Search results for: moral politics

Authors: Ketevan Epadze

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The paper aims to examine conflicting historical narratives proposed by the Georgian and Abkhazian scholars on the territorial affiliation of Abkhazia in the 1950s, explain how these narratives were connected to the Soviet nationalities policy after WW II and demonstrate the dynamic of the narratives’ battle in the last years of the Soviet system, which was followed by military conflict in the post-Soviet era. Abkhazia –a breakaway region of Georgia- self-declared its independence in 1992. Historical dispute on the territorial rights of Abkhazia emerged long before the military conflict began and was connected to the theory of Abkhazian ethnogenesis written by the Georgian literary scholar Pavle Ingorokva. He argued that medieval Abkhazians were Georgians, while modern Abkhazians are newcomers in Abkhazia. After the de-Stalinization, Abkhazian historians developed historical narrative opposed to Ingorokva’s theory. In the 1980s, Georgian dissidents who strove for Georgia’s independence used Ingorokva’s thesis to oppose Abkhazians desire for self-determination and sovereignty. Abkhazian political actors in their turn employed opposite historical arguments to legitimate their rights over autonomy. Ingorokva’s theory is one of the principal issues, discussed during the Georgian-Abkhazian dialogue; it often confuses Georgians and gives the reasons to Abkhazians for complaining about the Georgian discrimination in the Soviet past. The study is based on the different kind of sources: archival materials of the 1950s (Communist Party Archive of Georgia, Soviet Journal ‘Mnatobi’), the book by Pavle Ingorokva ‘Giorgi Merchule’ (1947-1954) and Zurab Anchabadze’s responsive work to Ingorokva’s book – ‘From the medieval history of Abkhazia’ (1956-1959), political speeches of the Georgian and Abkhazian political actors in the 1980s, secondary sources on the Soviet nationalities policy from the 1950s to the 1990s.

Keywords: Soviet, history, ethnicity, nationalism, politics, post-Soviet, conflict

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Authors: Daphne Sobolev, Niklas Voege

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During the last three decades, consumer ethics perceptions have attracted the attention of a large number of researchers. Nevertheless, little is known about the effect of the cognitive and situational contexts of the decision on ethics judgments. In this paper, the interrelationship between consumers’ ethics perceptions, legality evaluations and mind-sets are explored. Legality evaluations represent the cognitive context of the ethical judgments, whereas mind-sets represent their situational context. Drawing on moral development theories and priming theories, it is hypothesized that both factors are significantly related to consumer ethics perceptions. To test this hypothesis, 289 participants were allocated to three mind-set experimental conditions and a control group. Participants in the mind-set conditions were primed for aggressiveness, politeness or awareness to the negative legal consequences of breaking the law. Mind-sets were induced using a sentence-unscrambling task, in which target words were included. Ethics and legality judgments were assessed using consumer ethics and internet ethics questionnaires. All participants were asked to rate the ethicality and legality of consumer actions described in the questionnaires. The results showed that consumer ethics and legality perceptions were significantly correlated. Moreover, including legality evaluations as a variable in ethics judgment models increased the predictive power of the models. In addition, inducing aggressiveness in participants reduced their sensitivity to ethical issues; priming awareness to negative legal consequences increased their sensitivity to ethics when uncertainty about the legality of the judged scenario was high. Furthermore, the correlation between ethics and legality judgments was significant overall mind-set conditions. However, the results revealed conflicts between ethics and legality perceptions: consumers considered 10%-14% of the presented behaviors unethical and legal, or ethical and illegal. In 10-23% of the questions, participants indicated that they did not know whether the described action was legal or not. In addition, an asymmetry between the effects of aggressiveness and politeness priming was found. The results show that the legality judgments and mind-sets interact with consumer ethics perceptions. Thus, they portray consumer ethical judgments as dynamical processes which are inseparable from other cognitive processes and situational variables. They highlight that legal and ethical education, as well as adequate situational cues at the service place, could have a positive effect on consumer ethics perceptions. Theoretical contribution is discussed.

Keywords: consumer ethics, legality judgments, mind-set, priming, aggressiveness

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Authors: Shehu Usman Rano Aliyu

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Despite the significance of finance as a major trade lubricant, evidence in the literature alludes to its scarcity and increasing cost, especially in developing countries where small and medium-scale enterprises are worst affected. The creation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AFCFTA) in 2018, an organ of the African Union (AU), was meant to serve as a beacon for deepening economic integration through the removal of trade barriers inhibiting intra-African trade and movement of persons, among others. Hence, this research explores the role Islamic trade finance (ITF) could play in spurring intra- and inter-African trade. The study involves six countries; Egypt, Kenya, Malaysia, Morocco, Nigeria, and Saudi Arabia, and employs survey research, a total of 430 sample data, and SmartPLS Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) techniques in its analyses. We find strong evidence that Shari’ah, legal and regulatory compliance issues of the ITF institutions rhythm with the internal, national, and international compliance requirements equally as the unique instruments applied in ITF. In addition, ITF was found to be largely driven by global economic and political stability, socially responsible finance, ethical and moral considerations, risk-sharing, and resilience of the global Islamic finance industry. Further, SMEs, Governments, and Importers are the major beneficiary sectors. By and large, AfCFTA’s protocols align with the principles of ITF and are therefore suited for the proliferation of Islamic finance in the continent. And, while AML/KYC and BASEL requirements, compliance to AAOIFI and IFSB standards, paucity of Shari'ah experts, threats to global security, and increasing global economic uncertainty pose as major impediments, the future of ITF would be shaped by a greater need for institutional and policy support, global economic cum political stability, robust regulatory framework, and digital technology/fintech. The study calls for the licensing of more ITF institutions in the continent, participation of multilateral institutions in ITF, and harmonization of Shariah standards.

Keywords: AfCFTA, islamic trade finance, murabaha, letter of credit, forwarding

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Authors: Pantelis Sklias, Panagiota Chatzimichailidou

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This study intents to clarify the nexus of adult education and economic development within the methodological framework of political economy within EU. The main logic behind this study is that economies with a higher level of adult education have higher levels of economic development. Despite the assumption that policy making in adult education will clearly be facilitated by any ‘proofs’ of efficiency, mainly monetary, this study acknowledges the limitations following the use of the narrow economic approaches embedded in the neoclassical framework and proposes that the methodological framework of political economy is the most relevant to explore the correlation between adult education and economic development. Focusing only on neoclassical economics to explore the financial impact of adult education, it will marginalize the consideration of its history, producing a short of historical amnesia, besides the social harm, namely the devaluation of its socio-cultural influences. On the other side the political economy perspective offers a wider perception of adult education’s profits from a quantitative and a qualitative perspective too. The understanding of adult education engages questions of political economy because it is identified mainly as means of transformation, either personal or societal, serving humanistic values, besides its accepted monetary attributes. The political economy elevates questions regarding how the three institutional arrangements -the state, the market, and the civil society, are engaged in promoting adult education and therefore how adult education could reinforce economic development. Here the economic substance is still considered but it is placed into a wider social spectrum, where politics, economy, and history interact with one another. This study restricts itself in EU and explores the role of the three institutional arrangements both in the formulation of policy planning, and in the mental transformational process of the individual learners, which opens the path to a deeper understanding of the interaction between the individual and the social action, and therefore between adult education and economic development. This study also elevates the idea that economic development can have a positive impact on the unification of Europe, which encompasses economic, political, and cultural components.

Keywords: adult education, economic development, EU, political economy, unification of Europe

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Authors: Chi-Ying Yu

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In real life, the occurrence of disasters is always dreadful and heartbreaking, yet paradoxically, disaster film is a genre that has been popular at periodic intervals in motion picture history. This study attempts to compare the disaster film cycles of the 1970s, 1990s, and the early 21st century. Two research questions are addressed: First, how this genre has responded to the existing conditions of society in different periods in terms of the disaster proposition? Second, how this genre reflects a certain eternal substance of the human mind in light of its lasting appeal? Through cinematic textual analysis and literature review, this study finds that the emergence of disaster films in the 1970s reflected the turmoil in international relations and domestic politics situation in contemporary American society, and cinema screens showed such disaster stories as shipwrecks, air accidents, and skyscraper blazes due to human negligence. The 1990s saw the fervor of millennial apocalypse legends, and the awakening of environmental consciousness, which, together with the rapid advances in digital technology, once again gave rise to a frenzy of disaster films, with natural disasters and threats from aliens as the major themes of disasters. Since the beginning of the 21st century, the 911 Incident and natural disasters around the world have generated a consciousness of imminent crisis. Cinematic images simulated actual disasters, while aesthetic techniques focused on creating a kind of ‘empathetic’ experience in their exploration of the essence of the disaster experience. At the same time, post-apocalypse films that focus on post-disaster reconstruction have become an even more popular theme. Taking the approach of Jungian/post-Jungian film study, this study also reviews and interprets the commonly exhibited subliminal feelings in the disaster films of the three different periods. The imagination of disaster seems to serve as an underlying state of the human mind.

Keywords: disaster film, Jungian/post-Jungian film studies, stimulation, sublime

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Authors: Kiran Bala

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Health, education and employment opportunities available for a common citizen reflect the development status of a country. Health of an individual affects the growth of a country in every aspect. According to a study by WHO, India is estimated to lose more than $237 billion of its GDP over the period 2006-15 on account of premature death and morbidity from Non-communicable diseases alone. Each year 37 million people fall below poverty line due to high expenditure on health services they have to incur. Falling sick puts a double burden on them in terms of loss of income and expenditure on health care which pushes them further into debt and poverty. Adding to the gravity of situation, public spending on health in India has itself declined after liberalization from 1.3% of GDP in 1990 to 0.9% in 1999. The Approach Paper of the Government of India to the Twelfth Five Year Plan indicated that health expenditure alone as a per cent of GDP was about 1.4 per cent (B.E.) in 2011-12. It also mentioned that if one included expenditure on rural water supply and sanitation, the figure would be about 1.8 per cent. Given the abysmally low level of priority accorded to health in Indian economic policy, it becomes rather important to study the representation of health in the Indian public sphere. To this end, this study examines the prioritization of health in the public policy agenda of the national/regional political parties as evidenced in their election manifestos at a time when the nation is poised to go for the General Elections. The paper also focuses attention on the prioritization of health in the public perception as evidenced in their reasons for their preferences for a particular party or individual contestant. To arrive at the reasons for the priority level accorded by the political actors and the citizens, the study uses Focus groups of health policy makers, media persons, medical practitioners and voters. Collected data will be analysed in the theoretical framework of spiral of silence and agenda setting theory.

Keywords: health, election manifestos, public perception, policies

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Authors: Ann Enright

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More than ever, animal shelters need to identify ways to reduce the number of animals entering shelter facilities and the incidence of euthanasia. Managing animal overpopulation using euthanasia can have detrimental health and emotional consequences for the shelter staff involved. There are also community expectations with moral and financial implications to consider. To achieve the goals of reducing animal intake and the incidence of euthanasia, shelter best practice involves combining programs, procedures and partnerships to increase live release rates (LRR), reduce the incidence of disease, length of stay (LOS) and shelter intake whilst overall remaining financially viable. Analysing daily processes, tracking outcomes and implementing simple strategies enabled shelter staff to more effectively focus their efforts and achieve amazing results. The objective of this retrospective study was to assess the effect of implementing the capacity for care (C4C) management model. Data focusing on the average daily number of animals on site for a two year period (2016 – 2017) was exported from a shelter management system, Customer Logic (CL) Vet to Excel for manipulation and comparison. Following the implementation of C4C practices the average daily number of animals on site was reduced by >50%, (2016 average 103 compared to 2017 average 49), average LOS reduced by 50% from 8 weeks to 4 weeks and incidence of disease reduced from ≥ 70% to less than 2% of the cats on site at the completion of the study. The total number of stray cats entering the shelter due to council contracts reduced by 50% (486 to 248). Improved cat outcomes were attributed to strategies that increased adoptions and reduced euthanasia of poorly socialized cats, including foster programs. To continue to achieve improvements in LRR and LOS, strategies to decrease intake further would be beneficial, for example, targeted sterilisation programs. In conclusion, the study highlighted the benefits of using C4C as a management tool, delivering a significant reduction in animal intake and euthanasia with positive emotional, financial and community outcomes.

Keywords: animal welfare, capacity for care, cat, euthanasia, length of stay, managed intake, shelter

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Authors: Carmen Maria Hernandez-Nicolas, Juan Francisco Martín-Ugedo, Antonio Mínguez-Vera

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This paper analyses the influence of gender of the mayors of Spanish local governments on different budget items using a sample of 8,243 town councils between 2002 and 2010 period and 64,361 observations. The system Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) technique was employed to examine this panel data. This powerful methodology allows controlling for the endogenity of the variables and the heterogeneity of the sample. Unlike previous works focused on the study of gender influence on firm decisions, the present work analyzes the influence of the gender of the major in the council’s decisions. Specifically, we examine the differences in financial liabilities, security, protection and social promotion expenses and income items relating to public management. In addition, the study focuses on the Spanish context, which is characterized by the presence of decentralization of public responsibility to a greater extent than in neighboring countries, feeding the debate on the operational efficiency of local government increased with an open debate on the importance of gender in public management. The results show that female mayors tend to have lower expenses in general without significant differences in incomes obtained for men and women majors. We also find that female majors incur fewer financial liabilities, one of the most important problems in the Spanish public sector. However, despite of cutting in the public sector, these councils have higher expenditure on security, protection and social promotion. According to these evidences, the presence of women in politics may serve to improve the councils’ economic situation and it is not only necessary for social justice but for economics efficiency. Besides, in councils with more inhabitants, women mayors are more common, but women who served for a very long time are less common.

Keywords: councils, gender, local budgets, public management, women mayors

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Authors: Chi S. Lee

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Marvel superhero movies have obtained its unprecedented popularity around the globe. It is a dominant narrative in current scholarship on superhero studies that the political trauma of America, such as attack of September 11, and the masculinity represented in superhero genre are symbolically connected in a way of remasculinization, a standardized plot that before becoming a superhero, a man has to overcome its trauma in his life. Through this standardized plot, American audience finds their pleasure in the spectatorship of equating this plot of remasculinization with the situation of America, rewriting their traumatic memory and resolving around the economic, social, political, and psychological instability of precarity in their own context. Shifting the context to Hong Kong, where Marvel superhero movies have been reaching its dominant status in the local film market, this analysis finds its limitation in explaining the connection between text and context. This article aims to retain this connection through investigation of the Hong Kong audience’s spectatorship. It is argued that the masculinity represented in Marvel superhero movies no longer fits into the stereotypical image of superhero, but presents itself in crisis. This crisis is resolved by the technological excess of the superpower, namely, technological remasculinization. The technological remasculinization offers a sense of futurity through which it is felt that this remasculinization can be achieved in the foreseeable future instead of remaining imaginary and fictional. In this way, the political crisis of Hong Kong is gendered as masculinity in crisis which is worth being remasculinized in the future. This gendering process is a historical product as the symbolic equation between politics and masculinity has for long been encoded in the colonial history of Hong Kong. In short, Marvel superhero’s masculinity offers a sense of masculine hope for the Hong Kong audiences to overcome the political crisis they confront in reality through a postponed identification with the superhero’s masculinity. After the discussion of the Hong Kong audience’s spectatorship on Marvel superhero movies with the insights casted by spectatorship theory, above idea is generated.

Keywords: political crisis in Hong Kong, Marvel superhero movies, spectatorship, technological remasculinization

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Authors: Riddhi Chopra

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While China’s friendship with a number of countries has waxed and waned over the decades, Sino-Pak relationship is said to have withstood the vicissitudes of larger international politics as well as changes in regional and domestic currents. Pakistan, one of the first countries to recognize the People’s Republic of China, thus providing China with a corridor into the energy rich Muslim states which was reciprocated with a continual stream of no-strings-attached military hardware and defense-related assistance from Beijing. The joint enmity towards India also provided the initial thrust to a burgeoning Sino-Pak friendship. This paper intends to provide a profound analysis of the strategic relation between China-Pakistan and examine India as a determining factor. The Pakistan-China strategic relationship has been conventionally viewed by India as a zero sum game, wherein any gains accrued by Pakistan or China through their partnership is seen as a direct detriment to the evolution of India-Pakistan or India-China relation. The paper evaluates various factors which were crucial for the synthesis of such a strong relation and presents a comprehensive study of the various policies and programs that have been undertaken by the two countries to tie India to South Asia and reduce its sphere of influence. The geographic dynamics is said to breed a natural coalition, dominating the strategic ambitions of both Beijing and Islamabad hence directing their relationship. In addition to the obvious geopolitical factors, there are several dense collaborations between the two nations knitting a relatively close partnership. Moreover, an attempt has been made to assess the irritants in China-Pak relations and the initiatives taken by the two to further strengthen it. Current trends in diplomatic, economic and defense cooperation – along with the staunch affinity rooted in history and consistent geo-strategic interests – points to a strong and strengthening relationship, significant in directing India’s foreign and security policies. This paper seeks to analyze the changing power dynamics of the China-Pak nexus with external actors such as US and India with an ulterior motive of their own and predict the change in power dynamics between the four countries.

Keywords: China, Pakistan, India, strategy

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Authors: Hsiao-ting Lin

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This paper analyzes the history of Taiwan’s secret program to develop its nuclear weapons during the Cold War. In July 1971, US President Richard Nixon shocked the world when he announced that his national security adviser Henry Kissinger had made a secret trip to China and that he himself had accepted an invitation to travel to Beijing. This huge breakthrough in the US-PRC relationship was followed by Taipei’s loss of political legitimacy and international credibility as a result of its UN debacle in the fall that year. Confronted with the Nixon White House’s opening to the PRC, leaders in Taiwan felt being betrayed and abandoned, and they were obliged to take countermeasures for the sake of national interest and regime survival. Taipei’s endeavor to create an effective nuclear program, including the possible development of nuclear weapons capabilities, fully demonstrates the government’s resolution to pursue its own national policy, even if such a policy was guaranteed to undermine its relations with the United States. With hindsight, Taiwan’s attempt to develop its own nuclear weapons did not succeed in sabotaging the warming of US-PRC relations. Worse, it was forced to come to a full stop when, in early 1988, the US government pressured Taipei to close related facilities and programs on the island. However, Taiwan’s abortive attempt to develop its nuclear capability did influence Washington’s and Beijing’s handling of their new relationship. There did develop recognition of a common American and PRC interest in avoiding a nuclearized Taiwan. From this perspective, Beijing’s interests would best be served by allowing the island to remain under loose and relatively benign American influence. As for the top leaders on Taiwan, such a policy choice demonstrated how they perceived the shifting dynamics of international politics in the 1960s and 1970s and how they struggled to break free and pursue their own independent national policy within the rigid framework of the US-Taiwan alliance during the Cold War.

Keywords: taiwan, richard nixon, nuclear program, chiang Kai-shek, chiang ching-kuo

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Authors: Geraldine Ambe

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Cameroon is a country in a country in Central Africa. Before the first World War, Germany colonized Cameroon, including some parts of Gabon, Chad, Nigeria, and the Central African Republic. After the war, the United Nations divided most of the colony into Britain and France. In 1960, Eastern Cameroon (‘La Republique du Cameroon’) gained its independence from France while British Southern Cameroons obtained its independence from Britain. The two entities agreed to live together as a federal state officially called the Federal Republic of Cameroon. In 1962, the name of the name of the country was changed from the Federal Republic of Cameroon to the United Republic of Cameroon, while the Prime Minister of Western Cameroon was moved to Yaounde. In 1984, President Paul Biya singlehandedly changed the name to the Republic of Cameroon, implying that Southern Cameroon is not recognized in the union again. From the words of Am Cohen, the two territories came together to form a federal government with one currency, one army, and one foreign policy like states in the United States of America. However, the name Republic of Cameroon (‘La Republique du Cameroun’) does not recognize BSC, and this is exactly what has been practiced: politics of exclusion and excessive centralization in Yaounde. In 2016, teachers and Lawyers started strikes to call the attention of the government on the inhalation of the English culture/people. They were greeted with guns, causing the radicalization of the youths. The civil society came together to form a union to address the issues facing the people, and the government took their leaders and sentenced them to live imprisonment. The consequence was a civil war with nobody to dialogue with. Out of Cameroon, more than half a million people from BSC have been taking dangerous trips through the air, land, and sea. In the jungles and the deserts, the snow of Europe, these people have been seen for the last 4 years. This paper will present some personalities, political fractions, and their stands of decentralization, federalism, and independence as the war continues. The paper will further look at the consequence of this crisis on migration in Central and Eastern Europe.

Keywords: British Southern Cameroons, decolonization, Second World War, dialogue, civil war, immigration

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Authors: Moses Mncwabe

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Both Public Representatives and Legislatures have an imperative role towards strengthening interventions to reduce and cease Sexual Transmitted Infections (STIs) specifically the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV). Scaling-up constituency work in support of interventions earmarked for mitigating the compromising socio-economic impacts of advanced HIV is extremely essential. Though the antiretroviral treatment (ART) has saved million lives that would have perished without it, the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (2012) states that more efforts should be redirected to prevention strategies to close the tap of new infections. It is against this backdrop that Legislatures as law making institutions have undisputed role to play in HIV alleviation because of the position they occupy in the society. Furthermore, Public Representatives are arguably idolised by young people for the role they play hence it is incumbent upon them to use their moral and political responsibility to aid the interventions for HIV prevention (Inter-Parliamentary Union, Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS & United Nations Development Programme, 2007). Moreover, the continuous HIV infection and its devastating effects specifically in Southern African region has brought closer the disease to public representatives and demanded calculated interventions warranting both public representatives and legislatures to be more visible in various ways such as taking HIV counselling and testing publicly, oversight, reducing stigma and discrimination, partnering with civil society organisations (CSOs) and facilitating debates on HIV across parliamentary and social platforms. The effects of advanced HIV yearn for public representatives to be seen, accessed, felt, engaged, partnered and lobbied for pro-human rights legislations and ideal oversight to coerce the executive to deliver on their core responsibilities like providing basic services to the electorates (AIDS Law Project (2003). The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and the Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (2004) assert that the omission of Public Representatives and Legislatures in the HIV prevention agenda is a serious deficiency in the fight against HIV and AIDS. In light of this, this paper argues the innovative and legislative ways in which both the Public Representative and the Legislatures should play in HIV prevention.

Keywords: legislature, public representative, oversight, HIV and AIDS, constituency, service delivery

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Authors: Abbas Sheikhtaheri, Nasim Hashemi

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Health information systems have great benefits for clinical and managerial processes of health care organizations. However, identifying and removing constraints and barriers of implementing and using health information systems before any implementation is essential. Physicians are one of the main users of health information systems, therefore, identifying the causes of their resistance and concerns about the barriers of the implementation of these systems is very important. So the purpose of this study was to determine the barriers of the development and implementation of health information systems in terms of the Iranian physicians’ perspectives. In this study conducted in 8 selected hospitals affiliated to Tehran and Iran Universities of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran in 2014, physicians (GPs, residents, interns, specialists) in these hospitals were surveyed. In order to collect data, a research made questionnaire was used (Cronbach’s α = 0.95). The instrument included 25 about organizational (9), personal (4), moral and legal (3) and technical barriers (9). Participants were asked to answer the questions using 5 point scale Likert (completely disagree=1 to completely agree=5). By using a simple random sampling method, 200 physicians (from 600) were invited to study that eventually 163 questionnaires were returned. We used mean score and t-test and ANOVA to analyze the data using SPSS software version 17. 52.1% of respondents were female. The mean age was 30.18 ± 7.29. The work experience years for most of them were between 1 to 5 years (80.4 percent). The most important barriers were organizational ones (3.4 ± 0.89), followed by ethical (3.18 ± 0.98), technical (3.06 ± 0.8) and personal (3.04 ± 1.2). Lack of easy access to a fast Internet (3.67±1.91) and the lack of exchanging information (3.61±1.2) were the most important technical barriers. Among organizational barriers, the lack of efficient planning for the development and implementation systems (3.56±1.32) and was the most important ones. Lack of awareness and knowledge of health care providers about the health information systems features (3.33±1.28) and the lack of physician participation in planning phase (3.27±1.2) as well as concerns regarding the security and confidentiality of health information (3.15 ± 1.31) were the most important personal and ethical barriers, respectively. Women (P = 0.02) and those with less experience (P = 0.002) were more concerned about personal barriers. GPs also were more concerned about technical barriers (P = 0.02). According to the study, technical and ethics barriers were considered as the most important barriers however, lack of awareness in target population is also considered as one of the main barriers. Ignoring issues such as personal and ethical barriers, even if the necessary infrastructure and technical requirements were provided, may result in failure. Therefore, along with the creating infrastructure and resolving organizational barriers, special attention to education and awareness of physicians and providing solution for ethics concerns are necessary.

Keywords: barriers, development health information systems, implementation, physicians

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Authors: Angkayarkan Vinayakaselvi

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This paper aims at unpacking the questions of subjectivity and their role in altering and redefining the constructed images of self and community as represented in chosen Indian women’s autobiographies. India is a country of plurality and this plurality is further extended by diasporic explorations. As the third world feminism questioned the Euro-American views on homogenizing the socio-cultural condition of women of all over the world, Indian feminism needs to critique the view that all Indian women are one and the same. Similar to the plural nature of nation, the nature and condition of women, too, are plural in India. Indian women are differentiated by caste, class, and region. A critical scrutiny of autobiographies written by Indian women belong to different socio-cultural groups – Northeast Indian, Dalit and Diasporic categories – will assess the impact of education, profession and socio-cultural and economic status on Indian Women. Such a critique would highlight the heterogeneous subjectivity of Indian women. The images/selves of women as represented through these autobiographies are chosen with an aim to unmask and challenge, through ordering and positioning, the capitalist politics of literary representations of Indian women’s formation of 'her-self'. Methodologies and subjects associated with literature are considered essential for understanding and combating women’s oppression and empowerment. The representation of self in personal autobiographical history could be treated as the history of entire nation as personal is always political in feminist writings. The chosen narrators who are well-educated, well-settled, professional women of letters are capable of assessing, critiquing and re/articulating the shifting paradigms of women’s lives. Despite these factors, the textual spaces possess evidences to establish the facts that these women undergo sufferings, and they counter design cultural specific strategies for their empowerment. These metafictional self-conscious synecdoches extend to include the world of entire women. Thus these autobiographical texts could be reinterpreted as a searing critique of Indian society based on woman’s personal life.

Keywords: ethnicity and diversity, gender studies, Indian women’s autobiographies, subjectivity

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Authors: Kerry Mackereth

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Kimberle Crenshaw’s theory of intersectionality has become immensely influential in the fields of women’s and gender studies. However, intersectionality’s widespread use among feminist scholars and activists has been accompanied by critiques of its reliance upon subject categorization. These critiques are of particular import when connected to Wendy Brown’s characterization of identity politics as static 'wounded attachments'. Together, these critiques show how the gridlock model proposed by intersectionality’s primary metaphor, the traffic accident at the intersection, is useful for identifying discrimination but not for remembering historical injustices or imagining feminist and anti-racist resistance. Through the lens of New Zealand Maori film, focusing upon Once Were Warriors (1994) and Whale Rider (2002), this article examines how wounded histories need not be passively reproduced by contemporaneously oppressed groups. Instead, the metaphor of the traffic intersection should be complemented by the metaphor of the wound. Against Brown’s characterization of wounded attachments as negative, static identities, Gloria Anzaldua’s account of the borderland between the United States and Mexico as “una herida abierta”, an open wound, offers an alternative reading of the wound. Through Anzaldua’s and Hortense Spillers’ political thought, the wound is reconceptualized as not only a site of suffering but also as a regenerative space. The coexistence of deterioration and regeneration at the site of the wound underpins the narrative arc of both Once Were Warriors and Whale Rider. In both films, the respective child protagonists attempt to reconcile the pain of wounded histories with the imagination of cultural regeneration. The metaphor of the wound thus serves as an alternative theoretical resource for mapping experiences of oppression, one that enriches feminist theory by balancing the remembrance of historical grievance with the forging of hopeful political projects.

Keywords: gender theory, historical grievance, intersectionality, New Zealand film, postcolonialism

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Authors: Mohammad Zaeimzade

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The development of communication technologies is clearly and rapidly moving towards reducing the distance between the virtual and real worlds. Of course, living in a two-spatial or two-globalized world or any other interpretation that means mixing real and virtual life is still relevant and debatable. In the present age of communication, where social networks have transformed the message equation and turned the audience out of passivity and turned into a user. Platforms have penetrated widely in various aspects of human life, from culture and education and economy. Among the messengers, Instagram, which is one of the most extensive image-based interactive networks, plays a significant role in the new economic life. It doesn't need much explanation that the era of thinking of every messenger as a non-insulating conductor that is just a neutral load has passed. Every messenger has its own economic, political and of course security background, Instagram is no exception to this rule and of course it leaves its effects in bio-economics as well. Iran, as the 19th largest economy in the world, has not been unaffected by new platforms, including Instagram, and their consequences in the economy. Generally, in the policy-making space, there are two simple and inflexible pessimistic or optimistic views on this issue, and each of the holders of these views usually have their own one-dimensional policy recommendations regarding how to deal with Instagram. Prescriptions that are usually very different and sometimes contradictory. In this article, we show that this confusion of policymakers is the result of not accurately describing the reality of its effect, and the reason for this inaccurate description is the existence of a conflict of interests in the eyes of describers and researchers. In this article, we first take a look at the main indicators of the Iranian economy, estimate the role of the digital economy in Iran's economic growth, then study the conflicting descriptions of the Instagram-based digital economy, the statistics that show the tolerance of economic users of Instagram in Iran. 300 thousand to 9 million have been estimated. Finally, we take a look at the government's actions in this matter, especially in the context of street riots in October and November 2022. And we suggest an intermediate idea.

Keywords: digital economy, instagram, conflict of interest, social networks

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Authors: Peter Adly Hamdy Fahmy

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The aim of the study was to examine the effects of a physical education program on student learning by combining the teaching of personal and social responsibility (TPSR) with a physical education model and TPSR with a traditional teaching model, these learning outcomes involving self-learning. -Study. Athletic performance, enthusiasm for sport, group cohesion, sense of responsibility and game performance. The participants were 3 secondary school physical education teachers and 6 physical education classes, 133 participants with students from the experimental group with 75 students and the control group with 58 students, and each teacher taught the experimental group and the control group for 16 weeks. The research methods used surveys, interviews and focus group meetings. Research instruments included the Personal and Social Responsibility Questionnaire, Sports Enthusiasm Scale, Group Cohesion Scale, Sports Self-Efficacy Scale, and Game Performance Assessment Tool. Multivariate analyzes of covariance and repeated measures ANOVA were used to examine differences in student learning outcomes between combining the TPSR with a physical education model and the TPSR with a traditional teaching model. The research findings are as follows: 1) The TPSR sports education model can improve students' learning outcomes, including sports self-efficacy, game performance, sports enthusiasm, team cohesion, group awareness and responsibility. 2) A traditional teaching model with TPSR could improve student learning outcomes, including sports self-efficacy, responsibility, and game performance. 3) The sports education model with TPSR could improve learning outcomes more than the traditional teaching model with TPSR, including sports self-efficacy, sports enthusiasm, responsibility and game performance. 4) Based on qualitative data on teachers' and students' learning experience, the physical education model with TPSR significantly improves learning motivation, group interaction and sense of play. The results suggest that physical education with TPSR could further improve learning outcomes in the physical education program. On the other hand, the hybrid model curriculum projects TPSR - Physical Education and TPSR - Traditional Education are good curriculum projects for moral character education that can be used in school physics.

Keywords: approach competencies, physical, education, teachers employment, graduate, physical education and sport sciences, SWOT analysis character education, sport season, game performance, sport competence

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Authors: Noraini Idris, Imelda Albert Gisip

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Women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at all level of decisionmaking process are essential in order to achieve sustainable development goals by 2030. This paper discusses how women in Malaysia generally still find themselves under-represented in political institutions. Leaders from various political parties in Malaysia were all on the same page in their commitment to achieve the target of fielding 30 percent women candidates in election which in turn will increase female representation in the country’s legislative bodies. However, despite their pledge on making equal opportunities to women in decision making process, the 30 percent target has yet to be achieved be it in the federal election nor respective state elections in thirteen states conducted throughout the country until now. Sabah’s political landscape with regards to women leaders’ representation in politic mirrors that at the federal level. During the 15th Parliamentary General Election which was conducted in November 2022, despite Sabah Women’s significant numbers as voters in the electoral rolls which recorded 49.36 percent (833,847 women voters); only 17.6 percent or 21 women candidates out of 119 candidates in Sabah were fielded by the political parties contesting in the election. Sabah has 25 parliamentary seats. Out of 31 women members of Parliament who won the 15th General Election, only 3 women members of Parliament are from Sabah. Even in the 2020 Sabah State Election only nine (9) percent of the candidates or 43 women out of the 447 total candidates were fielded. The current Sabah State legislative Assembly saw only eight (8) percent or 7 women Assemblymen out of 79 Assemblymen in the legislative body. The number of female leaders in the legislative body in Malaysia has never exceeded 15 percent with the highest being 14.86 percent in the Lower House (Dewan Rakyat), 14.42 percent in the Upper House (Dewan Senat) and merely 8 percent in the Sabah State legislative Assembly. Thus, this paper will further discuss the strategies to tackle women leaders underrepresentation in politics particularly in Sabah, Malaysia and to provide suggestions to overcome this issue.

Keywords: women, leaders, politic, Sabah, Malaysia

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Authors: Nadia Soledad Peralta

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Within the framework of socio-cognitive interaction, argumentation is understood as a psychological process that supports and induces reasoning and learning. Most authors emphasize the great potential of argumentation to negotiate with contradictions and complex decisions. So argumentation is a target for researchers who highlight the importance of social and cognitive processes in learning. In the context of social interaction among university students, different types of arguments are analyzed according to group size (dyads and triads) and the type of task (reading of frequency tables, causal explanation of physical phenomena, the decision regarding moral dilemma situations, and causal explanation of social phenomena). Eighty-nine first-year social sciences students of the National University of Rosario participated. Two groups were formed from the results of a pre-test that ensured the heterogeneity of points of view between participants. Group 1 consisted of 56 participants (performance in dyads, total: 28), and group 2 was formed of 33 participants (performance in triads, total: 11). A quasi-experimental design was performed in which effects of the two variables (group size and type of task) on the argumentation were analyzed. Three types of argumentation are described: authentic dialogical argumentative resolutions, individualistic argumentative resolutions, and non-argumentative resolutions. The results indicate that individualistic arguments prevail in dyads. That is, although people express their own arguments, there is no authentic argumentative interaction. Given that, there are few reciprocal evaluations and counter-arguments in dyads. By contrast, the authentically dialogical argument prevails in triads, showing constant feedback between participants’ points of view. It was observed that, in general, the type of task generates specific types of argumentative interactions. However, it is possible to emphasize that the authentically dialogic arguments predominate in the logical tasks, whereas the individualists or pseudo-dialogical are more frequent in opinion tasks. Nerveless, these relationships between task type and argumentative mode are best clarified in an interactive analysis based on group size. Finally, it is important to stress the value of dialogical argumentation in educational domains. Argumentative function not only allows a metacognitive reflection about their own point of view but also allows people to benefit from exchanging points of view in interactive contexts.

Keywords: sociocognitive interaction, argumentation, university students, size of the grup

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Authors: Elisam Magara

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Like any other property, Intellectual Property (IP) must be regarded, respected, and remunerated to address the historical, ethical, economical and informational needs of society. Article 26 of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995, the Copyright and Neighbouring Rights (CNR) Act 2006 and CNR Regulations 2010 guide copyright protection in Uganda. However, an unpredictable environment has negatively impact on certain author/intellectual freedoms; and the infringements on academic works that affect the economic rights of authors that limit authors from fully enjoying the benefits of authorship. Notwithstanding the different licensing systems and copyright protection avenues, educational institutions and custodians of copyright works (libraries, archives) have continued to advocate for open access to information resources, under the legal exceptions of fair use for educational purposes. Thus, a study was conducted in educational institutions, libraries and archives in Uganda to assess the state of copyright infringement in Uganda in an increased use of academic authored works. The study attempted to establish the nature and forms of Copyright Infringement, the circumstances for copyright infringement, assessed the opinions from the custodians on strategies for balancing copyright protection for economic and moral gains by authors and increased access to information for educational purposes and fair-use. Through a survey, using a self-administered questionnaire, interviews and physical visits, the study was conducted in higher education institutions, libraries and archives among the officers that manage and keep copyright works. It established that the uncontrolled reproduction of copyright works in educational institutions and information institutions, have contributed copyright infringement robbing authors of their potential economic earnings and limiting their academic innovativeness and creativity. The study also established that lack of consciousness and awareness on copyright issues by lecturers, universities and libraries has made copyright works in Universities highly susceptible to copyright infringement. Thus the increased access to materials without restrictions has resulted in copyright infringement among the educational institutions, libraries and archives. A strategic alliance by the collecting Society (Uganda Reproduction Rights Organisation (URRO), government, Universities and right holders organisations (UTANA) to work together and institute a programme to address copyright protection and access to information is pertinently required.

Keywords: access to information, academic Writing, copyright, copyright infringement, copyright protection, exemptions of fair use, intellectual property rights

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Authors: Peter Adly Hamdy Fahmy

Abstract:

The aim of the study was to examine the effects of a physical education program on student learning by combining the teaching of personal and social responsibility (TPSR) with a physical education model and TPSR with a traditional teaching model, these learning outcomes involving self-learning. -Study. Athletic performance, enthusiasm for sport, group cohesion, sense of responsibility and game performance. The participants were 3 secondary school physical education teachers and 6 physical education classes, 133 participants with students from the experimental group with 75 students and the control group with 58 students, and each teacher taught the experimental group and the control group for 16 weeks. The research methods used surveys, interviews and focus group meetings. Research instruments included the Personal and Social Responsibility Questionnaire, Sports Enthusiasm Scale, Group Cohesion Scale, Sports Self-Efficacy Scale, and Game Performance Assessment Tool. Multivariate analyzes of covariance and repeated measures ANOVA were used to examine differences in student learning outcomes between combining the TPSR with a physical education model and the TPSR with a traditional teaching model. The research findings are as follows: 1) The TPSR sports education model can improve students' learning outcomes, including sports self-efficacy, game performance, sports enthusiasm, team cohesion, group awareness and responsibility. 2) A traditional teaching model with TPSR could improve student learning outcomes, including sports self-efficacy, responsibility, and game performance. 3) The sports education model with TPSR could improve learning outcomes more than the traditional teaching model with TPSR, including sports self-efficacy, sports enthusiasm, responsibility and game performance. 4) Based on qualitative data on teachers' and students' learning experience, the physical education model with TPSR significantly improves learning motivation, group interaction and sense of play. The results suggest that physical education with TPSR could further improve learning outcomes in the physical education program. On the other hand, the hybrid model curriculum projects TPSR - Physical Education and TPSR - Traditional Education are good curriculum projects for moral character education that can be used in school physics.

Keywords: approach competencies, physical, education, teachers employment, graduate, physical education and sport sciences, SWOT analysis character education, sport season, game performance, sport competence

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Authors: Feyzan Tuzkaya, Nihan S. Soylu, Caglar Solak, Mehmet Peker, Hilal Peker, Kemal Ozeralp, Ceren Mete, Ezgi Mehmetoglu, Mehmet Karasu, Cihan Elci, Ece Akca, Melek Goregenli

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Perception, evaluation and representation of the environment have been the subject of many disciplines including psychology, geography and architecture. In environmental and social psychology literature there are several evidences which suggest that cognitive representations about a place consisted of not only geographic items but also social and cultural. Mental representations of residence area or a country is influenced and determined by social-demographics, the physical and social context. Thus, all mental representations of a given place are also social representations. Cognitive maps are the main and common instruments that are used to identify spatial images and the difference between physical and subjective environments. The aim of the current study is investigating the mental and social representations of Turkey in university students’ minds. Data was collected from 249 university students from different departments (i.e. psychology, geography, history, tourism departments) of Ege University. Participants were requested to reflect Turkey in their mind onto the paper drawing sketch maps. According to the results, cognitive maps showed geographic aspects of Turkey as well as the context of symbolic, cultural and political reality of Turkey. That is to say, these maps had many symbolic and verbal items related to critics on social and cultural problems, ongoing ethnic and political conflicts, and actual political agenda of Turkey. Additionally, one of main differentiations in these representations appeared in terms of the East and West side of the Turkey, and the representations of the East and West was varied correspondingly participants’ cultural background, their ethnic values, and where they have born. The results of the study were discussed in environmental and social psychological perspective considering cultural and social values of Turkey and current political circumstances of the country.

Keywords: cognitive maps, East, West, politics, social representations, Turkey

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Authors: May Al Sahib

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This paper draws together an analysis of two autobiographical writings; Ahdaf Soueif’s Cairo: My City, Our Revolution (2012), Radwa Ashour’s Heavier than Radwa (2013), and Revolution is My Name: An Egyptian Woman’s Diary from Eighteen Days in Tahrir (2015). Soueif, Ashour, and Prince are Egyptian authors, activists, and cultural commentators who are fully aware that being a ‘third world’ citizen constrains the writer into taking a specific pattern in writing. However, this paper will analyze the choice of literary form in writing the 2011 January revolution. All texts give factual accounts of the revolution with all its contesting powers lingering with mixed references of anxiety and merriment that accentuates their sense of communal solidarity against social corruption and political positioning. Through shifting between the pronouns ‘I’ and ‘we’, these narratives do not solely engage with the personal life of the memorialist; but rather give an account of the collective. Both writers take us to the heart of high-spirited Tahrir Square in 2011 while millions are ranting to oust Hosni Mubarak, the 30 years ruling dictator. By utilizing the instrumentality of collective memory for expressing textual collectivity in their non-fictional writings, these writers are depicting the people power of Egyptians and the historical civil-resistance against governmental unfairness and establishing a certain type of patriotism that elevates and priorities itself from minor conflicts. Their de-individualizing type of life narrative represents the Arabic nation through vital socio-political situations that perpetuate the politics of resistance and collectivity with a constant fear of betraying it and erupts historical moments aiming for an improved future. The texts incorporate an explicit set of reported political series of thought that shape an overall public argument and representational ideas.

Keywords: resistance narrative, life-writing, Tahrir memoir, Middle Eastern literature

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Authors: Batatunde Kolawole

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Documentary filmmaking stands as a distinctive medium within the cinematic realm, commanding a unique responsibility the portrayal of real-life events and subjects. This research delves into the profound ethical considerations and responsibilities that documentary filmmakers shoulder as they embark on the quest to unveil truth and weave compelling narratives. In the exploration, they embark on a comprehensive review of ethical frameworks and real-world case studies, illuminating the intricate web of challenges that documentarians confront. These challenges encompass an array of ethical intricacies, from securing informed consent to safeguarding privacy, maintaining unwavering objectivity, and sidestepping the snares of narrative manipulation when crafting stories from reality. Furthermore, they dissect the contemporary ethical terrain, acknowledging the emergence of novel dilemmas in the digital age, such as deepfakes and digital alterations. Through a meticulous analysis of ethical quandaries faced by distinguished documentary filmmakers and their strategies for ethical navigation, this study offers invaluable insights into the evolving role of documentaries in molding public discourse. They underscore the indispensable significance of transparency, integrity, and an indomitable commitment to encapsulating the intricacies of reality within the realm of ethical documentary filmmaking. In a world increasingly reliant on visual narratives, an understanding of the subtle ethical dimensions of documentary filmmaking holds relevance not only for those behind the camera but also for the diverse audiences who engage with and interpret the realities unveiled on screen. This research stands as a rigorous examination of the moral compass that steers this potent form of cinematic expression. It emphasizes the capacity of ethical documentary filmmaking to enlighten, challenge, and inspire, all while unwaveringly upholding the core principles of truthfulness and respect for the human subjects under scrutiny. Through this holistic analysis, they illuminate the enduring significance of upholding ethical integrity while uncovering the truths that shape our world. Ethical documentary filmmaking, as exemplified by "Rape" and countless other powerful narratives, serves as a testament to the enduring potential of cinema to inform, challenge, and drive meaningful societal discourse.

Keywords: filmmaking, documentary, human right, film

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Authors: Anuradha Sajjanhar

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The rise of authoritarian populist regimes has been accompanied by hardened nationalism and heightened divisions between 'us' and 'them'. Political actors reinforce these sentiments through coercion, but also through inciting fear about imagined threats and by transforming public discourse about policy concerns. Extremist ideas can penetrate national policy, as newly appointed intellectuals and 'experts' in knowledge-producing institutions, such as government committees, universities, and think tanks, succeed in transforming public discourse. While attacking left and liberal academics, universities, and the press, the current Indian government is building new institutions to provide authority to its particularly rigid, nationalist discourse. This paper examines the building of a Hindu-nationalist intellectual ecosystem in India, interrogating the key role of hyper-nationalist think tanks. While some are explicit about their political and ideological leanings, others claim neutrality and pursue their agenda through coded technocratic language and resonant historical narratives. Their key is to change thinking by normalizing it. Six years before winning the election in 2014, India’s Hindu-nationalist party, the BJP, put together its own network of elite policy experts. In a national newspaper, the vice-president of the BJP described this as an intentional shift: from 'being action-oriented to solidifying its ideological underpinnings in a policy framework'. When the BJP came to power in 2014, 'experts' from these think tanks filled key positions in the central government. The BJP has since been circulating dominant ideas of Hindu supremacy through regional parties, grassroots political organisations, and civil society organisations. These think tanks have the authority to articulate and legitimate Hindu nationalism within a credible technocratic policy framework. This paper is based on ethnography and over 50 interviews in New Delhi, before and after the BJP’s staggering election victory in 2019. It outlines the party’s attempt to take over existing institutions while developing its own cadre of nationalist policy-making professionals.

Keywords: ideology, politics, South Asia, technocracy

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Authors: Neeraj Shetye

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A common phenomenon between the rise of leaders like Mussolini and Adolf Hitler in the 20th century is their 'charisma'. They possessed the ability to seduce the crowd not just by the things they said but also by the way they said it. Aristotle defined rhetoric as an art of persuasion and reasoning which is how social scientists understand the concept. Political rhetoric in a modern democracy has several complexities including the huge number of speakers, quantity of information, diverse viewpoints, number of candidates and the impact of digital age. Politics in India since the seventies have been 'visibly dominated' by uses of rhetorical language and with a number of slogans. This idea of how language can steer an individual to establish or adopt a certain viewpoint has not been a focus of study in the Indian discourse. In a linguistically diverse region such as India, the idea of political rhetoric is vast and may not be accomplished in a year. There are in-depth studies by western thinkers on European or American political rhetoric unlike their Asian counterparts such as China, India or any of the Pacific nations. India saw an integration of states based on languages. Keeping this idea in mind, this paper aims to cover one political party that rose to its prominence over five decades and most significantly known for its conservative expression: Shivsena. Shivsena’s rise during the eighties and eventually establishing their government in the nineties are two fascinating periods to focus especially with a simultaneous rise of Bombay underworld, Babri demolition and major economic policy changes in the form of liberalisation (1991) and globalization (1995). This project attempts to study this with a two-fold methodology: literature review and fieldwork. There is an immense literature on Shivsena by both its admirers and critiques, contributing to both sides of the debate. Scholars have been writing about this party over these years and have keenly observed its growing popularity amongst the masses. There is just one intention behind this project, and it is to connect and analyse the vast, dispersed literature that is available and contribute to a field that has not been adequately analysed in the academic discourse.

Keywords: India, language, political rhetoric, Shivsena, slogans

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Authors: Antonia Syn

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Politicians’ outlooks on the nature of energy futures and an ‘Energy Transition’ have evolved considerably alongside a steady movement towards renewable energies, buttressed by lower technology costs, rising environmental concerns, and favourable national policy decisions. This paper seeks to examine the degree to which an energy transition has become an incontrovertible ‘status quo’ in parliament, and whether politicians share similar understandings of energy futures or narrate different stories under the same label. Parliamentarians construct different understandings of the same reality, in the form of co-existing and competing discourses, shaping and restricting how policy problems and solutions are understood and tackled. Approaching energy policymaking from a parliamentary discourse perspective draws directly from actors’ concrete statements, offering an alternative to policy literature debates revolving around inductive policy theories. This paper uses computer-assisted discourse analysis to describe fundamental discursive changes in British parliamentary debates around energy futures. By applying correspondence cluster analyses to Hansard transcripts from 1986 to 2010, we empirically measure the policy positions of Labour and Conservative politicians’ parliamentary speeches during legislatively salient moments preceding significant energy transition-related policy decisions. Results show the concept of a technology-based, market-driven transition towards fossil-free and nuclear-free renewables integration converged across Labour and the Conservatives within three decades. Specific storylines underwent significant change, particularly in relation to international outlooks, environmental framings, treatments of risk, and increases in rhetoric. This study contributes to a better understanding of the role politics plays in the energy transition, highlighting how politicians’ values and beliefs inevitably determine and delimit creative policymaking.

Keywords: quantitative discourse analysis, energy transition, renewable energy, British parliament, public policy

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Authors: Daniel Schwarz, Jan Fivaz, Alessia Neuroni

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Although digitization is a buzzword in almost every election campaign, the political parties leave voters largely in the dark about their specific positions on digital issues. In the run-up to the 2019 elections in Switzerland, the ‘Digitization Monitor’ project (DMP) was launched in order to change this situation. Within the framework of the DMP, all 4,736 candidates were surveyed about their digital policy positions and values. The DMP is designed as a digital policy supplement to the existing ‘smartvote’ voting advice application. This enabled a direct comparison of the digital policy attitudes according to the DMP with the topics of the ‘smartvote’ questionnaire which are comprehensive in content but mainly related to conventional policy areas. This paper’s main research goal is to analyze and visualize possible differences between conventional and digital policy areas in terms of response patterns between and within political parties. The analysis is based on dimensionality reduction methods (multidimensional scaling and principal component analysis) for the visualization of inter-party differences, and on standard deviation as a measure of variation for the evaluation of intra-party unity. The results reveal that digital issues show a lower degree of inter-party polarization compared to conventional policy areas. Thus, the parties have more common ground in issues on digitization than in conventional policy areas. In contrast, the study reveals a mixed picture regarding intra-party unity. Homogeneous parties show a lower degree of unity in digitization issues whereas parties with heterogeneous positions in conventional areas have more united positions in digital areas. All things considered, the findings are encouraging as less polarized conditions apply to the debate on digital development compared to conventional politics. For the future, it would be desirable if in further countries similar projects to the DMP could emerge to broaden the basis for conclusions.

Keywords: comparison of political issue dimensions, digital awareness of candidates, digital policy space, party positions on digital issues

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Authors: Havva Nur Tarakci, Bahar Urhan Torun

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The transformation that is seen in every area of life by technology, especially internet technology changes the structure of political communications too. Internet, which is at the top of new communication technologies, affects political communications with its structure in a way that no traditional communication tools ever have and enables interaction and the channel between receiver and sender, and it becomes one of the most effective tools preferred among the political communication applications. This state as a result of technological convergence makes Internet an unobtainable place for political communication campaigns. Political communications, which means every kind of communication strategies that political parties called 'actors of political communications' use with the aim of messaging their opinions and party programmes to their present and potential voters who are a target group for them, is a type of communication that is frequently used also among social media tools at the present day. The electorate consisting of different structures is informed, directed, and managed by social media tools. Political parties easily reach their electorate by these tools without any limitations of both time and place and also are able to take the opinions and reactions of their electorate by the element of interaction that is a feature of social media. In this context, Facebook, which is a place that political parties use in social media at most, is a communication network including in our daily life since 2004. As it is one of the most popular social networks today, it is among the most-visited websites in the global scale. In this way, the research is based on the question, “How do the political parties use Facebook at the campaigns, which they conduct during the election periods, for informing their voters?” and it aims at clarifying the Facebook using practices of the political parties. In direction of this objective the official Facebook accounts of the four political parties (JDP–AKParti, PDP–BDP, RPP-CHP, NMP-MHP), which reach their voters by social media besides other communication tools, are treated, and a frame for the politics of Turkey is formed. The time of examination is constricted with totally two weeks, one week before the mayoral elections and one week after the mayoral elections, when it is supposed that the political parties use their Facebook accounts in full swing. As a research method, the method of content analysis is preferred, and the texts and the visual elements that are gotten are interpreted based on this analysis.

Keywords: Facebook, political communications, social media, electrorate

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