Search results for: electoral violence

Authors: Mariam Arif

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The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics.

Keywords: elections, politics, violence, women

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: Abubakar Sulaiman

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The paper examines how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Over the years, election observation continues to play critical role in the electoral process specifically in Nigeria and Africa at large. Election observation keeps an eye on the electoral process and all the stakeholders during elections, to ensure that the process is fair to all contestants. While literature abound on this role of election observation on electoral process in Nigeria, scanty scholarly efforts have been made to appraise how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Also, while election observation may play a role in ensuring that the electoral process is credible, specifically, its role in prvoking and eliciting various electoral reforms in the country has not been explored. The paper adopts the explanatory research design using secondary data and document analysis. Preliminary findings show that election observation has influenced electoral reforms in Nigeria in no small measure. The paper concludes that election observation is critical for result oriented electoral reforms in Nigeria, albeit, such reforms have to be implemented to the latter.

Keywords: electoral reforms, election observation, electoral process, developing country

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Authors: Felix O. Akinboyewa

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To say that Nigeria is faced with the problem of domestic terrorism is to say the obvious. The spate of political assassination during the fourth republic (1999-2010) is representative of what has become a growing trend. In this research, an attempt was made to examine the problems of political assassination within the context of significant categories of domestic-related terrorism in Nigeria Democracy. The central questions are: What exactly are the nature of political violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria nascent democracy? Was there any factor responsible for the politics of violence and terrorist act in the Nigeria democracy? What implications can the political violence and terrorist act have on democratic consolidation, national peace, and security? What solutions can be proffered to eradicate terrorist act and political violence in the Nigeria democracy? The study adopted a descriptive survey design which falls within the empirical research methodology. The sample size of the study consisted of 220 subjects randomly selected. The main instruments used were questionnaire and interview schedule. Data generated from the study were analyzed using descriptive statistics such as percentage and tables. The research findings showed that unemployed youths and the members of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW) were the major actors in political violence in Nigeria. They have access to weapons and ammunitions which they use to terrorize the populace. The research showed that factors responsible for the political violence and terrorism in Nigeria are: poor electoral administration; election rigging; poor security system; religious and ethnic sentiment; problems of poverty and unemployment; over-exuberance and low level of education. The study also showed that electoral violence affects smooth running democracy in Nigeria. On the measures to be taken to eradicate political violence and terrorism in Nigeria, the research showed that provision of employment opportunities would go a long way to solving the problem. Civil society as an important institution can help to reduce incidence of political violence in Nigeria. Also, government has greater role to play. The study concludes that adherence to the proffered suggestions would reduce the level of political violence and terrorist act in Nigeria.

Keywords: consolidation, democracy, peace, security, terrorism, violence

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Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: H. Shola Adeosun, D. Adeoye Odedeji, F. Ajoke Adebiyi

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This study examines the impact of media on the electoral process in Nigeria and the roles played by the media in the reform process. Survey research method was adopted as research methodology, and this enables the researcher to use questionnaire, and oral interview to elicit primary data from the respondents was interpreted, analysed and interpreted with statistical tools such as tables, figures, and percentages. The hypothesis formulated were tested with chi-square. The findings revealed that there is significant relationship between the media and electoral reform process in the 2011 and 2015 general elections in Nigeria. The study recommends that electoral committee should implement virile electoral system with the peaceful voting environment. The media should intensify efforts to expose violation of electoral laws; media should play an advocacy role for dialogue and debate on the reform recommendations. The study recommends that media should unite the nation through their reports on peace, national security, national integration and ethnoreligious tolerance and that adequate training should be given to media practitioners on how to report issues relating to elections.

Keywords: evaluation, impact, media, electoral reform process

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Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Nweke Kingsley

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From the times of ancient Greece to modern times, democratic elections have been associated with a higher number of participants. Sequel to this, politicians globally and incumbent governments appear concerned with understanding the personality traits that may assure them of unflinching support by electorates. The study examined how openness to experience predicted electoral behaviour among senior non-teaching employees of Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka. One hundred and thirty-three non-teaching employees who volunteered were randomly selected for the study. Two instruments were used for data collection: The Electoral Behaviour Scale, and the Openness to Experience dimension of the Personality Trait Inventory. A correlational design was adopted for the study, and the data generated were statistically analyzed using Pearson Product Moment and linear regression statistics. Results revealed that Openness to Experience positively and significantly predicted Electoral Behaviour among senior non-teaching employees of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. It was recommended that politicians and stakeholders hold town hall meetings and seminars to increase awareness of the electoral perception of electorates with the Openness to Experience trait as this will increase their support and yield successive results during elections.

Keywords: electoral-behaviour, employees, non-teaching, openness-to-experience

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Authors: Sulasmi Sudirman, Rachmadanty Mujah Hartika

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Traffic violence is currently a big issue in Indonesia. However, the road users perceived risk that is caused by traffic violence is low. The lack of safety driving awareness is one of the factors that road users committed to traffic violence. There are several lists of common traffic violence in Indonesia such as lack of physical fitness, not wearing helmet, unfasten seatbelt, breaking through the traffic light, not holding a driving license, and some more violence. This research sought to explore the perception of road users toward traffic violence. The participants were road users in Makassar, Indonesia who were using cars and motorbikes. The method of the research was a qualitative approach by using a personal interview to collect data. The research showed that there three main ideas of perceiving traffic violence which are motives, environment that supported traffic violence, and reinforcement. The road users committed traffic violence had particular motive, for example, rushing. The road users committed to traffic violence when other road users and significant other did the same. The road users committed traffic violence when the police were not there to give a ticket. It can be concluded that the perception of road users toward traffic violence determined by internal aspect, the social aspect, and regulation.

Keywords: perception, road users, traffic, violence

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Authors: Okpanachi Linus Odiji, Chris Ogwu Attah

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Election is no doubt widely assumed as one of the most suitable means of resolving political quagmires even though it has never been bereft of conflict which can manifest before, during, or after polls. What, however, advances democracy and promotes electoral integrity is the existence and effectiveness of institutional frameworks for electoral conflict management. Electoral conflicts are no doubt unique in the sense that they represent the struggles of people over the control of public resources. In most cases, the stakes involved are high and emotional that they do not only undermine inter-group relationship but also threaten national security. The need, therefore, for an effectively functional conflict management apparatus becomes imperative. While at the State level, there exist numerous governmental initiatives at various electoral stages aimed at managing conflicts, this paper examines the activities of the mass media, which is another prominent stakeholder in the electoral process. Even though media influence has increased tremendously in the last decade, researchers are yet to agree on its utility in the management of conflicts. Guided by the social responsibility theory of media reporting and drawing data from observed trends in Kogi state, the paper, which context analyses the 2019 gubernatorial election coverage in the state, observes both conflict escalation and de-escalation roles in the media. To mitigate conflict reporting misrepresentation, therefore, a common approach to conflict reporting should be designed and ordered by the National Broadcasting Commission as well as the Nigerian Press Council. This should be garnished with the training of journalists on conflict reporting and development of a standard conflict reporting procedure.

Keywords: conflict management, electoral conflict, mass media, media reporting

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Aspalella A. Rahman

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Domestic violence is not an uncommon phenomenon throughout the world. Malaysia is no exception. However, the exact prevalence of domestic violence in Malaysia is difficult to capture due to cultural understanding and sensitivity of the issues existing in the society. This paper aims to examine the issues and problems with the law of domestic violence in Malaysia. As such, it will mainly rely on statutes as its primary sources of information. It will analyse the scope and provisions of the Penal Code as well as the Domestic Violence Act 1994. Any shortcomings and gaps in the laws will be highlighted. It is submitted that domestic violence remains a problem in Malaysia. Although many strategies and plans have been implemented in attempting to combat this social problem, it remains unresolved. This is due to the inefficient implementation of the law. Although much has been done, there is still more to be done by the Malaysian government to combat domestic violence more effectively. For this reason, significant cooperation between the law enforcement authorities, NGOs, and the community must be established.

Keywords: challenges, domestic violence, issues, Malaysia

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Authors: Ahmed Usman

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This paper attempts to examine the relevance of an Electoral Commission in the democratic process of governance in Nigeria. However, democratic system and governance present a clear indication of responsive and responsible governments. The idea of a government being responsive and responsible is based on the premise of conventional principles of democracy such as freedom of political, economic and social rights of and individual. More so, upholding of the Rule of Law based on the ground of constitutionalism is a clear manifestation of the democratic governance. The burdens of ascertaining theses democratic ethos rely solely on the constituted election management body known as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the case of Nigeria. This body is however, saddled with the responsibility of organizing and conducting periodic regular credible election known as free and fair election. The body also, is expected to be neutral, and independent to ensure fair treatment to all. It is on the basis of this fair treatment that credible leaders emerged. To this end, the paper examines the powers, functions and features of Independent National Electoral Commission. More so, the concepts of election and democracy have been operationalized. It is obvious that electoral process in Nigeria is marred with series of problems of which the paper identified and solutions were proffered towards credible, free and fair elections for sustainable democratic governance. In order to succinctly discuss and analyze the issues at stake, Structural Functional Analysis theory is adopted as a theoretical frame work for the paper.

Keywords: election, electoral commission, democracy, governance

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Authors: Nazif Fuat Turkmen

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Domestic violence is the most common form of violence that risks the health and psychological well-being of victims and its witnesses. Psychology as a scientific field has made contributions in research, exploration, assessment, intervention, and prevention of domestic violence. The present study will be exploring the level of recognition of Turkish Cypriots on domestic violence and their understanding about it in general terms. While discussing the level of awareness of Turkish Cypriots on domestic violence and the effects of this level of awareness on the general well-being of the members of the society, the most common types of domestic violence as well as how Turkish Cypriots recognize and interpret these different types will be explored. The participants consisted of 224 Turkish Cypriots; 48.4% (n= 109) were female, 51.1% (n=115) were male. For the purpose of the study, a 28-item questionnaire was prepared and used for data collection. According to the results, there is a strong relationship between the education level of the respondents and their awareness on domestic violence. The study shows that cultural approaches on child rearing effect people’s recognition of violence in general and awareness on domestic violence in particular.

Keywords: culture, domestic violence, health psychology, public health, Turkish Cypriots, violence

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

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Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: Jatesh Kathpalia, Subhash Chander

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Violence against women has spread into a global epidemic. This has debilitating effect over the performance of women. Due to deep-rooted values, traditional Indian culture women fear the consequences of reporting violence and declare an unwillingness to subject themselves to the shame of being identified as battered women. Main interest was to study types of domestic violence which women face and to encourage them to report the matter. The study involved understanding the nature, extent and types of domestic violence. Two hundred rural women respondents were selected at random, interview schedule was prepared, and victims afflicted with domestic violence were identified. Data were collected and analyzed for different forms of domestic violence faced by women. 60% of the respondents faced domestic violence in different forms. Out of 120 women who were affected, 92.5% faced emotional, 90.8% faced verbal, 49.1% faced economic and 58.3% faced physical violence. 45.0% faced violence within three months of the marriage. Out of these, only 6.6% reported the violence to the police. Frequently faced forms of violence were slapping (27.1%), beating (24.3%) and starvation (25.7%). Number of women who were not allowed to spend money of their own stood at 30.5%. About 50% victims of emotional violence were facing constant criticism by their in-laws. Significant association was found between age, education and socio-economic status of the respondents and domestic violence. Rural women in Haryana face grave problem of domestic violence which need to be curbed for improving condition of women in society.

Keywords: domestic violence against women, economic, emotional, physical and verbal violence, marriage, rural women

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Authors: Khadija Ali

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Prosecution of sexual violence in international criminal law requires not only an understanding of the mechanisms employed to prosecute sexual violence but also a critical analysis of the factors facilitating perpetuation of such crimes in armed conflicts. The extrapolations laid out in this essay delve into the jurisprudence of international criminal law pertaining to sexual and gender based violence followed by the core question of this essay: Has the entrenchment of sexual violence as international crimes in the Rome Statute been successful to address such violence in armed conflicts?

Keywords: conflict, gender, international criminal law, sexual violence

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Authors: Mohammad S. Islam

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Elections in Bangladesh are always controversial, and sometimes it becomes a violent affair when state power is combined with politics. Despite the commitment of the ruling party- the polling government to ensure free, fair, and credible elections, the participants of opposition parties and the general voters became very disappointed, terribly frustrated, and severely shocked. It happened when numerous claims of serious irregularities of vote rigging and violence came out in broad daylight during the election. This paper addresses the issues of how the ruling party created frightening and a horror situation to make people silent over electoral fraud and violent incidents, including gang rape. It also seeks to demonstrate that election-2018 was simply the deceptive action of the ruling party to legitimate their power, but not to provide a minimum opportunity for voters to exercise their fundamental right to vote. The fundamental freedom and the rule of law seemed to be ignored completely in this election process and afterwards. With the help of state machinery, the government of the ruling party violated human rights, restricted fundamental freedoms, and humiliated social protection & dignity. The contestant’s views as witnessed and relevant literatures are cited first for conceptual understanding. Then, the paper will examine how a new dimension of circumstantial social measures related to sustained protection can reduce all kinds of violence against humanity towards establishing a peaceful democratic society. Finally, this paper interprets the key findings and considers wider implications.

Keywords: electoral fraud, human rights, sustained protection, social measures, vote rigging

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Authors: Sangita Bharati

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Violence against women is now well recognised as a public health problem and human rights violation of worldwide significance. It is an important risk factor for women's ill health, with far reaching consequences for both their physical and mental health. Gender based violence takes many forms and results in physical, sexual and psychological harm to the women throughout their lives. Gender based violence often manifests unequal power relation between men and women in society and the secondary status of the women because of which women have to suffer a range of health problems in silence. This paper will aim at describing a few problems related to women’s health which are directly linked to their experience as victims of gender based violence.

Keywords: violence, health, women, society

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Authors: Agbor Ekama Prisca Anne

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Current data on the prevalence and psychosocial correlates of sexual violence in the Cameroon is lacking, with the most recent sexual abuse and violence survey dating back to 2001. The current study sought to identify what proportion of University students have experienced sexual violence, if there are sex differences in exposure to different forms of sexual violence, and to what extent different forms of sexual violence are associated with adverse psychosocial outcomes. A nationally representative sample of University students (N = 1,020) completed self-report measures of history of sexual violence and mental health. Approximately one-in-three (34.4%) students experienced some form of sexual violence, including 14.8% who were sexually assaulted (raped) and 31.1% who were sexually harassed. Female students were significantly more likely than men to have experienced all forms of sexual violence (ps < .001), with the exception of sexual assault by teachers or guardian. All forms of sexual violence were associated with an increased likelihood of serious mental health problems, with sexual assault by a teacher associated with several other psychosocial outcomes in life, including education achievement, and behavior disorder. Sexual violence is a common experience in the general population and female students are disproportionately affected (1-in-2 girls versus 1-in-5 boys). Additional resources to increase mental health care among survivors of sexual violence is urgently needed.

Keywords: psychosocial, effects sexual, violence, females, students

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Authors: Fatemeh Noughani, Seyd Mehdi Sadat

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Violence against women as a global problem is not confined to any geographical and cultural area. The thoughts and opinions propagating the violence are seen in many cultural beliefs of societies. However, the shape, type and nature of it is different in different cultures. Also, many Iranian women have experienced different dimensions of domestic violence in their lives. This experience may vary with the family economic situation and poverty. Therefore, this research had studied the effects of family economic situation (poverty) on the increase of domestic violence against women. The sample of this study includes 126 married women older than 8 years old and they were selected by stratified and quota sampling method. The results showed that there is a direct and significant between the family economic situation and employment situation of women and domestic violence against women. More precisely, having economic capital, financial ability, affects the couple’s relationship and will solve their many social problems and perhaps, it seem that in terms of economic violence, the men who have higher economic capital, exert the lowest level of economic violence against their wives.

Keywords: economic situation , domestic violence, poverty, Iran

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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Authors: Manita Pyakurel, Ram Chandra Silwal, Padam Simkhada, Edwin van Teijlingen, Bikesh Bajracharya, Sushila Sapkota, Tina Gorkhali, Salita Gurung

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Introduction: Gender-based violence (GBV) has been identified as a social and personal security concern for women with disabilities who are at increased risk for various types of abuse. This study aims to determine the prevalence rates of physical, psychological, and sexual violence among women and girls with disability in Nepal. Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted in 28 municipalities, 14 districts, and 7 provinces representing all three ecological regions of Nepal from January to March 2021. Study respondents were girls and women with disabilities, aged between 15 and 59 years, at the study sites. Face-to-face semi-structured interviews were conducted among 1294 respondents using the KoBo toolbox application on a smartphone or tablet. Results: Among the total study population, 35.3% shared lifetime violence experience. Only 4.8% formally reported violence experienced. Among the violence experienced participants maximum (92.6%) of women and girls identified no change in violence before and after the COVID-19 pandemic. Women who were married had protective odds of 0.71 for violence experienced in their lifetime [aOR-0.71, CI (0.56-0.90)]. Conclusion: More than one-third experienced violence in their lifetime. Intimate partner violence was the most common violence experienced by women and girls with disability in Nepal. Sexual violence was the least type of violence experienced. The most common perpetrator of violence includes the mother or father-in-law. Most of the women and girls never reported violence.

Keywords: gender-based violence, prevalence, girls, women

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Authors: Olalekan Olaluwoye, Joanne Williams, Elizabeth Hoban, Sonia Brockington

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Cases of sexual violence against men have been reported in at least twenty-five conflict situations in history. However, there is a paucity of academic literature and minimal media, policy and legal discussions on sexual violence against men. Most studies and discussions remain locked in the ‘male perpetrators, female victims’ paradigm. Male victims continue to suffer the consequences of sexual violence in conflict and post-conflict settings in silence. A rigorous narrative systematic review of the literature revealed few studies on the subject and those that exist have a narrow focus on rape as the only form of sexual violence despite the existence of other forms of sexual violence that have equally devastating effects. This paper argues that while research and discussions on sexual violence against women should continue, it is time to conduct rigorous mixed methods research to understand the experiences of men and boys survivors of sexual violence. There is a need to study sexual violence more broadly, without limiting it to rape, and to understand the determinants and health implications of sexual violence perpetrated on men. The paper concludes by proposing a research approach that gives voice to the experiences of male survivors of sexual violence in conflict and post-conflict settings.

Keywords: conflict, male survivors, post-conflict settings, sexual violence

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Authors: Nazih Ramadan, Ghada Hassabo

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Background and Aims: Domestic violence and other forms of violence against women and other family members are known to be substantial and widespread, with women more likely than men to be abused mostly by their partner, which is known as gender-based violence. Domestic violence is a major precipitating factor for suicide in many communities especially in our Middle East area. The aim of the study is to show the real relation between suicidal attempts and domestic violence especially in female victims. We tried also through this study to know the most common age at which the abused person attempt suicide, the perpetrator, the educational level of the abused person, and the social level of them. Materials and Methods: In this study, we collect data from 150 victims of suicidal attempts who came to seek medical help at National Poisoning Center. They were asked to answer a preformed questionnaire after giving consent. Results: The study shows that women are at higher risk for suicidal behavior and that suicidal attempt is directly proportionate to low level of education and low social class situation. Conclusion: the study shows the strong relation between attempting suicide and exposure to domestic violence. At the end of this work, we recommend understanding the broad scope and tragic impact of domestic violence; further research is needed concerning domestic violence-related suicide.

Keywords: Cairo, domestic violence, domestic violence-related suicide, violence against women

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Authors: Emil Danehorn, Ulla Peterson, Marie Oscarsson, Goldina Smirthwaite, Katarina Swahnberg

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Swedish students who choose to study abroad are common, but there has been limited research on exchange students. There are indications that some Swedish exchange students have been exposed to violence, but it is not known if they, already before their semester abroad, are more exposed to violence than students who remain on campus. Our aim was to investigate potential differences in exposure to physical, sexual, and emotional violence between prospective exchange students and campus students and between male and female students in general, as well as to determine any associations between mental health and exposure to violence among students in the total sample. Method: Comparative cross-sectional design using an online survey containing the NorVold Abuse Questionnaire and the General Health Questionnaire 12. A total of 565 participants took part in the study. Results: Prospective exchange students were less exposed to emotional violence compared to campus students. About one-half of all the participating female students had been exposed to sexual violence and about one-third of all the male students had been exposed to physical violence. The results also indicated that exposure to more than one form of violence was associated with poor mental health for students as a group. Conclusion: Prospective exchange students as a group do not report more exposure to physical and sexual violence than campus students but do report less exposure to emotional violence. However, the overall frequency of exposure to violence among the students was high. This highlights the need for proactive efforts for everyone, not least for exchange students who will be staying in a new environment unknown to them.

Keywords: sexual violence, physical violence, emotional violence, exchange students, mental health

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Authors: Peter Ellis

Abstract:

United States dramatic television in the 21st century is inarguably violent. This violence can be as physical as the gruesome viscera spilled in AMC’s The Walking Dead; it can be as psychological as the suppressive dominance of Tony Soprano over his wife Carmella in HBO’s The Sopranos; and it can sit like shares on the stock market, where investment in violence sits as an economic choice, as with AMC’s Breaking Bad. Violence permeates these narratives, simultaneously threatening and defining the lives of their characters through its use in their relationships. What propels this exploration of humanity through violence is the use of language: the dictation of interaction in an economy in which characters negotiate successful acts of violence, or how they meet with the successful violence of others. Language is the defining force which separates and elucidates characters through conflict, as Slavoj Žižek writes, “it is because of language that we and our neighbours (can) “live in different worlds” even when we live on the same street.” This paper examines three different manifestations that violence takes in US television, specifically through the examples of The Walking Dead, The Sopranos, and Breaking Bad. Through the prism of Žižek’s conception of language as the uniquely human vehicle of violence, I aim to display how these shows sit as expressions of a neo-humanism, in which the complexities of language manipulate violence and define character in the process.

Keywords: violence, humanism, neoliberalism, American television

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Authors: M. C. Steyn

Abstract:

Violence and entertainment are not mutually exclusive subjects in the Ancient Roman world, in reality they are closely knit together. Their world is permeated by repeated and continuous episodes of violence in its many manifestations, both sanctioned and spontaneous, most of which is considered as some form of entertainment, from plays and writings through the spectrum to the gladiatorial arena. In the 21st century this socio-psychological dynamic is manifested through the stage provided by the screen and what we watch in terms of TV, movies and games. This glorification of violence in a modern world is not out of place as seen in contemporary post apocalyptical/ dystopian literature, film and computer games where the act of violence, frowned upon by social norms and values, becomes sanctioned by the (un)real nature of the game: ‘I am not a violent person, violence is bad, this is just a game’. This paper will examine how violence is framed in the Ancient World and subsequently how it is received by popular culture to represent a world in which the maintenance of stability can only be achieved through officially sanctioned violence, whether sanctioned by the State or the gaming community. This argument will examine both ancient and modern critics of violence such as Senecca, Coleman and Foucault and framed by Baudrillard’s commentary on the post-modern conceptualization of reality.

Keywords: entertainment, violence, gladiatorial games, gaming

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