that democracy, vulnerability to climate change effects, and foreign direct investment have substantial effects on CPA. The paper also finds that resource capacity has a minimal negative effect on CPA across developed countries.

Keywords: climate change, Paris agreement, international cooperation, political economy, environmental politics, NDCs

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Authors: Zhiwei Wang

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Much emphasis has been placed on the political dimension of digitised Chinese national(ist) discourses and their embodied national identities, which neglects other important dimensions constitutive of their discursive nature. A further investigation into how Chinese national(ist) discourses are daily (re)shaped online by diverse socio-political actors (especially ordinary users) is crucial, which can contribute to not only deeper understandings of Chinese national sentiments on China’s Internet beyond the excessive focus on their passionate, political-charged facet but also richer insights into the socio-technical ecology of the contemporary Chinese digital (and physical) world. This research adopts an ethnographic methodology, by which ‘fieldsites’ are Sina Weibo and bilibili. The primary data collection method is virtual ethnographic observation on everyday national(ist) discussions on both platforms. If data obtained via observations do not suffice to answer research questions, in-depth online qualitative interviews with ‘key actors’ identified from those observations in discursively (re)producing Chinese national identity on each ‘fieldsite’ will be conducted, to complement data gathered through the first method. Critical discourse analysis is employed to analyse data. During the process of data coding, NVivo is utilised. From November 2021 to December 2022, 35 weeks’ digital ethnographic observations have been conducted, with 35 sets of fieldnotes obtained. The strategy adopted for the initial stage of observations was keyword searching, which means typing into the search box on Sina Weibo and bilibili any keywords related to China as a nation and then observing the search results. Throughout 35 weeks’ online ethnographic observations, six keywords have been employed on Sina Weibo and two keywords on bilibili. For 35 weeks’ observations, textual content created by ordinary users have been concentrated much upon. Based on the fieldnotes of the first week’s observations, multifarious national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili have been found, targeted both at national ‘Others’ and ‘Us’, both on the historical and real-world dimension, both aligning with and differing from or even conflicting with official discourses, both direct national(ist) expressions and articulations of sentiments in the name of presentation of national(ist) attachments but for other purposes. Second, Sina Weibo and bilibili users have agency in interpreting and deploying concrete national(ist) discourses despite the leading role played by the government and the two platforms in deciding on the basic framework of national expressions. Besides, there are also disputes and even quarrels between users in terms of explanations for concrete components of ‘nation-ness’ and (in)direct dissent to officially defined ‘mainstream’ discourses to some extent, though often expressed much more mundanely, discursively and playfully. Third, the (re)production process of national(ist) discourses on Sina Weibo and bilibili depends upon not only technical affordances and limitations of the two sites but also, to a larger degree, some established socio-political mechanisms and conventions in the offline China, e.g., the authorities’ acquiescence of citizens’ freedom in understanding and explaining concrete elements of national discourses while setting the basic framework of national narratives to the extent that citizens’ own national(ist) expressions do not reach political bottom lines and develop into mobilising power to shake social stability.

Keywords: national identity, national(ist) discourse(s), everyday nationhood/nationalism, Chinese nationalism, digital nationalism

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Authors: Bheki R. Mngomezulu

Abstract:

The present paper cogently and systematically traces the history of Umkhonto Wesizwe (MK) and identifies its important role in shaping South Africa’s post-apartheid foreign policy and international relations under black leadership. It provides the political and historical contexts within which we can interpret and better understand South Africa’s controversial ‘Quiet Diplomacy’ approach to Zimbabwe’s endemic political and economic crises, which have dragged for too long. On 16 December 1961, the African National Congress (ANC) officially launched the MK as its military wing. The main aim was to train liberation fighters outside South Africa who would return into the country to topple the apartheid regime. Subsequently, the ANC established links with various countries across Africa and the globe in order to solicit arms, financial resources and military training for its recruits into the MK. Drawing from archival research and empirical data obtained through oral interviews that were conducted with some of the former MK cadres, this paper demonstrates how the ANC forged relations with a number of countries that were like-minded in order to ensure that its dream of removing the apartheid government became a reality. The findings reveal that South Africa’s foreign policy posture and international relations after the demise of apartheid in 1994 built on these relations. As such, even former and current socialist countries that were frowned upon by the Western world became post-apartheid South Africa’s international partners. These include countries such as Cuba and China, among others. Even countries that were not recognized by the Western world as independent states received good reception in post-apartheid South Africa’s foreign policy agenda. One of these countries is Palestine. Within Africa, countries with questionable human rights records such as Nigeria and Zimbabwe were accommodated in South Africa’s foreign policy agenda after 1994. Drawing from this history, the paper concludes that it would be difficult to fully understand and appreciate South Africa’s foreign policy direction and international relations after 1994 without bringing the history and the politics of the MK into the equation. Therefore, the paper proposes that the utilitarian role of history should never be undermined in the analysis of a country’s foreign policy direction and international relations. Umkhonto Wesizwe and South Africa are used as examples to demonstrate how such a link could be drawn through archival and empirical evidence.

Keywords: African National Congress, apartheid, foreign policy, international relations

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Authors: Alikeju F. Maji

Abstract:

The role of girl child education on reproductive health of any nation cannot be over emphasized. Today this has become a global concern because of the awareness that girl child education has direct proven impact on reproductive health and sustainable development of a national. Thus, this paper attempts to re-emphasize and re-awaken the mind of humanity on the undisputable importance of girl-child education as a tool for improving reproductive health in Nigeria. The paper further examine that despite government’s effort in attaining education for all by the year 2015, the numbers of girls attending schools remain abysmally low in Nigeria. The paper noted that if the trend persists, personal health of women and their contribution to national development will reduce. The paper recommends that women in Nigeria should be availed with good educational opportunities to enhance their improved reproductive health, and greater participating in national development.

Keywords: girl-child education, reproductive health, sustainable development, personal health

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Authors: Khairil Ahmad, Jenny Gryzelius, Mohd Helmi Mohd Sobri

Abstract:

With the waning support for centrist ‘third-way’ politics across the Western world, there has been an increase in political parties and individual candidates relying on populist political discourse and rhetoric in order to capitalize on the sense of frustration apparent within the electorate. What is of note is the divergence in the discourses employed. On the one hand, there is a polarization between a growing wave of populist right-wing parties and politicians, employing a mixture of economic populism with divisive nationalistic ideals such as restricted immigration, for example, the UK’s UKIP and Donald Trump in the US. On the other hand, there are resurgent, often grassroots-led, left-wing movements and politicians, such as Podemos in Spain and Jeremy Corbyn in the UK, focusing on anti-austerity measures and inclusive policies. In general, the concept of populism is often ascribed in a pejorative way. This is despite the success of populist left-wing governments across Latin America in recent times, especially in terms of reducing poverty. Nonetheless, recently, scholars such as Ernesto Laclau have tried to rethink populism as a social scientific concept which is essential in helping us make sense of contemporary political articulations. Using Laclau’s framework, this paper seeks to analyze poverty reduction policies in different iterations in the context of the tenures of three Prime Ministers of Malaysia. The first is Abdul Razak Hussein’s New Economic Policy, which focused on uplifting the economic position of Malaysia’s majority Malay population. The second is Mahathir Mohamad’s state-led neo-liberalization of the Malaysian economy, which focused on the creation of a core group of crony elites in order to spearhead economic development. The third is current Prime Minister Najib Razak’s targeted poverty eradication strategy through a focused program which directly provides benefits to recipients such as through direct cash transfers. The paper employs a discursive approach to trace elements of populism in these cases and highlight instances of how their strategies are articulated in ways that seek to appeal towards particular visions of national unity.

Keywords: discourse analysis, Malaysia, populism, poverty eradication

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Authors: Jordan Deliversky

Abstract:

Unlike all conventional forms of migration, migration crisis and migratory processes provide pressure to governments and are being expressed as different phenomenon in relation to nature and forms. The objective of this paper is to present the migration and refugee crisis as revealing numerous challenges faced by authorities responsible for the social and economic stability in Bulgaria as well as those providing conditions for reinforcement of the high level of national security in Bulgaria. The analysis is focused on exploring the multiple origins of factors influencing migration processes in Europe, in the light of the measures provided by the Bulgarian state authorities. The main results show that the society itself is facing the challenge of integrating refugees and migrants, so to be able to comply with the principles and values associated with tolerance to social, religious and cultural differences, and not allowing migrants to become marginalized community. Migration pressure creates a number of risks and threats to the Bulgarian national security. Our country has the capacity and resources to meet these potential threats, as a main factor for minimizing the risks to national security is the improvement of coordination and coherence of actions between various actors serving to the security sector.

Keywords: legislation, migrants, refugees, security, terrorism

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Authors: Mohamed Haffar, Loredana Perez

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Significant attention has recently been paid to the cross-cultural negotiations due to the growth of international businesses. Despite the substantial body of literature examining the influence of national culture (NC) dimensions on negotiations, there is a lack of studies comparing the influence of NC in Latin America with a Western European countries, In particular, an extensive review of the literature revealed that a contribution to knowledge would be derived from the comparison of the influence of NC dimensions on negotiations in UK and Venezuela. The primary data was collected through qualitative interviews, to obtain an insight about the perceptions and beliefs of Venezuelan and British business managers about their negotiating styles. The findings of this study indicated that NC has a great influence on the negotiating styles. In particular, Venezuelan and British managers demonstrated to have opposed negotiating styles, affecting the way they communicate, approach people and their willingness to take risks.

Keywords: national culture, negotiation, international business, Venezula, UK

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Authors: Ni Komang Desy Arya Pinatih

Abstract:

Transnational crime is a crime with 'unique' feature because the activities benefit the lack of state monitoring on the borders so dealing with it cannot be based on conventional engagement but also need joint operation with other countries. On the other hand with the flow of globalization and the growth of information technology and transportation, states become more vulnerable to transnational crime threats especially human trafficking. This paper would examine transnational crime activities, especially human trafficking in Indonesia. With the case study on the mapping of human trafficking crime in East Java province, Indonesia, this paper would try to analyze how the difference in human trafficking crime trends at the national and sub-national levels. The findings of this research were first, there is difference in human trafficking crime trends whereas at the national level the trend is rising, while at sub-national (province) level the trend is declining. Second, regarding the decline of human trafficking number, it’s interesting to see how the method to decrease human trafficking crime in East Jawa Province in order to reduce transnational crime accounts in the region. These things are hopefully becoming a model for transnational crimes engagement in other regions to reduce human trafficking numbers as much as possible.

Keywords: transnational crime, human trafficking, southeast Asia, anticipation model on transnational crimes

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Authors: Salam Abukhadrah

Abstract:

This research advocates for the use of feminist evaluation (FE) as a tool of great potential in policy and program assessment in relation to women’s empowerment. This research explores the journey of women’s place into the evaluation and international development. Moreover, this research presents a case example of the use of FE on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), in Ganaparthi village in rural India, in Andhra Pradesh state (AP). This evaluation is formed on the basis of women’s empowerment framework that seeks to examine empowerment as a process and an end in itself rather than as just simplified quantifiable outcomes. This framework is used to conduct in-depth semi-structured interviews that are later cross-validated by a focus group discussion. In addition, this evaluation draws on secondary data from the MGNREGA website and on extracted data from the National Family Health Survey of AP.

Keywords: feminist evaluation, MGNREGA, women’s empowerment, case example, India

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