Search results for: impunity of torture

Authors: Zeynep Üskül Engin

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Looking upon the world’s history, one can easily understand that the most drastic and evil comes to the human from his own kind. Human, proving that Hobbs was actually right, finally have agreed on taking some necessary measures after the destructive effects of the great World Wars. Surely after this, human rights have been more commonly mentioned in written form and now the priority of the values and goals of a democratic society is to protect its individuals. Due to this fact, the right of living is found to be valuable and all the existing forms of torture, anti-human and humiliating activities have been banned. Turkey, having signed the international papers of human rights, has aimed for eliminating torture through changing its laws and regulations to a certain extent. Monitoring Turkey’s experience, it is likely to say that during certain periods of time systematic torture has been applied. The urge to enter the European Union and verdicts against Turkey, have led to considerable progress in human rights. Besides, changes in law and the comprehensive training for the police, judges, medical and prison staff have resulted in positive improvement related to this issue. Certainly, this current legal update does not completely mean the total elimination of the practice of torture; however, in the commitment of this crime, the ones who have committed are standing a trial and facing severe punishments. In this article, Turkey, with a notorious reputation in international arena is going to be examined through its policy towards torture and defects in practice.

Keywords: torture, human rights, impunity of torture, sociology

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Authors: Kolawole Oyekan

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Torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment is one of the issues dealt with by the United Nations in its development of human rights standard. Torture and other ill -treatments is banned at all times in all places including in times of war. There is no justification for torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment under any law in Nigeria. All statutes; local, regional and international on human rights prohibits all forms of degrading treatment. This paper examines the definition of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and the prevalence of confessional statements obtain through torture by security agencies during the interrogation of crime suspects and are mostly relied upon during trial even in cases involving capital punishment. The paper further reviews the Violence against Persons Prohibition Act 2015 which prohibits torture and other forms of ill-treatment. Presently, the Act is applicable only to the federal Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Consequently, the paper concludes that the Act should be adopted as a matter of urgency by the 36 states of the Federation of Nigeria and in addition, cogent steps must be taken to ensure that the provisions of the Act are strictly complied with in order to eliminate torture, cruel and inhuman degrading treatment in Nigeria.

Keywords: confessional statement, human rights, torture, United Nations

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Authors: Ikediobi Lottanna Samuel

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Days are gone when perpetrators of core international crimes hide under the cloak of sovereignty to go with impunity. The principle of international criminal responsibility is a reality. This move to end impunity for violation of human rights has led to the creation of international and hybrid tribunals, a permanent international criminal court, and increased prosecution of human rights violations in domestic courts. This article examines the attempts by the international community to bring perpetrators of heinous crimes to book. The work reveals the inadequacy of the current international mechanism for prosecuting core international crimes in order to end the culture of impunity and entrench the culture of accountability. It also identifies that ad hoc international criminal tribunals and the international criminal court face similar challenges ranging from lack of cooperation by nation states, non-existence of hierarchy of crimes, lack of effective enforcement mechanism, limited prosecutorial capacity and agenda, difficulty in apprehending suspects, difficulty in blending different legal tradition, absence of a coherent sentencing guideline, distant location of courts, selective indictment, etc. These challenges adversely affect the functioning of these courts. It is suggested that a more helpful way to end impunity would be to have a more robust and synergistic relationship between national, regional, and international approaches to prosecuting core international crimes.

Keywords: prosecution, criminal, international, tribunal, justice, ad hoc

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Authors: Maari Sugawara

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This arts-based research is about "self-torture": the interplay of seemingly opposing elements of pain, pleasure, submission, and power. It asserts that "self-torture" can be considered a nontrivial mediation between the aesthetic and the sociopolitical. It explores what the author calls queered self-torture; "self-torture" marked by an ambivalence that allows the oppressed to resist, and their counter-valorization occasionally functions as therapeutic solutions to the problems they highlight and condense. The research goal is to deconstruct normative self-torture and propose queered self-torture as a fertile ground for considering the complexities of desire that allow the oppressed to practice freedom. While “self-torture” manifests in many societies, this research focuses on cultural and national identity in post-WWII Japan using this lens of self-torture, as masochism functions as the very basis for Japanese cultural and national identity to ensure self-preservation. This masochism is defined as an impulse to realize a sense of pride and construct an identity through the acceptance of subordination, shame, and humiliation in the face of an all-powerful Other; the dominant Euro-America. It could be argued that this self-torture is a result of Japanese cultural annihilation and the trauma of the nation's defeat to the US. This is the definition of "self-torturous thresholds," the author’s post-WWII Japan psycho-historical diagnosis; when this threshold is crossed, the oppressed begin to torture themselves; the oppressors no longer need to do anything to maintain their power. The oppressed are already oppressing themselves. The term "oppressed" here refers to Japanese individuals and residents of Japan who are subjected to oppressive “white” heteropatriarchal supremacist structures and values that serve colonialist interests. There are three stages in "self-torturous thresholds": (1) the oppressors no longer need to oppress because the oppressed voluntarily commit to self-torture; (2) the oppressed find pleasure in self-torture; and (3) the oppressed achieve queered self-torture, to achieve alternative futures. Using the conceptualization of "self-torture," this research examines and critiques pleasure, desire, capital, and power in postwar Japan, which enables the discussion of the data-colonizing “Moonshot Research and Development program”. If the oppressed want to divest from the habits of normative self-torture, which shape what is possible in both our present and future, we need methods to feel and know that the alternative results of self-torture are possible. Phase three will be enacted using Sarah Ahmed's queer methodology to reorient national and cultural identity away from heteronormativity. Through theoretical analysis, textual analysis, archival research, ethnographic interviews, and digital art projects, including experimental documentary as a method to capture the realities of the individuals who are practicing self-torture, this research seeks to reveal how self-torture may become not just a vehicle of pleasure but also a mode of critiquing power and achieving freedom. It seeks to encourage the imaginings of queer Japanese futures, where the marginalized survive Japan’s natural and man-made disasters and Japan’s Imperialist past and present rather than submitting to the country’s continued violence.

Keywords: arts-based research, Japanese studies, interdisciplinary arts, queer studies, cultural studies, popular culture, BDSM, sadomasochism, sexuality, VR, AR, digital art, visual arts, speculative fiction

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Authors: María José Benítez Jiménez

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Article 3 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (E.C.H.R.) proclaims that no one may be subjected to torture, punishment or degrading treatment. The legislative correlate in Spain is embodied in Article 15 of the Spanish Constitution, and there must be an overlapping interpretation of both precepts on the ideal plane. While it is true that there are not many cases in which the European Court of Human Rights (E.C.t.H.R. (The Strasbourg Court)) has sanctioned Spain for its failure to investigate complaints of torture, it must be emphasized that the tendency to violate Article 3 of the Convention appears to be on the rise, being necessary to know possible factors that may be affecting it. This paper addresses the analysis of sentences that directly or indirectly reveal the violation of Article 3 of the European Convention. To carry out the analysis, sentences of the Strasbourg Court have been consulted from 2012 to 2016, being able to address any previous sentences to this period if it provided justified information necessary for the study. After the review it becomes clear that there are two key groups of subjects that request a response to the Strasbourg Court on the understanding that they have been tortured or degradingly treated. These are: immigrants and terrorists. Both phenomena, immigration and terrorism, respond to patterns that have mutated in recent years, and it is important for this study to know if national regulations begin to be dysfunctional.

Keywords: E.C.H.R., E.C.t.H.R. sentences, Spanish Constitution, torture

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Authors: Erinda Bllaca Ndroqi

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The dilemma with which the monitoring professionals are facing in today’s reality is whether to accept that prisons all over the world constitute a place where not all rights are respected (ethical approach), or widen the scope of monitoring by prioritizing the special needs of people deprived of their liberties (human right approach), despite the context and the level of improved prison condition, staff profiling, more services oriented towards rehabilitation instead of punishment. Such dilemma becomes a concern if taking into consideration the fact that prisoners, due to their powerlessness and 'their lives at the hand of the state', are constantly under the threat of abuse of power and neglect, which in the Albanian case, has never been classified as torture. Scientific research in twenty-four (24) Albanian prisons shows that for some rights, prisoners belonging to 'vulnerable groups' such as mental illness, HIV positive status, sexual orientation, and terminal illness remain quite challenged and do not ensure that their basic rights are being met by the current criminal justice system (despite recommendations set forwards to prison authorities by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT)). The research orients more discussion about policy and strategic recommendations that would need a thorough assessment of the impact of rehabilitation in special categories of prisoners, including recidivists.

Keywords: prisons, rehabilitation, torture, vulnerability

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Authors: Flavia Kroetz

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From 1964 to 1985, Brazil was ruled by a dictatorial regime that, under the discourse of fight against terrorism and subversion, implemented cruel and atrocious practices against anyone who opposed the State ideology. At the same time, several Latin American countries faced dictatorial periods and experienced State repression through apparatuses of violence institutionalized in the very governmental structure. Despite the correspondence between repressive methods adopted by authoritarian regimes in States such as Argentina, Chile, El Salvador, Peru and Uruguay, the mechanisms of democratic transition adopted with the end of each dictatorship were significantly different. While some States have found ways to deal with past atrocities through serious and transparent investigations of the crimes perpetrated in the name of repression, in others, as in Brazil, a culture of impunity remains rooted in society, manifesting itself in the widespread disbelief of the population in governmental and democratic institutions. While Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay are convincing examples of the possibility and importance of the prosecution of crimes such as torture, forced disappearance and murder committed by the State, El Salvador demonstrates the complete failure to punish or at least remove from power the perpetrators of serious crimes against civilians and political opponents. In a scenario of widespread violations of human rights, State violence becomes entrenched within society as a daily and even necessary practice. In Brazil, a lack of political and judicial will withstands the impunity of those who, during the military regime, committed serious crimes against human rights under the authority of the State. If the reproduction of violence is a direct consequence of the culture of denial and the rejection of everyone considered to be different, ‘the other’, then the adoption of transitional mechanisms that underpin the historical and political contexts of the time seems essential. Such mechanisms must strengthen democracy through the effective implementation of the rights to memory and to truth, the right to justice and reparations for victims and their families, as well as institutional changes in order to remove from power those who, when in power, could not distinguish between legality and authoritarianism. Against this background, this research analyses the importance of transitional justice for the restoration of democracy, considering the adoption of amnesty laws as a strategy to preclude criminal prosecution of offenses committed during dictatorial regimes. The study investigates the scope of Law No 6.683/79, the Brazilian amnesty law, which, according to a 2010 decision of the Brazilian Constitutional Supreme Court, granted amnesty to those responsible for political crimes and related crimes, committed between September 2, 1961 and August 15, 1979. Was the purpose of this Law to grant amnesty to violent crimes committed by the State? If so, is it possible to recognize the legitimacy of a Congress composed of indirectly elected politicians controlled by the dictatorship?

Keywords: amnesty law, criminal justice, dictatorship, state violence

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Authors: Esther Gumboh

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The police play a critical role in society and are an integral aspect of the rule of law. Equally, respect for human rights is an integral part of professional policing. In view of the vast powers that the police enjoy and the attendant risk of abuse and resulting human rights violations, the need for police accountability and civilian police oversight is internationally and regionally recognised. Policing oversight springs from the duty to investigate human rights violations. Those implicated in perpetrating or covering up violations must be disciplined or prosecuted to ensure effective accountability. Police accountability is particularly important in Malawi given the dark history of policing in the country during the 30-year dictatorial era under President Kamuzu Banda. Described as one of the most repressive regimes in Africa, the Banda administration was characterised by gross state-sponsored violence, repressive policing and human rights violations. Indeed, the police were involved in various forms of human rights abuse including arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions, torture, and excessive use of force in conducting arrests and public order policing. This situation flourished within a culture of police impunity bolstered in part by the absence of clear oversight mechanisms for police accountability. In turn, there was immense public mistrust of the police. Unsurprisingly, the criminal justice system was one of the priority areas for reform when Malawi adopted its first democratic Constitution in 1994. Section 153 of the Constitution envisions a police service that is, for all intents and purposes, there to provide for the protection of public safety and the rights of persons in Malawi according to the prescriptions of the Constitution and any other law. This position reflects the view that the duty to protect and promote human rights is not incompatible with effective policing. Despite this, the police continue to engage in questionable behaviour in public order policing, excessive use of force, deaths in police custody, ill-treatment, torture and other forms of abuse including sexual abuse. Perpetrators of abuses are occasionally punished, but investigations are often delayed, abandoned, or remain inconclusive. Police accountability remains largely elusive. Commendably, the law does subject the police to significant oversight both internally and externally. However, until 2010, Malawi lacked a wholly independent civilian oversight mechanism specifically mandated to monitor the activities of the Malawi Police Service and held it accountable. This void has since been filled by the Independent Complaints Commission established under the Police Act. This is a positive development that reiterates Malawi’s commitment to the investigation of human rights violations by the police and to ending police impunity. This contribution examines the legal framework for this Commission to project the effectiveness of the Commission. While the framework looks promising on various fronts, there are potential challenges that lie ahead. Malawi must pre-emptively deal with these challenges carefully if the Commission is to have any practical significance in transforming police accountability in the country. Drawing on lessons from other jurisdictions like South Africa, the paper makes recommendations for legislative reform to strengthen the Commission’s framework.

Keywords: civilian policing oversight, Malawi, police, police accountability, policing, policing oversight

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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Organised crime in Mexico evolves faster that our capacity to understand and explain it. Organised gangs have become successful entrepreneurs in many ways ad they have somehow mimicked the working ways of the authorities and in many cases, they have successfully infiltrated the governmental spheres. This business model is only possible under a clear scheme of rampant impunity. Impunity, however, is not exclusive to the PRI. Nor the PRI, PAN, or PRD can claim the monopoly of corruption, but what is worse is that none can claim full honesty in their acts either. The current security crisis in Mexico shows a crisis in the Mexican political party system. Corruption today is not only a problem of dishonesty and the correct use of public resources. It is the principal threat to Mexican democracy, governance, and national security.

Keywords: security, war on drugs, drug trafficking, Mexico, Latin America, United States

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Authors: Jeanne-Mari Retief

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As of November 2016, three African states have withdrawn from the International Criminal Court (ICC) and more are expected to follow. The alleged abuse of universal jurisdiction and targeting of African states by the ICC motivated the withdrawals. These historical exits raise many questions, especially in regard to the adequate investigation and prosecution of international crimes in a continent with a history of impunity. Even though African courts exist and one more is proposed, many issues remain i.e. adequate access to the courts, the extent of the courts’ jurisdiction, and proposed methods of effectively dealing with international crimes in Africa. This paper seeks to address the practical effects of the withdrawal from the ICC and the problems posed through utilizing regional courts. It will specifically look at the practical challenges existing courts face, the lack of access to the latter, issues concerning the proposed African Court for Justice and Human Rights, and the shocking promotion of impunity in Africa. These all have severe implications for African citizens and victims of the most heinous crimes. The mantra of African solutions to African problems places an important duty on states to ensure the actual provision of these solutions, which can only be achieved through a critical analysis of the questions above.

Keywords: ACJHR, Africa, impunity, justice, Malabo protocol

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Authors: Jelena Radmanovic

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On 5 March 2020, the International Criminal Court has decided to authorize the investigation into the crimes allegedly committed on the territory of Afghanistan after 1 May 2003. The said determination has raised several controversies, including the recently imposed sanctions by the United States, furthering the United States' long-standing rejection of the authority of the International Criminal Court. The purpose of this research is to address the said investigation in light of its importance for the prevention of impunity in the cases where the perpetrators are nationals of Non-Party States to the Rome Statute. Difficulties that the International Criminal Court has been facing, concerning the establishment of its jurisdiction in those instances where an involved state is not a Party to the Rome Statute, have become the most significant stumbling block undermining the importance, integrity, and influence of the Court. The Situation in Afghanistan raises even further concern, bearing in mind that the Prosecutor’s Request for authorization of an investigation pursuant to article 15 from 20 November 2017 has initially been rejected with the ‘interests of justice’ as an applied rationale. The first method used for the present research is the description of the actual events regarding the aforementioned decisions and the following reactions in the international community, while with the second method – the method of conceptual analysis, the research will address the decisions pertaining to the International Criminal Court’s jurisdiction and will attempt to address the mentioned Decision of 5 March 2020 as an example of good practice and a precedent that should be followed in all similar situations. The research will attempt parsing the reasons used by the International Criminal Court, giving rather greater attention to the latter decision that has authorized the investigation and the points raised by the officials of the United States. It is a find of this research that the International Criminal Court, together with other similar judicial instances (Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda), has presented the world with the possibility of non-impunity, attempting to prosecute those responsible for the gravest of crimes known to the humanity and has shown that such persons should not enjoy the benefits of their immunities, with its focus primarily on the victims of such crimes. Whilst it is an issue that will most certainly be addressed further in the future, with the situations that will be brought before the International Criminal Court, the present research will make an attempt at pointing to the significance of the situation in Afghanistan, the International Criminal Court as such and the international criminal justice as a whole, for the purpose of putting an end to impunity.

Keywords: Afghanistan, impunity, international criminal court, sanctions, United States

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Authors: Romina Beqiri

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In the context of the prosecution of those responsible for the commission of the most hideous crimes and the fight against impunity, a fundamental role is played by witnesses of the crimes who contribute to ascertaining the ‘procedural truth’. This article examines recent decisions and legislation of the Hague-based International Criminal Court in terms of the endangerment of the integrity of the criminal proceedings in consequence of witness tampering. The analysis focuses on the new developments in the courtroom and the academia, in particular, on the first-ever sentence confirming the charges of corruptly influencing witnesses, interpretation of presenting false evidence and giving false testimony when under an obligation to tell the truth. Confronted with recent tampering with witnesses and their credibility at stake in the ongoing cases, the research explores different Court’s decisions and scholars’ legal disputes concerning the deterrence approach to punish the authors of offences against the administration of justice when committed intentionally. Therefore, the analysis concludes that the Court cannot tolerate any witness false testimony and should enhance consistency and severity of sanctions for the sake of fair trial and end impunity.

Keywords: International Criminal Court, administration of justice, credibility of witness, fair trial, false testimony, witness tampering

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Authors: Uluhan Berk Ondul

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This article aims to shed light on the new stage of transitional justice in Argentina through examining the representations of the 2x1 decision of the Supreme Court and Santiago Maldonado’s Disappearance in the newspaper, La Nación. The two events hold the key to understanding Argentina’s journey since return to democracy as they are about the same crimes of the dictatorship, namely, the forced disappearance of civilians and the subsequent impunity that follows. In the case of a convicted torturer, The Supreme Court of Argentina ruled on 3rd of May 2017 that the days spent in preventive detention after two years should be counted double for the overall sentence. This court decision was met with severe resistance from the members of the parliament as well as the human rights movement. The second item on the list still continues and divides the country into two camps: (1) those who think that the police force has committed another act of forced disappearance in the case of activist Santiago Maldonado and (2) the others who blame the peronistas (the party and supporters of the ex-president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) of using this subject as a means to score political points. As a newspaper known for its proximity to the current administration, La Nación offers an insight to the direction of the country and also demonstrates how the neoliberal mindset works. The results of the study show that the transitional justice process in Argentina is far from being complete as the Promise of Nunca Más is still not a shared value but a political statement.

Keywords: Argentina, Fallo 2x1, impunity, Santiago Maldonado, transitional justice

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Authors: Md. Mustakimur Rahman

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On the one hand, while dealing with temporally distant international crimes (TDICs), prosecutors are likely to encounter many defendants suffering from severe physical or mental disorders. The concept of a defendant's "fitness," on the other hand, is based on the notion that an alleged perpetrator must be protected from a conviction resulting from a lack of participation or competence in making proper judgments. As a result, if a defendant is temporarily or permanently mentally ill, going through a formal criminal trial may be highly unlikely. TheExtraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia(ECCC), for example, arrested and tried IengThirth for crimes against humanity, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, and genocide. Still, the Trial Chamber found her incompetent to stand trial and released her in 2011. Although the prosecution had a lot of evidence against her, she was free from prosecution. It suggests that alleged war criminals may be granted immunity due to their unfitness, implying that unfitness is a hurdle to combating impunity. Given the absence of a formal criminal trial, international criminal law (ICL) should take steps to address this issue. ICL, according to Mark A. Drumbl, has yet to develop its penology; hence it borrows penological rationales from domestic criminal law. For example, international crimes tribunals such as the Nuremberg Tribunal and the Tokyo Tribunal, ad hoc tribunals have used retribution, utilitarianism, and rehabilitation as punishment justifications. On the other hand, like in the case of IengThirth, a criminal trial may not always be feasible. As a result, instead of allowing impunity, this paper proposes informal trials. This paper, for example, suggests two approaches to dealing with unfit defendants: 1) trial without punishment and 2) punishment without trial. Trial without punishment is a unique method of expressing condemnation without incarceration. "Expressivism has a broader basis than communication of punishment and sentencing," says Antony Duff. According to Drumbl, we can untangle our understanding of punishment from "the iconic preference for jailhouses" to include a larger spectrum of non-incarcerative measures like "recrimination, shame, consequence, and sanction." Non-incarcerative measures allow offenders to be punished without going through a formal criminal trial. This strategy denotes accountability for unlawful behavior. This research concludes that in many circumstances, prosecuting elderly war crimes suspects is difficult or unfeasible, but their age or illness should not be grounds for impunity. They should be accountable for their heinous activities through criminal trials or other mechanisms.

Keywords: international criminal law, international criminal punishment, international crimes tribunal, temporally distant international crimes

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Authors: Panagiota Katsikouli, William Hamilton Byrne, Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen, Tijs Slaats

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An individual who demonstrates a well-founded fear of persecution or faces real risk of being subjected to torture is eligible for asylum. In Danish law, the exact legal thresholds reflect those established by international conventions, notably the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1950 European Convention for Human Rights. These international treaties, however, remain largely silent when it comes to how states should assess asylum claims. As a result, national authorities are typically left to determine an individual’s legal eligibility on a narrow basis consisting of an oral testimony, which may itself be hampered by several factors, including imprecise language interpretation, insecurity or lacking trust towards the authorities among applicants. The leaky ground, on which authorities must assess their subjective perceptions of asylum applicants' credibility, questions whether, in all cases, adjudicators make the correct decision. Moreover, the subjective element in these assessments raises questions on whether individual asylum cases could be afflicted by implicit biases or stereotyping amongst adjudicators. In fact, recent studies have uncovered significant correlations between decision outcomes and the experience and gender of the assigned judge, as well as correlations between asylum outcomes and entirely external events such as weather and political elections. In this study, we analyze a publicly available dataset containing approximately 8,000 summaries of asylum cases, initially rejected, and re-tried by the Refugee Appeals Board (RAB) in Denmark. First, we look for variations in the recognition rates, with regards to a number of applicants’ features: their country of origin/nationality, their identified gender, their identified religion, their ethnicity, whether torture was mentioned in their case and if so, whether it was supported or not, and the year the applicant entered Denmark. In order to extract those features from the text summaries, as well as the final decision of the RAB, we applied natural language processing and regular expressions, adjusting for the Danish language. We observed interesting variations in recognition rates related to the applicants’ country of origin, ethnicity, year of entry and the support or not of torture claims, whenever those were made in the case. The appearance (or not) of significant variations in the recognition rates, does not necessarily imply (or not) bias in the decision-making progress. None of the considered features, with the exception maybe of the torture claims, should be decisive factors for an asylum seeker’s fate. We therefore investigate whether the decision can be predicted on the basis of these features, and consequently, whether biases are likely to exist in the decisionmaking progress. We employed a number of machine learning classifiers, and found that when using the applicant’s country of origin, religion, ethnicity and year of entry with a random forest classifier, or a decision tree, the prediction accuracy is as high as 82% and 85% respectively. tentially predictive properties with regards to the outcome of an asylum case. Our analysis and findings call for further investigation on the predictability of the outcome, on a larger dataset of 17,000 cases, which is undergoing.

Keywords: asylum adjudications, automated decision-making, machine learning, text mining

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Authors: David Abrahams

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In October 2016 South Africa deposited its ‘instrument of withdrawal’ from the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Rome Statute is the founding document of the treaty-based International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC has jurisdiction to hear cases where crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide have been committed, on the basis of individual criminal responsibility. It is therefore not surprising that one of the ICCs mandates is to ensure that the sufferings, due to gross human rights violations towards the civilian population is, in principle, brought to an end by punishing those individuals responsible, thus providing justice to the victims. The ICC is unable to effectively fulfill its mandate and thus depends, in part on the willingness of states to assist the Court in its functions. This requires states to ratify the Statute and to domesticate its provisions, depending on whether it is a monist or dualist state. South Africa ratified the Statute in November 2000, and domesticated the Statute in 2002 by virtue of the Implementation of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Act 27 of 2002. South Africa thus remains under an obligation to cooperate with the ICC until the final date of withdrawal, which is October 2017. An AU Summit was hosted by South Africa during June 2015. Omar Al-Bashir, whom the prosecutor of the ICC has indicted on two separate occasions, was invited to the summit. South Africa made an agreement with the AU that it will honour its obligations in terms of its Diplomatic and Immunities Privileges Act of 2001, by granting immunity to all heads of state, including that of Sudan. This decision by South Africa has raised a plethora of questions regarding the status and hierarchy of international laws versus regional laws versus domestic laws. In particular, this paper explores whether a state’s international law treaty obligations may be suspended in favour of, firstly, regional peace (thus safeguarding the security of the civilian population against further atrocities and other gross violations of human rights), and secondly, head of state immunity. This paper also reflects on the effectiveness of the trias politca in South Africa in relation the manner in which South African courts have confirmed South Africa’s failure in fulfilling its obligations in terms of the Rome Statute. A secondary question which will also be explored, is whether the Rome Statute is currently an effective tool in dealing with gross violations of human rights, particularly in a regional African context, given the desire by a number of African states currently party to the Statute, to engage in a mass exodus from the Statute. Finally, the paper concludes with a proposal that there can be no justice for victims of gross human rights violations unless states are serious in playing an instrumental role in bringing an end to impunity in Africa, and that withdrawing from the ICC without an alternative, effective system in place, will simply perpetuate impunity.

Keywords: African Union, diplomatic immunity, impunity, international criminal court, South Africa

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Authors: K. K. Bolarinwa, A. F. O. Ayinde, B. B. Abiona, O. Oyekunle

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Conflict and HIV/AIDS infection have had a profound impact on the Sub-Saharan African societies, individually and collectively. Nigeria has been experiencing several violent conflicts in many communities across the geographical spread of the country. These conflicts which often lead to loss of lives, properties and loss of livelihoods are mainly felt by women in terms of increased responsibility towards affected family members with attendant decrease in livelihood options. Despite these, conflict issues have not really received enough focal attention by Nigerian academics. It is against this backdrop that this study was undertaken to describe the respondents, the most prevalent conflict repercussions and most prevalent STDs, in conflict areas. Data were collected using interview schedule to elicit a response from 122 respondents in Southwest Nigeria, through a multi-stage sampling technique involving stratification of respondents into violent conflict areas (VCA) and non-violent conflict areas (NVCA). The data collected were analysed using descriptive statistics and correlation analysis. Results revealed that majority (86.5% and 70.5 %) of the respondents were in the age bracket of 10-39 years in both the VCA and NVCA respectively; 35.5% and 40.2% of the respondents were literate in VCA and NVCA, respectively while 76.5% and 55.8% of the respondents were in the lower income groups in VCA and NVCA, respectively. HIV/AIDS and gonorrhoea were the more predominant (75.2% and 55.6% respectively) STDs in the VCA as against 33.2% and 38.3% respectively in the NVCA. Further, significant (p<0.05) correlation existed between conflict incidence and spread of HIV/AIDS, rape and torture, maltreatment of women as well as sexual harassment; in both VCA and NVCA among others. The study concluded that conflict situations in the study area aggravated incidence of HIV/AIDS and made the women more vulnerable to inhuman treatments such as rape, torture and harassment with attendant reduction in sources of livelihoods. The study recommended among others that sensitisation on control and preventive measures of HIV/AID and other sexually transmitted diseases should be included in programme designed to mitigate against conflicts in the study areas.

Keywords: conflict, gender dimension, HIV/AIDS epidemiology, Nigeria

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Authors: Michelle J. Miller

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Millions of girls are forcibly married during the transitional period between puberty and adulthood. At a stage of vulnerability; cultural practices, religious rights, and social standards place girls in a position where they are catapult into womanhood. An advocate against forced child marriage could argue that child rights, cultural rights, religious rights, right to marry, right to life, right to health, right to education, right to be free from slavery, right to be free from torture, right to consent to marriage are all violated by the practice of child marriage. This paper will present how some of these rights are violated and how they establish the need for change.

Keywords: child marriage, forced child marriage, children's rights, religious rights, cultural rights

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Authors: Angelos Mavropoulos

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Apostle Paul repeatedly mentioned the bodily sufferings that he voluntarily went through for Christ, as his body was in chains for the ‘mystery of Christ’ (Col 4:3), while on his flesh he gladly carried the ‘thorn’ and all his pains and weaknesses, which prevent him from being proud (2 Cor 12:7). In his view, God’s power ‘is made perfect in weakness’ and when we are physically weak, this is when we are spiritually strong (2 Cor 12:9-10). In addition, we all bear the death of Jesus in our bodies so that His life can be ‘revealed in our mortal body’ (2 Cor 4:10-11), and if we indeed share in His sufferings, we will share in His glory as well (Rom 8:17). Based on these passages, several Christian writers projected bodily suffering, pain, death, and martyrdom, in general, as the means to a noble Christian life and the way to attain God. Even more, Christian tradition is full of instances of voluntary self-harm, mortification of the flesh, and body mutilation for the sake of the soul by several pious men and women, as an imitation of Christ’s earthly suffering. It is a fact, therefore, that, for Christianity, he or she who not only endures but even inflicts earthly pains for God is highly appreciated and will be rewarded in the afterlife. Nevertheless, more recently, Gaudium et Spes and Veritatis Splendor decisively and totally overturned the Catholic Church’s view on the matter. The former characterised the practices that violate ‘the integrity of the human person, such as mutilation, torments inflicted on body or mind’ as ‘infamies’ (Gaudium et Spes, 27), while the latter, after confirming that there are some human acts that are ‘intrinsically evil’, that is, they are always wrong, regardless of ‘the ulterior intentions of the one acting and the circumstances’, included in this category, among others, ‘whatever violates the integrity of the human person, such as mutilation, physical and mental torture and attempts to coerce the spirit.’ ‘All these and the like’, the encyclical concludes, ‘are a disgrace… and are a negation of the honour due to the Creator’ (Veritatis Splendor, 80). For the Catholic Church, therefore, willful bodily sufferings and mutilations infringe human integrity and are intrinsically evil acts, while intentional harm, based on the principle that ‘evil may not be done for the sake of good’, is always unreasonable. On the other hand, many saints who engaged in these practices are still honoured for their ascetic and noble life, while, even today, similar practices are found, such as the well-known Good Friday self-flagellation and nailing to the cross, performed in San Fernando, Philippines. So, the viewpoint of modern Theology about these practices and the question of whether Christians should hurt their body for the salvation of their soul is the question that this paper will attempt to answer.

Keywords: human body, human soul, torture, pain, salvation

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Authors: Armel Mbon

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This paper discusses the first-person point of view in Maugham's 'Mr. Know-All.' It particularly analyses the narrator's position in relation to the story told in this short story, with the intention of disclosing the latter's prejudice against Mr. Kelada, the protagonist, and, consequently, its hindrance to globalisation. It thus underlines the fact that this protagonist and other travellers are different colours, but one person on this ship epitomises globalisation. The general attitude of readers is that they are inclined to easily believe the narrator while forgetting that fiction is the work of a taler, a teller, but, first and foremost, a liar. The audience, whether it is disconnected from the setting or not, also tends to forget that "travellers from afar can lie with impunity." In fact, the nameless narrator in Maugham's short story has a persona that leaves a lot to be desired. He is prejudiced against Mr. Kelada, known as Mr. Know-All, as will be evidenced by the scrutiny of his diction. This paper finally purports to show that those who proclaim globalisation loudly are not ready to live together.

Keywords: narrator, persona, point of view, diction, contrast, globalisation

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Authors: Tosin Osasona

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The Nigeria Police Force bears the constitutional mandate as the primary policing agency for the protection of life and property within Nigeria; however, the police have an historical ill-reputation for corruption, ineptitude and impunity. Using the institutional theory of police as the framework of analysis, the paper argues that the performance of the police in Nigeria mirrors the dominant political, social and economic institutions and the structural environment of the Nigerian state. The article puts in perspective the deliberate political decision to underfund the police, leaving officers of the force the extra task of foraging for funds to undertake the duty that the Nigeria state primarily exists for; the article further explores the nexus between corruption in the police in Nigeria and the issue of funding. The article finds that the Nigerian state, by deliberately under-funding the police, while expecting the agency to perform its duties, has indirectly sanctioned the corruption of the force and approved the cooption of the institution of police and policing for private use in Nigeria.

Keywords: Police Corruption, Funding , Informal Taxation, POlice Checkpoint

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Authors: Catharina O. Vianna Dias da Silva, Amanda F. Batista, Ana Clara C. Burgos Lessa, Carolina S. Lucchesi Ramacciotti, Maria Clara B. de Andrade, Roberto de B. Silva

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This article aims to analyze the bioethical aspects related to the historical practices of experiments on humans that occurred in Nazi Germany during the period of World War II (1939-1945). The method was based on the bibliographic review of articles published in databases such as SciELO and Pubmed. In the discussion, historical and humanistic aspects that contributed to the construction of a genocidal culture practiced during this period were analyzed. Additionally, an ethical question arises: should the information acquired during this dark period be used by science? After analysis, it was found that these Nazi experiments went over medical and ethical principles, being a deplorable milestone in history. It was also concluded that, although they generated potentially 'useful' results in the scientific field, they should be discarded as an ethical question of principle, of never daring to validate such a deplorable way of obtaining knowledge.

Keywords: Nazism, bioethics, human experimentation, human rights, genocide, torture, medicine

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Authors: Ibhade Oluwabunlola Adisa Ibojo, Tolulope Funmilola Aladetan

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Children living with albinism in Nigeria face significant legal and social challenges that threaten their rights and well-being. Despite existing laws aimed at protecting the rights of children, including the Child Rights Act of 2003, the unique vulnerabilities of children with albinism often go unaddressed. This abstract explores the legal status of these children, highlighting the gaps in legal protection and the prevalence of discrimination and violence against them. In many Nigerian communities, deep-seated myths and superstitions regarding albinism contribute to the marginalization and stigmatization of individuals with this condition. Consequently, children with albinism are at a heightened risk of violence, including abduction and ritualistic killings, often with impunity for the perpetrators. This situation is exacerbated by inadequate legal frameworks, ineffective enforcement of existing laws, and a lack of awareness among law enforcement officials and the general public. The paper also examines the implications of these challenges on the rights of children with albinism to life, education, and healthcare. Recommendations are proposed for improving the legal framework and implementing targeted awareness campaigns to protect these vulnerable children. By addressing these issues, the Nigerian legal system can better safeguard the rights and dignity of children living with albinism, ensuring they can lead safe and fulfilling lives. This research aims to raise awareness of the plight of these children and advocate for stronger legal protections to promote their rights and well-being in Nigerian society.

Keywords: Albinism, vulnerable, children, laws

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Authors: Nkosingiphile Mbusozayo Zungu

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The purpose of the current study is to adopt informetrics methods to analyse the research on phishing from 2012 to 2021 in three selected databases in order to contribute to global cybersecurity through impactful research. The study follows a quantitative research methodology. We opted for the positivist epistemology and objectivist ontology. The analysis focuses on: (i) the productivity of individual authors, institutions, and countries; (ii) the research contributions, using co-authorship as a measure of collaboration; (iii) the altmetrics of selected research contributions; (iv) the citation patterns and research impact of research on phishing; and (v) research contributions by keywords, to discover the concepts that are related to phishing. The preliminary findings favour developed countries in terms of quantity and quality of research in the domain. There are unique research trends and patterns in the developing countries, including those in Africa, that provide opportunities for research development in the domain in the region. This study explores an important research domain by using unexplored method in the region. The study supports the SDG Agenda 2030, such as ending abuse, exploitation, trafficking, and all other forms of violence and torture of children through the use of cyberspace (SDG 16). Further, the results from this study can inform research, teaching, and learning largely in Africa. Invariably, the study contributes to cybersecurity awareness that will mitigate cybersecurity threats against vulnerable communities.

Keywords: phishing, cybersecurity, informetrics, information security

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Authors: Neha Singh, Anshuman Rana

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Gender-Based Violence (GBV) is a violation of human rights and a form of discrimination which reinforces inequalities between men and women. It is defined as violence that is directed against a person on the basis of gender. There has been increased attention to human trafficking that has exposed to illegal migration. Trafficking is complex, but it generally takes place due to “push and pull factors”. India is both a source as well as a transit country for trafficking. Women are bought and sold with impunity and trafficked to other countries. They are forced to work as sex worker, forced labour and other practices of slavery. Trafficked victims often suffer from serious abuse and physical exhaustion. The effects of violence on women vary widely. GBV typically has physical, psychological and social effects. They face unwanted pregnancies, miscarriages, high rate of infertility and sexually transmitted disease. The social exclusion of women is so great that it constitutes a new form of apartheid. Women are considered as lesser value and deprived of their fundamental rights. Violation of human rights and fundamental freedom such as- trafficking of women, girls for sex trade, forced prostitution and sex tourism have become the focus of internationally organized crimes. My paper will analyse the impact of violence on society as well. Law alone cannot change the scenario and problem of gender-biasness. The whole issue of gender violence needs social awakening and change in attitude of masses, so that due respect and equal status is given to women.

Keywords: gender-based violence, trafficking, migration, violence impact, social exclusion, law enforcement

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Authors: Onyeke Paul Chuks

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Nigeria is ranked among the developing nations and a country with a low income per capita. The consequences of this economic situation have led to the low achievement records below UN benchmark especially in the area of basic education for her citizens. The country is, however, making relentless efforts at arresting the situation by making budgetary allocations to ensure the realization of Millennium Development Goal No. 2 which is achieving universal basic education, her distressed economy notwithstanding. Basic education which comprises primary and lower secondary education as well as pre-primary and/or adult literacy programs have suffered serious setbacks orchestrated by the dwindling of the nation’s economy. This category of education being the bedrock of all other levels of education is regarded as a priority by developing countries and also the focus of the Education for All Movement led by UNESCO. The introduction of child-friendly school model is one of the strategies designed by UNESCO to achieving this all important MDGs goal No. 2. Child-friendly education model is aimed at replacing the out-dated, mundane, regimented and officious school administrative model where the basic rights of school children are trampled upon with impunity and community participation in school activities is viewed as unnecessary interference by school managers. This paper ex-rayed the potential obstacles likely to impinge on the implementation of child-friendly school model in Nigeria especially from the angle of her distressed economy and the colossal effects of the corrupt practices bedeviling the nation. The paper as well outlines prospects for the successful implementation of the child-friendly school model in Nigeria.

Keywords: child-friendly school, distressed economy, model, Nigeria

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Authors: Afsana Afsar Tuly

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The Rohingyas are a group of minority Muslimsin Myanmar who witnessed series of persecution, violence, and torture from Burmese military since 1948. In 2017, around 700,000 Rohingyas fled to the neighboring country Bangladesh and took shelter as refugees after facing clashes with Myanmar security forces. The number increased to 1.8 million in 2020, creating one of the largest refugee crises of recent times. This research focuses on the vulnerability and poverty faced by Rohingyas in refugee camps and how thelack of long-term solution and silence from international communitycan pose national security threat and increasing Islamic extremism in Bangladesh. Islamic religious and terrorist groups have used the Rohingyas position as stateless people to influence them into speaking against the secular government of Bangladesh. There has been increasing crime rates and formation of different rebel groups in refugee camps, causing clashes with Bangladeshi police and authority. Human trafficking, illegal drug dealings, prostitution, and other illicit activities have continuously gone up in the southeastern part of Bangladesh. Some economic, social, and environmental factors are studied and analyzed to show the change in Bangladesh between 2017 and 2020.

Keywords: national security threat, islamic extremism, rohingya refugees, refugee studies, Bangladesh, myanmar

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Authors: Mike Omilusi

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Since the Buhari administration came to power, it has gained the people’s confidence with its anti-corruption efforts. Making culprits account for their past unlawful deeds, in a very determined and aggressive manner ever witnessed in the nation’s political history, generates different reactions among Nigerians. However, some questions remain pertinent to this study: Are Nigerians really advocating persecution or prosecution in respect of the graft suspects? Do they want conviction without being convinced? Is their outburst propelled by emotions and revengeful anticipation of having suspected looters of the nation’s commonwealth behind bars? Can the war be successfully fought without resorting to impunity? Relying extensively on secondary sources with the aid of descriptive and narrative tools, this study seeks to interrogate the claim of fundamental human rights in the face of wanton looting of the nation’s resources. If, as opined by President Buhari, corruption is a crime against humanity, then it is argued that those who commit such crime should be subjected to penalties prescribed by law. Such crime -as corruption in this study- deprives the citizens of welfare, social amenities and good things of life. In this instance, it also poses threats to national security, having misappropriated funds meant for the war against the Boko Haram terrorism as revealed by the anti-corruption agency in the country. A theoretically-driven investigation, this essay raises some expectations within the context of good governance-propelled anti-corruption crusade, making modest recommendations as to how corruption should be prevented and combated within the confine of rule of law.

Keywords: corruption, rule of law, human rights, prosecution, commonwealth

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Authors: Michael Fusi Ligaliga

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Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS), despite being a new pedagogical discipline, is a growing interdisciplinary academic field that has expanded its presence from the traditional lens of war, conflict, and violence to addressing various social issues impacting society. Family and domestic violence (FDV) has seldom been explored through the PACS lens despite some studies showing that “on average, nearly 20 people per minute are physically abused by an intimate partner in the United States. Over one year, this equates to more than 10 million women and men.” In the Pacific, FDV rates are some of the highest in the world. The friction caused by cultural practices reinforcing patriarchy and male impunity, compounded by historical colonial experiences, as well as the impact of Christianity on the Pacific region, creates a complex social landscape when thinking about and addressing FDV in the Pacific. This paper seeks to re-examine Johan Galtung’s violence triangle (GVT) theory and its application to understanding FDV in the Pacific. Galtung argues that there are three forms of violence – direct, structural, and cultural. Direct violence (DV) is behaviors that threaten life itself or diminishes the ability of a person to meet his or her basic needs. This form of violence is visible because it is manifested in behaviors such as killing, maiming, sexual assault, etc. Structural violence (SV) exists when people do not get equal access to goods and services (health, education, justice) that enable them to reach their full potential. When ideologies embedded in cultural norms and practices are used to justify and advocate acts of violence by shifting the moral parameters from being wrong to right or acceptable, this, according to Galtung, is referred to as Cultural violence (CV).

Keywords: direct violence, cultural violence, structural violence, indigenous peacebuilding, samoa

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Authors: Klaudia Gołębiowska

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This article analyzes the actions of Poland's ruling party facing two refugee crises. These crises emerged almost one after the other within a few months. The first concerned irregular migrants from various countries, including the Middle East, seeking to cross the Polish border from the territory of Belarus. The second was caused by Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. I aim to show the evolution of the discourse and law towards immigrants and refugees by the party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (PiS, ang. Law and Justice), which has been in power in Poland since 2015. The authorities, in power since 2015, have radically changed its anti-immigrant discourse towards the exodus of civilians from Ukraine. Research questions are the following: What were the roots of the refugee crises in Poland in 2021 and 2022? What legal or illegal measures were taken in Poland to deal with the refugee crises? The methods of qualitative source analysis and process tracing. From the first days of the war in Ukraine, not only was aid organised for Ukrainians, but they were also given access to public services and education. All refugees were granted temporary international protection. At the same time, the basic physiological needs of those on the Polish-Belarusian border were ignored. Moreover, illegal pushbacks were used against those coming mainly from the Middle East, pushing them into the territory of Belarus, where they were often subjected to torture and inhumane treatment. The Polish government justified such treatment on the grounds that these people were part of a 'hybrid war' waged by Russia and Belarus using migrants. Only Ukrainians were treated as 'real' refugees in the analyzed crises at the Polish borders.

Keywords: refugee, irregular migrants, hybrid war, migrants

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