Search results for: Mexican electoral system

Authors: Verónica Arredondo, Miguel Martínez-Panero, Teresa Peña, Victoriano Ramírez

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The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Keywords: electoral mathematics, electoral reform, Mexican electoral system, political asymmetry, proportional representation

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Authors: Abubakar Sulaiman

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The paper examines how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Over the years, election observation continues to play critical role in the electoral process specifically in Nigeria and Africa at large. Election observation keeps an eye on the electoral process and all the stakeholders during elections, to ensure that the process is fair to all contestants. While literature abound on this role of election observation on electoral process in Nigeria, scanty scholarly efforts have been made to appraise how election observation influences electoral reforms in Nigeria. Also, while election observation may play a role in ensuring that the electoral process is credible, specifically, its role in prvoking and eliciting various electoral reforms in the country has not been explored. The paper adopts the explanatory research design using secondary data and document analysis. Preliminary findings show that election observation has influenced electoral reforms in Nigeria in no small measure. The paper concludes that election observation is critical for result oriented electoral reforms in Nigeria, albeit, such reforms have to be implemented to the latter.

Keywords: electoral reforms, election observation, electoral process, developing country

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Authors: H. Shola Adeosun, D. Adeoye Odedeji, F. Ajoke Adebiyi

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This study examines the impact of media on the electoral process in Nigeria and the roles played by the media in the reform process. Survey research method was adopted as research methodology, and this enables the researcher to use questionnaire, and oral interview to elicit primary data from the respondents was interpreted, analysed and interpreted with statistical tools such as tables, figures, and percentages. The hypothesis formulated were tested with chi-square. The findings revealed that there is significant relationship between the media and electoral reform process in the 2011 and 2015 general elections in Nigeria. The study recommends that electoral committee should implement virile electoral system with the peaceful voting environment. The media should intensify efforts to expose violation of electoral laws; media should play an advocacy role for dialogue and debate on the reform recommendations. The study recommends that media should unite the nation through their reports on peace, national security, national integration and ethnoreligious tolerance and that adequate training should be given to media practitioners on how to report issues relating to elections.

Keywords: evaluation, impact, media, electoral reform process

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Authors: Emmanuel Ayobami Adesiyan

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Political theorists have identified ethnicity as an obstacle to democratic stability in deeply divided societies. Nigeria belongs to the categories of problematic states labeled divided or deeply divided societies, as such post-independence politics is characterized by ethnicity with its ruinous effect on democratic governance and development. Institutional Engineering, the purposive manipulation of the electoral rule relating to party organization and the electoral formula has been established in comparative political studies as a policy measure for managing ethnicity in order to stabilize politics in divided societies. This paper examines the use of electoral engineering tools in managing ethnic politics in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study is guided by rational institutional theory. Secondary data on electoral rules and disaggregated results of presidential elections were collected from archival documents. Data were subjected to content analysis. Institutional changes in electoral rules have promoted the development of inter-ethnic bargaining and compromises within the party system. Presidential Electoral Formula aided the emergence of national rather parochial parties. Electoral engineering tools moved Nigerian Politics from ethnic parochialism to inclusion and accommodation. These innovations should be strengthened to enhance democratic stability.

Keywords: Nigeria, presidential-elections, ethnic politics, institutional engineering

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Authors: Olajumoke Tolulope Esan, Odunayo Stephen Faluse

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Nigeria’s electoral politics from independence has been tumultuous. Violence has continued to damage the conduct of almost all general elections in Nigeria, Thereby making free and fair elections an event that seems to be unachievable in the history of the nation’s politics. Apparently, electoral violence has subjected the Nation into stereotyped electoral procedures that are always dictated through powerful political Godfathers. However, the shameful act of riotous and tumultuous election processes has led to a political, national instability festering irregularities that manifest at different stages of the election, thus subjecting almost all elections carried out in Nigeria below the minimum democracy standard. Hence the fact that an average Nigerian is being deprived of his or her individual electoral rights should be enough to attract Global political interventions from the western world as Nigeria is part of the commonwealth countries and every Nigerians have the right to demand for posterity to be ensured by protecting individual rightful votes. Basically for elections to be termed democratic, it must be free and fair. In view of this, A deep understanding of this paper is a reflection on the tides of electoral violence and the alarming precipitating factors that make free and fair election almost unreachable in Nigeria.

Keywords: democracy, election, electoral violence, political violence

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Authors: M. Laura Vazquez Maggio, Lilia Dominguez Villalobos, Jan Luka Frey

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This paper contributes to the understanding of the dynamic and the relational nature of identities formation among skilled middle-class migrants. Following the idea that identities are never singular, multifaceted and have a necessarily processual character, the authors specifically analyze three dimensions of the identity of qualified Mexican migrants in the US and the interplay between them. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with skilled Mexican middle-class migrants in the US, the paper explores how skilled Mexican migrants preserve their ethno-national identity (their ‘Mexicanness’) in reaction to a hostile socio-political reception context in the US. It further shows how these migrants recreate their class identity and show tendencies to distance themselves from what they perceive as lower-class Mexican migrants and the dominant popular Mexican and Latin-American cultural expressions. In a final step, it examines how the lived experience of migration itself impacts the migrants’ identities, their concept of self and feelings/modes of being and belonging.

Keywords: ethno-national identity, middle class identity, middle-class migration, migrants’ identity, skilled migration

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Authors: Sophia Francesca D. Lu

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This research tried to produce evidence that formal institutions, such as electoral and internal party quotas, can advance women’s active roles in the public sphere using the cases of four European countries: Belgium, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The quantitative dataset was provided by the University of Chicago and the Inter-University Consortium of Political and Social Research based on a two-year study (2008-2010) of political parties. Belgium engages in constitutionally mandated electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands, on the other hand, have internal party quotas, which are voluntarily adopted by political parties. In analyzing each country’s chi-square and Pearson’s r correlation, Belgium, having an electoral quota, is the only country that was analyzed for electoral quotas. Germany, Italy and the Netherlands’ internal voluntary party quotas were correlated with women’s descriptive representations. Using chi-square analysis, this study showed that the presence of electoral quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies as well as with an increase in the percentage of women in decision-making bodies. Likewise, using correlational analysis, a higher number of political parties employing internal party voluntary quotas is correlated with an increase in the percentage of women occupying seats in parliament as well as an increase in the percentage of women nominees in electoral lists of political parties. In conclusion, gender quotas, such as electoral quotas or internal party quotas, are an effective policy tool for greater women’s representation in political bodies. Political parties and governments should opt to have gender quotas, whether electoral or internal party quotas, to address the underrepresentation of women in parliament, decision-making bodies, and policy-formulation.

Keywords: electoral quota, Europe, formal institutions, institutional feminism, internal party quota, women’s electoral participation

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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In places from Latin America to Africa, a big number of authoritarian regimes have given way to democratic forces and increasingly responsive and open societies. Many countries have embarked upon a process of democratisation for the first time while many others have moved to restore their democratic roots. Mexico is one of these countries, and although the Mexican state is not democratic neither dictatorial in the strict sense the Anglo-Saxon and European tradition has defined these concepts, it is possible to find elements that combine both concepts. History helps us understand and study the past, interpret the present and predict the future. In the case of the Mexican political system, history has had a very specific effect in each of the areas that comprise the making of what it is now the contemporary Mexican system. Each of the different historical periods has left a legacy that has marked the way the political system has evolved. The historical periods that Mexico has undergone since its emergence as an independent state, have permeated until modern days and some of these legacies are the ones which will help us understand and interpret many of the structures of the current Mexican political system. The most notorious characteristic of contemporary Latin America is its dependency, underdevelopment and economic disparity once this region if compared with Europe and North America. There is a widespread persistence of economic dependence and social problems despite the creation of independent countries. The role of the state is to supervise the development of relations among actors. The political phenomenon is full of a constant process of transitions and the particular case of the formation of the Mexican state evidences this.

Keywords: Mexico, democratisation process, PRI, authoritarian regimes, political transitions, Latin America

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Authors: Ahmed Usman

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This paper attempts to examine the relevance of an Electoral Commission in the democratic process of governance in Nigeria. However, democratic system and governance present a clear indication of responsive and responsible governments. The idea of a government being responsive and responsible is based on the premise of conventional principles of democracy such as freedom of political, economic and social rights of and individual. More so, upholding of the Rule of Law based on the ground of constitutionalism is a clear manifestation of the democratic governance. The burdens of ascertaining theses democratic ethos rely solely on the constituted election management body known as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) for the case of Nigeria. This body is however, saddled with the responsibility of organizing and conducting periodic regular credible election known as free and fair election. The body also, is expected to be neutral, and independent to ensure fair treatment to all. It is on the basis of this fair treatment that credible leaders emerged. To this end, the paper examines the powers, functions and features of Independent National Electoral Commission. More so, the concepts of election and democracy have been operationalized. It is obvious that electoral process in Nigeria is marred with series of problems of which the paper identified and solutions were proffered towards credible, free and fair elections for sustainable democratic governance. In order to succinctly discuss and analyze the issues at stake, Structural Functional Analysis theory is adopted as a theoretical frame work for the paper.

Keywords: election, electoral commission, democracy, governance

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Authors: Kazuma Mizukoshi

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Are electoral politics in contemporary Brazil still local in organization and focus? The importance of this question lies in its paradoxical trajectories. First, often coupled with institutional and sociological ‘barriers’ (e.g. the selection and election of candidates relatively loyal to the local party leadership, the predominance of territorialized electoral campaigns, and the resilience of political clientelism), the regionalization of electoral politics has been a viable and practical solution especially for pragmatic politicians in some Latin American countries. On the other hand, some leftist parties that once served as minor opposition forces at the time of foundational or initial elections have certainly expanded vote shares. Some were eventually capable of holding most (if not a majority) legislative seats since the 1990s. Though not yet rigorously demonstrated, theoretically implicit in the rise of leftist parties in legislative elections is the gradual (if not complete) nationalization of electoral support—meaning the growing equality of a party’s vote share across electoral districts and its change over time. This study will develop four hypotheses to explain the dynamics of party nationalization in contemporary Brazil: district magnitude, ethnic and class fractionalization of each district, voting intentions in federal and state executive elections, and finally the left-right stances of electorates. The study will demonstrate these hypotheses by closely working with the Brazilian Electoral Study (2002-2014).

Keywords: party nationalization, presidential coattails, Left, Brazil

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Authors: E. Mendoza, D. Jackson-Maldonado, G. Avecilla-Ramírez, A. Mondaca

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Assessing language proficiency is a major issue in psycholinguistic research. There are multiple tools that measure language dominance and language proficiency in hearing bilinguals, however, this is not the case for Deaf bilinguals. Specifically, there are few, if not none, assessment tools useful in the description of the multilingual abilities of Mexican Deaf signers. Because of this, the linguistic characteristics of Mexican Deaf population have been poorly described. This paper attempts to explain the necessary changes done in order to adapt the Bilingual Language Profile (BLP) to Mexican Sign Language (LSM) and written/oral Spanish. BLP is a Self-Evaluation tool that has been adapted and translated to several oral languages, but not to sign languages. Lexical, syntactic, cultural, and structural changes were applied to the BLP. 35 Mexican Deaf signers participated in a pilot study. All of them were enrolled in Higher Education programs. BLP was presented online in written Spanish via Google Forms. No additional information in LSM was provided. Results show great heterogeneity as it is expected of Deaf populations and BLP seems to be a useful tool to create a bilingual profile of the Mexican Deaf population. This is a first attempt to adapt a widely tested tool in bilingualism research to sign language. Further modifications need to be done.

Keywords: deaf bilinguals, assessment tools, bilingual language profile, mexican sign language

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Authors: Lisdey Espinoza Pedraza

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Organised crime in Mexico evolves faster that our capacity to understand and explain it. Organised gangs have become successful entrepreneurs in many ways ad they have somehow mimicked the working ways of the authorities and in many cases, they have successfully infiltrated the governmental spheres. This business model is only possible under a clear scheme of rampant impunity. Impunity, however, is not exclusive to the PRI. Nor the PRI, PAN, or PRD can claim the monopoly of corruption, but what is worse is that none can claim full honesty in their acts either. The current security crisis in Mexico shows a crisis in the Mexican political party system. Corruption today is not only a problem of dishonesty and the correct use of public resources. It is the principal threat to Mexican democracy, governance, and national security.

Keywords: security, war on drugs, drug trafficking, Mexico, Latin America, United States

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Authors: Nweke Kingsley

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From the times of ancient Greece to modern times, democratic elections have been associated with a higher number of participants. Sequel to this, politicians globally and incumbent governments appear concerned with understanding the personality traits that may assure them of unflinching support by electorates. The study examined how openness to experience predicted electoral behaviour among senior non-teaching employees of Nnamdi Azikiwe University Awka. One hundred and thirty-three non-teaching employees who volunteered were randomly selected for the study. Two instruments were used for data collection: The Electoral Behaviour Scale, and the Openness to Experience dimension of the Personality Trait Inventory. A correlational design was adopted for the study, and the data generated were statistically analyzed using Pearson Product Moment and linear regression statistics. Results revealed that Openness to Experience positively and significantly predicted Electoral Behaviour among senior non-teaching employees of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka. It was recommended that politicians and stakeholders hold town hall meetings and seminars to increase awareness of the electoral perception of electorates with the Openness to Experience trait as this will increase their support and yield successive results during elections.

Keywords: electoral-behaviour, employees, non-teaching, openness-to-experience

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Authors: Mariam Arif

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The objective of the current study is to find out the electoral violence against women and its implications on their political participation. This paper is a qualitative study to get an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon. This study used questionnaires and interviews for findings. This paper attempts to study electoral violence and women in politics in Pakistan. The study concluded that women are subjected to different categories of violence defined as physical violence that involves sexual and bodily harm to a politically active woman or to people associated with her. Social and psychological violence includes class difference, stress, social limitations, family pressure and character assassination. Economic violence is defined as a systematic restriction of access to economic resources available to women thus hinder women active participation in politics (elections). All these violence against women in elections are threat to the integrity of the electoral process of the country that eventually affects women’s participation as voters, party candidates, election officials and political party leaders. It also undermines the free and fair democratic process. This qualitative paper shows a significant negative relationship between electoral violence and women participation in politics.

Keywords: elections, politics, violence, women

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Authors: Okpanachi Linus Odiji, Chris Ogwu Attah

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Election is no doubt widely assumed as one of the most suitable means of resolving political quagmires even though it has never been bereft of conflict which can manifest before, during, or after polls. What, however, advances democracy and promotes electoral integrity is the existence and effectiveness of institutional frameworks for electoral conflict management. Electoral conflicts are no doubt unique in the sense that they represent the struggles of people over the control of public resources. In most cases, the stakes involved are high and emotional that they do not only undermine inter-group relationship but also threaten national security. The need, therefore, for an effectively functional conflict management apparatus becomes imperative. While at the State level, there exist numerous governmental initiatives at various electoral stages aimed at managing conflicts, this paper examines the activities of the mass media, which is another prominent stakeholder in the electoral process. Even though media influence has increased tremendously in the last decade, researchers are yet to agree on its utility in the management of conflicts. Guided by the social responsibility theory of media reporting and drawing data from observed trends in Kogi state, the paper, which context analyses the 2019 gubernatorial election coverage in the state, observes both conflict escalation and de-escalation roles in the media. To mitigate conflict reporting misrepresentation, therefore, a common approach to conflict reporting should be designed and ordered by the National Broadcasting Commission as well as the Nigerian Press Council. This should be garnished with the training of journalists on conflict reporting and development of a standard conflict reporting procedure.

Keywords: conflict management, electoral conflict, mass media, media reporting

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Authors: Md Motibur Rahman

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The present paper attempts to study the electoral politics and voting behavior of 2011 assembly election of West Bengal state in India. Electoral geography is considered as the study of geographical aspects of the organization, conduct, and result of elections. It deals with the spatial voting patterns/behaviour or the study of the spatial distribution of political phenomena of voting. Voting behavior is a form of political psychology which played a great role in political decision-making process. The voting behavior of the electorates is largely influenced by their perception that existing during the time of election. The main focus of the study will be to analyze the electoral politics of the party organizations and political profile of the electorates. The principle objectives of the present work are i) to study the spatial patterns of voting behavior in 2011 assembly election in West Bengal, ii) to analysis the result and finding of 2011 assembly election. The whole study based on the secondary source of data. The electoral data have taken from Election Commission of India, New Delhi and Centre for the study of Developing Societies (CSDS) in New Delhi. In the battle of 2011 Assembly election in West Bengal, the two major parties were Left Front and Trinamool Congress. This election witnessed the remarkable successes of Trinamool Congress and decline of 34 years longest ruler party that is Left Front. Trinamool Congress won a majority of seats that 227 out of 294 but Left Front won only 62 seats out of 294 seats. The significance of the present study is that it helps in understanding the voting pattern, voting behaviour, trends of voting and also helps for further study of electoral geography in West Bengal. The study would be highly significant and helpful to the planners, politicians, and administrators who are involved in the formulation of development plans and programmes for the people of the state.

Keywords: assembly election, electoral geography, electoral politics, voting behaviour

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Authors: Chris Ogwu Attah, Okpanachi Linus Odiji

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An election is no doubt a universally accepted means of resolving societal problems, particularly those with political connotations. While the process has often been conducted in advanced democracies without attacks on opponents and the populace, that ambiance of political tranquillity has hardly been enjoyed in many African states. While the violent nature of polls on this part of the globe have for long been linked among other things to monetization and the zero-sum character of politics, emerging trends show how the increasing rate of electoral violence may not be unconnected to the broadcasts of violent acts in the media. Anchored on the age-long complaints about the possible deleterious effects of mass media and Plato’s concern about the effects of plays on the youth, this study aims to interrogate the relationship between media and electoral violence in Nigeria using Kogi State as a case study. While the Social Cognitive Theory is adopted to guide the study to fruition, data was elicited primarily from a multi-stage sampling arrangement in which respondents from three purposively selected locations (Anyigba, Lokoja, and Okene) were randomly selected. Using chi-square to test the assumption that media violence catalyzes electoral violence in Kogi State, it was discovered among other revelations that electoral violence increases numerically with the depiction of violence in the media. As a recommendation, therefore, this paper advocate that Civil Society Organisations, as well as relevant governmental agencies, should carry out mass political education which aims at instilling political morals on the populace, especially the youths.

Keywords: electoral violence, media, media violence, violence

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Authors: Nelya Babynets

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Shakespeare and Mexican theatregoers have enjoyed quite a complex relationship. Shakespearean plays have appeared on the Mexican stage with remarkable perseverance, yet with mixed success. Although Shakespeare has long been a part of the global cultural marketplace and his works are celebrated all around the world, the adaptation of his plays on the contemporary Mexican stage is always an adventure, since the works of this early modern author are frequently seen as the legacy of a ‘high’, but obsolete, culture, one that is quite distant from the present-day viewers’ daily experiences and concerns. Moreover, Mexican productions of Shakespeare are presented mostly in Peninsular Spanish, a language similar yet alien to the language spoken in Mexico, one that does not wholly fit into the viewers’ cultural praxis. This is the reason why Mexican dramatic adaptations of Shakespearean plays tend to replace the cultural references of the original piece with ones that are more significant and innate to Latin American spectators. This paper analyses the new Mexican production of Richard III adapted and directed by Mauricio Garcia Lozano, which employs onstage violence - a cultural force that is inherent to all human beings regardless of their beliefs, ethnic background or nationality - as the means to make this play more relevant to a present-day audience. Thus, this paper addresses how the bloody bombast of staged murders helps to avoid the tyranny of a rigid framework of fixed meanings that denies the possibility of an intercultural appropriation of this European play written over four hundred years ago. The impact of violence displayed in Garcia Lozano’s adaptation of Richard III on Mexican audiences will also be examined. This study is particularly relevant in Mexico where the term ‘tragedy’ has become a commonplace and where drug wars and state-sanctioned violence have already taken the lives of many people.

Keywords: audience, dramatic adaptation, Shakespeare, viewer

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Authors: Jorge A. Schiavon

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This article analyzes the international relations of sub-State governments (IRSSG) in Mexico. It aims to answer five questions: 1) What explains the recent and dramatic increase in their international activities? 2) What is the impact of federalism on the foreign affairs of the federal units? 3) What are the levels or degrees of IRSSG and how have they changed over the last years? 4) How do Mexican federal units institutionalize their international activities? 5) What are the perceptions and capacities of the federal units in their internationalization process? The first section argues that the growth in the IRSSG is generated by growing interdependence and globalization in the international system, and democratization, decentralization and structural reform in the national arena. The second section sustains that the renewed Mexican federalism has generated the incentives for SSG to participate more intensively in international affairs. The third section defends that there is a wide variation in their degree of international participation, which is measured in three moments in time (2004 2009 and 2014), and explains how this activity has changed in the last decade. The fourth section studies the institutionalization of the IRSSG in Mexico through the analysis of Inter-Institutional Agreements (IIA). Finally, the last section concentrates in explaining the perceptions and capacities of Mexican sub-State governments to conduct international relations.

Keywords: federalism, foreign policy, international relations of sub-state governments, paradiplomacy, Mexico

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Authors: Afeez Kolawole Shittu

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Democracy as practiced across the globe is sustained with the increase participation of all eligible voters irrespective of class, race, colour, and disabilities. However, there is a perception within the contemporary African society that people with disability (PWDs) belongs to charity and welfare. This is exacerbated with little understanding among African counties including Nigeria that persons with disability have fundamental rights inevitably rooted in the constitution. This significant viewpoint has continued to militate against the social inclusion of persons with disabilities in various aspects of societal lives including their political participation It is instructive to note that the political right of PWDs has been protected by various international conventions. Article 29 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights and Dignities for Persons with Disability (CRPD) guaranteed the participation of persons with disability in the political process. Domesticating and ratification of this right has been a challenge for many African countries including Nigeria. Against the backdrop, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the body saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections in Nigeria provided forum for the participation of persons with disability in election through implementations of electoral act. Section 56 (1) and (2) of the 2010 Electoral Act (as amended) provide for voting participation of persons with disability. This study examines the implementation of the electoral act and how it impacts the voting participation of persons with disability vis-à-vis other challenges affecting the participation of PWDs in electoral process in Nigeria’s 2019 general election. This paper draws on mixed method in sourcing relevant information from the respondents. Interview will be conducted among INEC officials, Civil Society Organisations, Joint National Association of Persons with Disability (JONAPWD). Questionnaire and Focus Group Discussion will be held among different forms of PWDs. The data will be analysed using appropriate descriptive statistics and inferential statistics, as well as thematic content analysis. The study will enlighten understanding on the awareness of the political rights of PWDs as well as improving their electoral participation for sustainable democracy in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country.

Keywords: electoral reforms, voting participation, persons with disabilities

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Authors: Isaac Kofi Mensah

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The adoption and application of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in government administration through e-government is expected to permeate all sectors of state/ public institutions as well as democratic institutions. One of such public institutions is the Electoral Commission of Ghana mandated by the 1992 Constitution to hold all public elections including presidential and parliamentary elections. As Ghana holds its 7th General Elections since 1992, on 7th November 2016, there are demands from key stakeholders for the Election Management Body, which is the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana to adopt and implement an electronic voting system. This case study, therefore, attempts to contribute significantly to the debate by examining influencing factors that would impact on citizen’s readiness to adopt and use an electronic voting system in Ghana. The Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) was used as a theoretical framework for this study, out of which a research model and hypotheses were developed. Importantly, the outcome of this research finding would form a basis for appropriate policy recommendation for consideration of Government and EC of Ghana.

Keywords: citizens readiness, e-government, electronic voting, technology acceptance model (TAM)

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Authors: A. Mondaca, E. Mendoza, D. Jackson-Maldonado, A. García-Obregón

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Deaf signers usually show lower scores in Auditory Working Memory (AWM) tasks and higher scores in Visual Working Memory (VWM) tasks than their hearing pairs. Further, Working Memory has been correlated with reading abilities and vocabulary in Deaf and Hearing individuals. The aim of the present study is to compare the performance of Mexican Deaf signers and hearing adults in VWM, reading and Vocabulary tasks and observe if the latter are correlated to the former. 15 Mexican Deaf signers were assessed using the Corsi block test for VWM, four different subtests of PROLEC (Batería de Evaluación de los Procesos Lectores) for reading abilities, and the LexTale in its Spanish version for vocabulary. T-tests show significant differences between groups for VWM and Vocabulary but not for all the PROLEC subtests. A significant Pearson correlation was found between VWM and Vocabulary but not between VWM and reading abilities. This work is part of a larger research study and results are not yet conclusive. A discussion about the use of PROLEC as a tool to explore reading abilities in a Deaf population is included.

Keywords: deaf signers, visual working memory, reading, Mexican sign language

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Authors: Deepti Kohli, Meeta Keswani Mehra

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The paper develops a theoretical model of electoral competition with purely opportunistic candidates and a uni-dimensional policy using the probability voting approach while focusing on the aspect of lobby formation to analyze the inherent complex interactions between centripetal and centrifugal forces and their effects on equilibrium policy platforms. There exist three types of agents, namely, Left-wing, Moderate and Right-wing who comprise of the total voting population. Also, it is assumed that the Left and Right agents are free to initiate a lobby of their choice. If initiated, these lobbies generate donations which in turn can be contributed to one (or both) electoral candidates in order to influence them to implement the lobby’s preferred policy. Four different lobby formation scenarios have been considered: no lobby formation, only Left, only Right and both Left and Right. The equilibrium policy platforms, amount of individual donations by agents to their respective lobbies and the contributions offered to the electoral candidates have been solved for under each of the above four cases. Since it is assumed that the agents cannot coordinate each other’s actions during the lobby formation stage, there exists a probability with which a lobby would be formed, which is also solved for in the model. The results indicate that the policy platforms of the two electoral candidates converge completely under the cases of no lobby and both (extreme) formations but diverge under the cases of only one (Left or Right) lobby formation. This is because in the case of no lobby being formed, only the centripetal forces (emerging from the election-winning aspect) are present while in the case of both extreme (Left-wing and Right-wing) lobbies being formed, centrifugal forces (emerging from the lobby formation aspect) also arise but cancel each other out, again resulting in a pure policy convergence phenomenon. In contrast, in case of only one lobby being formed, both centripetal and centrifugal forces interact strategically, leading the two electoral candidates to choose completely different policy platforms in equilibrium. Additionally, it is found that in equilibrium, while the donation by a specific agent type increases with the formation of both lobbies in comparison to when only one lobby is formed, the probability of implementation of the policy being advocated by that lobby group falls.

Keywords: electoral competition, equilibrium policy platforms, lobby formation, opportunistic candidates

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Authors: Tracy-Ann Johnson-Myers

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Since the early 1990’s voter turnout in Jamaica has been abysmal. More troubling, the group less interested in voting are the ‘articulate minority’ (educated youths, aged 18-35). Using surveys, media commentaries and data from the Electoral Commission of Jamaica, this study explores the relationship between educated youths and traditional politics in Jamaica. Specifically, it raises questions about why the ‘articulate minority’ did not vote in the 2016 general election. This will be done by highlighting the political and socio-economic reasons affecting their participation in the electoral process, their opinions of who is responsible for low voter turnout in Jamaica, and what they think needs to be done to encourage people in general to vote. The findings reveal that lack of interest in the democratic and electoral process by the ‘articulate minority’ is due to their growing distrust of politicians and political parties, and lack of confidence in the political process.

Keywords: articulate minority, Jamaica, voter apathy, voter turnout

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Authors: Muhammad Muhammad Suleiman

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The Nigerian political system has witnessed rising occurrences of election malpractice in the last decade. This has been due to election rigging and other forms of electoral fraud. In order to find a sustainable solution to this malpractice, the introduction of electronic voting (e-voting) has been suggested. This paper reviews the challenges, benefits, and issues associated with e-voting as a panacea for election malpractice in Nigeria. The review of existing literature revealed that e-voting can reduce the cost of conducting elections and reduce the opportunity for electoral fraud. The review suggests that the introduction of e-voting in the Nigerian political system would require adequate cybersecurity measures, trust-building initiatives, and proper legal frameworks to ensure its successful implementation. It is recommended that there should be an effective policy that would ensure the security of the system as well as the credibility of the results. Furthermore, a comprehensive awareness campaign needs to be conducted to ensure that voters understand the process and are comfortable using the system. In conclusion, e-voting has the potential to reduce the occurrence of election malpractice in the Nigerian political system. However, the successful implementation of e-voting will require effective policy interventions and trust-building initiatives. Additionally, the costs of acquiring the necessary infrastructure and equipment and implementing proper legal frameworks need to be considered.

Keywords: electronic voting, general election, candidate, INEC, cyberattack

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Authors: Zaideth Zobeida Ponce Alonso, Laura Emilia Fierro Lopez, Maria del Rocio Dominguez Gaona

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The present study is part of the Master in Modern Languages at the Universidad Autónoma de Baja California, and it aims to analyze how the sociocultural background might influence the development of learner autonomy in foreign language education in order to propose some strategies to overcome such challenges. Given the lack of research on the sociocultural barriers in learner autonomy in a Mexican context and the need to hear teachers’ voices about this issue, qualitative data was obtained from semi-structured interviews with six language teachers on their perspectives on learner autonomy, its application to the language classroom, and their experiences with Mexican and foreign learners/contexts in order to find out differences regarding learner autonomy. The results suggest three main sociocultural characteristics: preference for an authority figure, tendency towards collectivism, and low tolerance of ambiguity. Finally, nine strategies were proposed in order to help language teachers to deal with such sociocultural characteristics when fostering learner autonomy in the border city of Mexicali, where this study was carried out.

Keywords: learner autonomy, Mexican context, sociocultural influence, teachers' perspectives, teaching strategies

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Authors: Mireya Mateo Gomez

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The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions first-generation Mexican origin mothers living in San Diego have on postpartum depression (PPD), with a special focus on social influences and cultural beliefs towards those meanings. This study also aimed to examine possible PPD help-seeking behaviors that first-generation Mexican origin mothers can perform. The Health Belief Model (HBM) and Social Ecological Model (SEM) were the guiding theoretical frameworks for this study. Data for this study were collected from three focus groups, four in-depth interviews, and the distribution of an acculturation survey (ARSMA II). There were a total of 15 participants, in which participant’s mean age was 45, and the mean age migrated to the United States being 22. Most participants identified as being married, born in Southern or Western Mexico, and with a strong Mexican identity in relation to the ARSMA survey. Participants identified four salient PPD perceptions corresponding to the interpersonal level of SEM. These four main perceptions were: 1) PPD affecting the identity of motherhood; 2) PPD being a natural part of a mother’s experience but mitigated by networks; 3) PPD being a U.S. phenomenon due to family and community breakdown; and 4) natural remedies as a preferred PPD treatment. In regard to themes relating to help seeking behaviors, participants identified seven being: 1) seeking help from immediate family members; 2) practicing home remedies; 3) seeking help from a medical professional; 4) obtaining help from a clinic or organization; 5) seeking help from God; 6) participating in PPD support groups; and 7) talking to a friend. It was evident in this study that postpartum depression is not a well discussed topic within the Mexican immigrant population. In relation to the role culture and social influences have on PPD perceptions, most participants shared hearing or learning about PPD from their family members or friends. Participants also stated seeking help from family members if diagnosed with PPD and seeking out home remedies. This study as well provides suggestions to increase the awareness of PPD among the Mexican immigrant community.

Keywords: cultural beliefs, health belief model, Mexican origin mothers, perceptions, postpartum depression social ecological model

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Authors: Lissette Alejandra Lara, Mario Gomez, Jose Carlos Rodriguez

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ransnational corporations (TNCs) as units in which it is possible technology and knowledge transfer across borders and the potential for generating innovation and contributing in economic development both in home and host countries have been widely acknowledged in the foreign direct investment (FDI) literature. Particularly, the accelerated expansion of emerging countries TNCs in the last decades has guided an uprising research stream that measure the presence of reverse technology transfer, defined as the extent to which emerging countries’ TNCs use outward FDI in a host country through certain mechanisms to absorb and transfer knowledge thus improving its technological capabilities in the home country. The objective of this paper is to test empirically the presence of reverse technology transfer and its impact on the innovation capabilities in Mexican transnational corporations (MXTNCs) as a part of the emerging countries TNCs that have successfully entered to industrialized markets. Using a panel dataset of 22 MXTNCs over the period 1994-2015, the results of the econometric model demonstrate that the amount of Mexican outward FDI and the research and development (R&D) expenditure in host developed countries had a positive impact on the innovation capabilities at the firm and industry level. There is also evidence that management of acquired brands and the organizational structure of Mexican subsidiaries improved these capabilities. Implications for internationalization strategies of emerging countries corporations and future research guidelines are discussed.

Keywords: emerging countries, foreign direct investment, innovation capabilities, Mexican transnational corporations, reverse technology transfer

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Authors: David Lynch Steinicke, Citlali Aguilera Lira, Andrea León García

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The proposal posed in this work comes from a researching-action approach. In Mexico, a dialogue of knowledge may function as a link between traditional, local, pragmatic knowledge, and technological, scientific knowledge. The advantage of generating this nexus lies on the positive impact in the environment, in society and economy. This work attempts to combine, on the one hand the traditional Mexican knowledge such as the usage of medicinal herb and the agroecosystem milpa; and on the other hand make use of a newly created agricultural ecotechnology which main function is to take advantage of the urban space and to save water. This ecotechnology is the wicking bed. In a globalized world, is relevant to have a proposal where the most important aspect is to revalorize the culture through the acquisition of traditional knowledge but at the same time adapting them to the new social and urbanized structures without threatening the environment. The methodology used in this work comes from a researching-action approach combined with a practical dimension where an experimental model made of three wickingbeds was implemented. In this model, there were cultivated medicinal herb and milpa components. The water efficiency and the social acceptance were compared with a traditional ground crop, all this practice was made in an urban social context. The implementation of agricultural ecotechnology has had great social acceptance as its irrigation involves minimal effort and it is economically feasible for low-income people. The wicking bed system raised in this project is attainable to be implemented in schools, urban and peri-urban environments, homemade gardens and public areas. The proposal managed to carry out an innovative and sustainable knowledge-based traditional Mexican agricultural technology, allowing regain Milpa agroecosystem in urban environments to strengthen food security in favour of nutritional and protein benefits for the Mexican fare.

Keywords: milpa, traditional medicine, urban agriculture, wicking bed

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Authors: María de los Ángeles Cerda González, Itzel Arriaga Hurtado, Pascacio José Martínez Pichardo

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In México, the recognition of refugee condition is a fundamental right which, as host State, has the obligation of respect, protect, and fulfill to the foreigners – where we can find the figure of immigrants in irregular situation-, that cannot return to their country of origin for humanitarian reasons. The recognition of the refugee condition as a fundamental right in the Mexican law system proceeds under these situations: 1. The immigrant applies for the refugee condition, even without the necessary proving elements to accredit the humanitarian character of his departure from his country of origin. 2. The immigrant does not apply for the recognition of refugee because he does not know he has the right to, even if he has the profile to apply for. 3. The immigrant who applies fulfills the requirements of the administrative procedure and has access to the refugee recognition. Of the three situations above, only the last one is contemplated for the national indexes of the status refugee; and the first two prove the inefficiency of the governmental system viewed from its lack of sensibility consequence of the no education in human rights matter and which results in the legal vulnerability of the immigrants in irregular situation because they do not have access to the procuration and administration of justice. In the aim of determining the causes and consequences of the no recognition of the refugee status, this investigation was structured from a systemic analysis which objective is to show the advances in Central American humanitarian emergency investigation, the Mexican States actions to protect, respect and fulfil the fundamental right of refugee of immigrants in irregular situation and the social and legal vulnerabilities suffered by Central Americans in Mexico. Therefore, to achieve the deduction of the legal nature of the humanitarian emergency from the Human Rights as a branch of the International Public Law, a conceptual framework is structured using the inductive deductive method. The problem statement is made from a legal framework to approach a theoretical scheme under the theory of social systems, from the analysis of the lack of communication of the governmental and normative subsystems of the Mexican legal system relative to the process undertaken by the Central American immigrants to achieve the recognition of the refugee status as a human right. Accordingly, is determined that fulfilling the obligations of the State referent to grant the right of the recognition of the refugee condition, would mean a guideline for a new stage in Mexican Law, because it would enlarge the constitutional benefits to everyone whose right to the recognition of refugee has been denied an as consequence, a great advance in human rights matter would be achieved.

Keywords: central American immigrants in irregular situation, humanitarian emergency, human rights, refugee

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