Search results for: democratic socialism

Authors: Smita Singh

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Through the constructivist perspective, this paper explores the transformation of India’s nuclear identity from an irresponsible nuclear weapon power to a ‘de-facto nuclear power’ in the emerging international nuclear order From a nuclear abstainer to a bystander and finally as a ‘de facto nuclear weapon state’, India has put forth its case as a unique and exceptional nuclear power as opposed to Iran, Iraq and North Korea with similar nuclear ambitions, who have been snubbed as ‘rogue states’ by the international community. This paper investigates the reasons behind international community’s gradual acceptance of India’s nuclear weapons capabilities and nuclear identity after the Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal. In this paper, the central concept of analysis is the inter-subjective nature of identity in the nuclear arena. India’s nuclear behaviour has been discursively constituted by India through evolving images of the ‘self’ and the ‘other.’ India’s sudden heightened global status is not solely the consequence of its 1998 nuclear tests but a calibrated projection as a responsible stakeholder in other spheres such as economic potential, market prospects, democratic credentials and so on. By examining India’s nuclear discourse this paper contends that India has used its material and discursive power in presenting a n striking image as a responsible nuclear weapon power (though not yet a legal nuclear weapon state as per the NPT). By historicising India’s nuclear trajectory through an inter-subjective analysis of identities, this paper moves a step ahead in providing a theoretical interpretation of state actions and nuclear identity construction.

Keywords: nuclear identity, India, constructivism, international stakeholder

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Authors: Sudir Silwal, Surendra KC

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Nepalese legal system was derived from Hindu sacred before the democratic movement in 1990. Before this movement, Nepal had a patrimonial system. Nepal has ratified the UN Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). Women organizations of the various political parties, different social organizations and women activists are playing the significant role to empower the women through the social awareness campaign across the country. As a result, 33% women representation in the local government has ascertained by the current constitution. The Constitution of Nepal-2015 has mentioned the rights of women as a fundamental right and it also has provisioned the National Women Commission as the constitutional body. This constitution is the model of gender friendly constitution in the world. As per this constitution, the Citizenship certificate is issued based on the lineage of the mother or father along with gender identity. The current constitution has guaranteed 33% women participation in judiciary, bureaucracy and legislation. This constitution further states that the parliament must elect a woman either as the president or the vice president. Similarly same rule is applied to elect the speaker and the deputy speaker in the parliament. In the same constitution, rights of the third gender also has guaranteed. The guiding principles of the constitution further explain that the constitution has followed the rule of positive discrimination and proportional representation of women in all elements of the state. This study shows that the state is not only focused in the representation of women in all structure of the nation but also need to emphasize the enhancement of the capability of the women to make them equal to the men.

Keywords: constitution, empowerment, representation, women's rights

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Authors: Hameda Suwaed

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Group work, time management and accepting others' opinions are practices rooted in the socio-political culture of democratic nations. In Libya, a country transitioning towards democracy, what is the impact of encouraging college students to use such practices in the English language classroom? How to encourage teachers to use such practices in educational system characterized by using traditional methods of teaching? Using action research and classroom research gathered data; this study investigates how teachers can use education to change their students' understanding of their roles in their society by enhancing their belonging to it. This study adjusts a model of change that includes giving students clear directions, sufficient motivation and supportive environment. These steps were applied by encouraging students to participate actively in the classroom by using group work and variety of activities. The findings of the study showed that following the suggested model can broaden students' perception of their belonging to their environment starting with their classroom and ending with their country. In conclusion, although this was a small scale study, the students' participation in the classroom shows that they gained self confidence in using practices such as group work, how to present their ideas and accepting different opinions. What was remarkable is that most students were aware that is what we need in Libya nowadays.

Keywords: educational change, students' motivation, group work, foreign language teaching

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Authors: Ariyaratna Athugala

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Mass media play a significant role in democratic societies. The Political Economy of the Mass Media postulates that elite media interlock with other institutional sectors in ownership, and editorial management effectively circumscribing their ability to remain analytically detached from other dominant institutional sectors. The production of meaning in news discourse is not valued neutral, but part of a larger process of presenting a hegemonic understanding of the world to audiences as the “production of consent.” The horse race model argues that “the raw material of news” pressures six bands that ultimately shape the news audiences receive. The six bands are as follows: Crown piece (raw material), brow band (professionalism), throat latch (gatekeeper), a bit (construction), nose band (perception), and reins (ownership). dThe horse race model suggests that media ultimately serve to “manufacture consent” for a range of self-serving elite opinion options. These bands determine what events are deemed newsworthy, how they are covered, where they are placed within the media and how much coverage they receive. Highly descriptive in nature, the horse race model of communication is concerned with the question of whether media can be seen to play a hegemonic role in the society oriented towards legitimization, hegemonic pressures and ideological construction.

Keywords: hegemonic pressures, horse race, ideological construction, six bands

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Authors: Edoba Bright Omoregie

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Nigeria became a federation in 1954 six years before it gained independence away from British colonial rule. The country has remained a federation since then despite the challenging circumstances of military rule and civil strife which have tasked its federal credentials. Since 1961, when it first decided a federalism dispute, cases over vertical and horizontal powers have inundated the country’s Supreme Court. In its current practice of federalism after democratic rule was resumed in 1999, the country has witnessed a spell of intergovernmental disputes over a good number of federalism issues. Such conflicts have eventually found their way to the Supreme Court for resolution, not as a final appellate court (which it is in other non-federal matters) but as a court of first and final instance following the constitutional provision granting the court such power. However, in April 2014 one of such disputes was denied hearing by the court when it declined original jurisdiction to determine the matter. The suit was instituted by one state of the federation against the federal government and the other 35 states challenging the collection of value added tax (a consumption tax)on certain goods and services within the state. The paper appraises the rationale of the court’s decision and reason that its decision to decline jurisdiction is the result of an avoidable misunderstanding of the dual sovereignty instituted by the federal system of Nigeria as well as a misconception of the role which the court is constitutionally assigned to play in resolving intergovernmental schisms in the federal system.

Keywords: dual sovereignty, federalism, intergovernmental conflict, Supreme Court

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Authors: Jennifer Zelmer

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The debate regarding the morality, and therefore legality, of abortion has many social, political, and medical ramifications worldwide. In a developing country like Bolivia, carrying a pregnancy to delivery is incredibly risky. Given the very high maternal mortality rate in Bolivia, greater consideration has been given to the (de)criminalization of abortion – a contributing cause of maternal death. In the spring of 2017, the Bolivian government proposed to loosen restrictions on women’s access to receiving a safe abortion, which was met with harsh criticism from 'pro-vida' (pro-life) factions. Although the current Bolivian government Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement Toward Socialism) portrays an agenda of decolonization, or to seek a 'traditionally-modern' society, nevertheless, Bolivia still has one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the Americas, because of centuries of colonial and patriarchal order. Applying a feminist critique and using the abortion debate as the central point, this paper argues that the 'traditionally-modern' society Bolivia strives towards is a paradox, and in fact only contributes to the reciprocal process of the death of 'mother tongues' and the unnecessary death of women. This claim is supported by a critical analysis of historical texts about Spanish Colonialism in Bolivia; the linguistic reality of reproductive educational strategies, and the philosophical framework which the Bolivian government and its citizens implement. This analysis is demonstrated in the current state of women’s access to reproductive healthcare in Cochabamba, Bolivia based on recent fieldwork which included audits of clinics and hospitals, interviews, and participant observation. This paper has two major findings: 1) the language used by opponents of abortion in Bolivia is not consistent with the claim of being 'pro-life' but more accurately with being 'pro-potential'; 2) when the topic of reproductive health appears in Cochabamba, Bolivia, it is often found written in the Spanish language, and does not cater to the many indigenous communities that inhabit or visit this city. Finally, this paper considers the crucial role of public health documentation to better inform the abortion debate, as well as the necessity of expanding reproductive health information to more than text-based materials in Cochabamba. This may include more culturally appropriate messages and mediums that cater to the oral tradition of the indigenous communities, who historically and currently have some of the highest fertility rates. If the objective of one who opposes abortion is to save human lives, then preventing the death of women should equally be of paramount importance. But rather, the 'pro-life' movement in Bolivia is willing to risk the lives of to-be mothers, by judicial punishment or death, for the chance of a potential baby. Until abortion is fully legal, safe, and accessible, there will always be the vestiges of colonial and patriarchal order in Bolivia which only perpetuates the needless death of women.

Keywords: abortion, feminist theory, Quechua, reproductive health education

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Authors: Busari Moshood Olanyi

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Good governance remains the expectation of every political party in power, especially in this democratic dispensation of the Nigerian Nation. The need to ensure that the citizenry enjoys the dividends of democracy as often promised during various electioneering campaigns is envisioned to be the motif for different agendas and political slogans by different administrations. Unfortunately, different political agendas towards the security of lives and properties, halting the pillage of the economy by corrupt public officials and creation of employment opportunities for the youths, have a record of setback in the history of political leadership and governance in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper examined the principles of Islamic theocracy in its advocacy for a paradigm shift in the Nigerian political system, with a view to engendering good governance. Islamic political terms such as Shūrā (mutual consultation), ‘Adālah (equality and justice), Khilāfah (succession and stewardship) Majlis ash-Shūrā (consultative forum) and Muḥāsabah (accountability) were espoused as sacrosanct to implementing Islamic theocracy as an alternative system of government in Nigeria. The paper concluded by being flexible on the nomenclature of the suggested political system, considering the multi-religious nature of the country as a political entity. Among other recommendations, infusion of politics into our moral/religious system and not the other way round was considered a good step in the direction of a political paradigm shift for ensuring good governance and guaranteeing its sustainability in Nigeria.

Keywords: Nigerian nation, democracy, good governance, Islamic theocracy, paradigm shift

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Authors: Yaroslav Alexandrovich Levin

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In modern research on the history of the United States in World War II, it is quite popular to study the opposition of the American special services and, in particular, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to various organizations of the German diasporas in new historical conditions. The appeal to traditional methods of historical research, comparative studies, and the principles of historicism will make it possible to more accurately trace the process of tightening the counterintelligence work of the Bureau and the close connection of concerns about the involvement of public organizations in the intelligence activities of the enemy. The broadcast of nationalist ideas by various communities of Germans under the auspices of their governments quickly attracted the attention of the FBI, which is in the process of consolidating its powers as the main US counterintelligence service. At the same time, the investigations and trials conducted by the John Edgar Hoover Department following these investigations often had an openly political color and increasingly consolidated the beginning of a political investigation in this service. This practice and its implementation ran into a tough contradiction between the legal norms of America, which proclaimed "democratic values," the right to freedom of speech, and the need to strengthen the internal security of the state and society in wartime. All these processes and the associated nuances and complexities are considered in specific examples of the work of federal agents against various pro-German organizations in the period 1941-45.

Keywords: World War II, internal security, countering extremism, counterintelligence, political investigation, FBI

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Authors: Neelum Maqsood

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This paper is a study of how institutional structures shape the policy-making activities of female legislators. The literature on this area indicates that if there is an institution created by men to secure elite interests, women will face constraints in legislative activities. This paper will analyze the institutional setting in Pakistan and document the conditions women face that both restrict or enable them from representing the general interests of other women. The main experimental design depends on the variation of international scrutiny that Pakistan faces in two different time periods that will be classified as high international scrutiny and low international scrutiny. A high international scrutiny period is one where Pakistan comes under the international lens because of a domestic event that has international ramifications, for example, in terms of gender equality. The argument is that women parliamentarians receive different treatment in periods of high international scrutiny. As Pakistan comes under scrutiny, women will be more active in their legislative activities than in low international scrutiny, as male parliamentarians will be less likely to influence or restrain women’s activities. Using this variation, the trends in memberships and support functions given to women in these two time periods will be studied. The second variation will comprise the analysis of male and female assignments, training, and funding on general seats across time, which will require data collection over this time of 12-15 years, including the years during the war when Pakistan was under high international scrutiny.

Keywords: female representation, gender equality, democratic institutions, quota seats

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Authors: Forbah Julius Ajamah

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The protection of human rights and respect of the rule of law in Sub-Saharan African is a constant challenge due to ongoing and protracted conflict situations, political instability, shrinking democratic space and allegations of large-scale corruption in some countries. Conflict and/or crisis is most often resulting from constant violations of individual rights, with the risk increasing when many human rights are violated in a systematic or widespread fashion. Violations related to economic, social and cultural rights at times are as significant as violations of civil and political rights. Cameroon a country in Sub-Saharan African, for many years now has been confronted by numerous crises across different regions. Despite measures carried out, it has been reported that lesser and lesser attention has been placed on various conflict/crisis across Cameroon. To reach a common understanding of how both the economic, social and cultural rights has been violated and related impact on the quality of life, this paper evaluates justice, security and human rights violations in the present crisis situations. Without the prevention of human rights violations, wider conflict and/or crisis, will continue to have a negative impact in the lives of the inhabitants. This paper aims at providing evidence to support the fact that effective prevention requires early identification of risks that could allow for preventive and/or mitigatory measures to be designed and implemented.

Keywords: justice, security, human rights abuses, conflicts, crisis

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Authors: Ebrahim Rahmani, Siyamak Moazeni

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According to the Iraq's first constitutional law (approved 2005), Iraq is an independent with sovereignty and its governmental structure is parliamentary democratic republic and federal. Even in reforms in 2009, this article of law did not changed at all. But considering the existence of this emphasis and clarity which is mentioned in the law, different and sometimes contradictory interpretations and positions are expressed about federalism in the way that we can say, considering the importance of the matter, federalism is a focus point to create and expansion of the cold war among leaders of different groups of the country. Iraq's today political and security position has granted the suitable opportunity to Iraq's Kurdistan in appearing of the recent security crisis to increase its share from the central political power or to achieve to its independent dream. The federalism the weakest point of Iraq's territorial integrity in a way that if different groups do not come to a consensus about it and do not think about a mechanism which is accepted by all of them, this can effect on and Iraq's political stability and security. Iraq's Kurdistan follows the option of disintegration and separation under the shadow of political and security changes, even with existence of some Iraqi groups' hopes regarding the improvement of situation after parliament election and also considering Masoud Barezani's power will for separation from Iraq as well as regarding special international changes and disintegration of Karime from Ukraine and ISIS crises; concerns have been created among regional and international powers and interior players. In this article, a paradox due constitutional law about federalism, Iraq's central government view and its politicians to the matter and the regional effect of this action on region's geopolitics are reviewed as well.

Keywords: constitutional law, federalism, decomposition, Iraq's Kurdistan

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Authors: Pikria Vardosanidze

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This presentation entitled ”Higher Education Quality Culture – Case Study: Georgia”is concerned with an urgent and crucial issue. Located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, Georgia is a transnational, post-soviet country. And it is conditioned the peculiarity of our education system. Higher education in Georgia has an extensive history and a challenging period of development consisting of several phases, especially noteworthy of which are 1918 and 1991, marking there storation of Georgia’s independence. Georgia joined the Bologna Process in 2005. Given its geopolitical location, Georgian culture has developed, and still pursues the path of development against the background of the Western and Eastern cultures. Furthermore, socio-politically and culturally, it represents part of Europe. It is of particular interest how post-Soviet states develop in terms of education. What is the path to the European integration for Georgia as a post-Soviet country? How developed is the higher education quality culture in Georgia? And, what should be done in the future? It is important to answer these questions. The research carried out in the field of education is characterized by a certain specificity as does the post-colonial research. The field of education contributes to the development of democratic society as well as to the European integration, the Eastern Partnership and so on. What is crucial for the educational system, apart from transparency and democratization, is the improvement of the quality of education which is one of the most powerful tools dictating the need for a doctoral research as such. As for the research method, the comparative method of research, and the qualitative research are applied.

Keywords: internationalization, higher education, policies, Georgia

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Authors: Paawani Tewari, Oishik Dasgupta

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Cinema and politics have often intertwined in India. Movies have become a mainstream method of communication with audiences and voters subliminally and directly. Indian film industry on average produces over a thousand films in a year, and during the election year of 2019, India witnessed the release of several highly political movies. Movies such as Uri: The Surgical Strike, Accidental Prime Minister, and PM Modi, et cetera, which are the sample of this study have tried to depict an ideal character of political stalwart leaders with the plausibility to inspire and aiming to change ideological orientations of viewers and the potent voters. This study tries to understand the major links between nationalism, its representation, and its manifestation in Indian cinema and how it is instrumental in shaping the character and orientations of its citizens towards nation, nationalism, and nationhood. Our work aims to highlight how nationalistic assumptions that are swaddled in the Hindi movies released during January 2019 – May 2019 affect the political mood of the nation and, in totality, the democratic system. The authors also try to throw light on how films being a powerful tool, are now being used to shape ideas, brainwashing and swaying opinions for political mileage. Hence it becomes essential for us to explore the dynamics between the quintessential definitions of what nationalism is for a common man in India versus of what has been represented in cinema, especially during the time of the elections.

Keywords: political governance and political analysis, political and public administration, election, public choice

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Authors: Sean Griffiths

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Introduction: This paper examines the expression of ‘objectivity’ in architecture in the context of the post-war rejection of this concept. It aims to re-examine the question in light of the assault on truth characterizing contemporary culture and of the unassailable truth of the climate emergency. The paper analyses the search for objective truth as it was prosecuted in the Modern Movement in the early 20th century, looking at the extent to which this quest was successful in contributing to the development of a radically new, politically-informed architecture and the extent to which its particular interpretation of objectivity, limited that development. The paper studies the influence of the Vienna Circle philosophers Rudolph Carnap and Otto Neurath on the pedagogy of the Bauhaus and the architecture of the Neue Sachlichkeit in Germany. Their logical positivism sought to determine objective truths through empirical analysis, expressed in an austere formal language as part of a ‘scientific world conception’ which would overcome metaphysics and unverifiable mystification. These ideas, and the concurrent prioritizing of measurement as the determinant of environmental quality, became key influences in the socially-driven architecture constructed in the 1920s and 30s by Bauhaus architects in numerous German Cities. Methodology: The paper reviews the history of the early Modern Movement and summarizes accounts of the relationship between the Vienna Circle and the Bauhaus. It looks at key differences in the approaches Neurath and Carnap took to the achievement of their shared philosophical and political aims. It analyses how the adoption of Carnap’s foundationalism influenced the architectural language of modern architecture and compares, through a close reading of the structure of Neurath’s ‘protocol sentences,’ the latter’s alternative approach, speculating on the possibility that its adoption offered a different direction of travel for Modern Architecture. Findings: The paper finds that the adoption of Carnap’s foundationalism, while helping Modern Architecture forge a new visual language, ultimately limited its development and is implicated in its failure to escape the very metaphysics against which it had set itself. It speculates that Neurath’s relational language-based approach to the issue of establishing objectivity has its architectural corollary in the process of revision and renovation that offers new ways an ‘objective’ language of architecture might be developed in a manner that is more responsive to our present-day crisis. Conclusion: The philosophical principles of the Vienna Circle and the architects of the Modern Movement had much in common. Both contributed to radical historical departures which sought to instantiate a world scientific conception in their respective fields, which would attempt to banish mystification and metaphysics and would align itself with socialism. However, in adopting Carnap’s foundationalism as the theoretical basis for the new architecture, Modern Architecture not only failed to escape metaphysics but arguably closed off new avenues of development to itself. The adoption of Neurath’s more open-ended and interactive approach to objectivity offers possibilities for new conceptions of the expression of objectivity in architecture that might be more tailored to the multiple crises we face today.

Keywords: Bauhaus, logical positivism, Neue Sachlichkeit, rationalism, Vienna Circle

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Authors: Amin Banae Babazadeh

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In the contemporary world, NGOs are considered as important tool for motivating the community. So they committed their true mission and the promotion of civic participation and strengthen social identities. Functional characteristics of non-governmental organizations are the element to leverage the centers of political and social development of powerful governments since they are concrete and familiar with the problems of society and the operational strategies which would facilitate this process of mutual trust between the people and organizations. NGOs on the one hand offer reasonable solutions in line with approved organizations as agents to match between the facts and reality of society and on the other hand changes to a tool to have true political, social and economic behavior. However, the NGOs are active in the formulation of national relations and policy formulation in an organized and disciplined based on three main factors, i.e., resources, policies, and institutions. Organizations are not restricted to state administration in centralized system bodies and this process in the democratic system limits the accumulation of desires and expectations and at the end reaches to the desired place. Hence, this research will attempt to emphasis on field research (questionnaire) and according to the development evolution and role of NGOs analyze the effects of this center on youth. Therefore, the hypothesis is that there is a direct relationship between the Enlightenment and the effectiveness of policy towards NGOs and solving social damages.

Keywords: civic participation, community vulnerability, insightful, NGO, urmia

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Authors: Abdulvahab Forati

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Religious intellectualism is the only stream of consciousness in Iran that its religious theories formed Democracy. The theory of Religious intellectualism was utilized in Constitutional Revolution and Islamic Revolution. To instate Democracy in Iran, in compare with West and sunnis, the theory of Religious Intellectualism is being used differently. Unlike Democracy in the west that has started with the concept of Individualism and Natural Rights or in Sunni world that has started with the concept of consultation, it has started in Iran with mima-la-nas-fih (what we don’t have any proof for)or mantaqa-alfiraq-altashri’ (area of vacuum from reason). Shia scholars first acquainted with the concept of Democracy through theories of Sheikh Mortiza Ansari, and later some of his followers, including Akhund-e-khorasani and Mirzaye naeini, regarding Sheikh Ansari’s thoughts, began to analyze its Constitutional system and Democratic elements. But Imam Khomeini, the great founder of Islamic Republic of Iran, with respect to RAKHS (religious permission for having a choice)could make connection between Islam and Democracy. Instead of focusing on Civil contracts, he relied on Sirah Ughala (Tradition) and accepted many of the current conducts, e.g. Democracy and Political Parties and acknowledged the authority (Hujiat) of them even in absence of Infallibles. These two are the most notable experiences of shia political thoughts about Democracy within the last 100 years. In this article, the author tries to explain the second experience in Imam Khomeini’s thoughts and Sirah.

Keywords: Shia school, Islamic revolution, democracy, political order

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Authors: Chukwuemeka Castro Nwabuzor

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The 2015 Administration of Criminal Justice Act in Nigeria clearly sets out conditions for bail for felonies, lesser offenses and capital offenses. Even where the conditions for bail are met, granting an application for bail is not automatic as it is subject to the discretion of the court. Where the court, however, grants bail to an accused, the detaining authority which usually is the executive arm of government is bound to comply with the order of the court. This paper discusses the constitutionality of the continued detention of criminal suspects in disobedience to an order of the court and in the absence of an appeal. Particularly, the paper looks at the rights to personal liberty, the dignity of the human person and also the presumption of innocence which remains one of the crucial pillars of our criminal jurisprudence. The paper analyses the reasons posed by the executive for the continued detention of a suspect including State security and security of the suspect and questions whether the reasons are reasonable justifiable in a constitutional democratic society and whether they breach the principles of separation of powers. The paper concludes that the continued detention criminal of suspects in disobedience to court orders constitutes contempt of court and dishonours the principles of separation of powers enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. This paper makes a strong case for the donation of more enforceable powers to the judiciary particularly with regards to the granting of compensation orders against the executive and ensuring compliance by the executive to bail orders.

Keywords: breach of fundamental rights, contempt of court, discretion of court, right to bail, separation of powers

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Authors: Anna Lytvynova

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This essay presents labour as a performatively national phenomenon from a cultural perspective. Considering Engels’ proposition of labour as the epicentre of development of social structures and communities, it theorizes the formation and sustainment of group identities through labour identities. Taking labour in the cultural sector as the starting point case study, the essay further enunciates such labour and labour identity as a form of engaged citizenship. In doing so, this piece hopes to arrive at a potential contemporary understanding of labour as having a central and dynamic role in cultural organization and citizenship. A parallel goal is to de-link sociological models of cultural labor from narratives of art and culture as something that stands separate from the 'real world' and the economy and exists in precarity. Combining discourse from cultural sociology, performance studies, and economics and grounding it in historical archive, the essay makes a primarily discursive theoretical contribution. Taking North American theatre organizations as the exemplifying starting point, this project positions cultural workers not solely as workers in a professional industry but as active citizen-subjects who are deeply involved in their society’s democratic processes. The resulting discourse can be used to shape more effective labour policies, as well as help art and cultural organizations find more effective organizational structures to engage the arts in the economic, political, and social spheres.

Keywords: arts labour, cultural sociology, national identity, performativity

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Authors: Nzeaka Emmanuel Ezimako

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With the advent of new media, especially X, the government's previous foundation of media power and control in Nigeria has been diminished because they can no longer regulate the public sphere to control social action and reactions. This study examined how IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) resistance and the 2020 #Endsars aborted revolution were able to control public discourse during social upheavals, as well as how the new media have diminished the influence that the government and media owners once had over Nigerians. This study is significant because it recognizes the social transformation brought about by the emergence of new media, particularly with the most widely used social media platform in Nigeria, X, and how citizen media activity is altering the media ecosystem and challenging the government and private media owners' hegemony over news coverage in Nigeria to the point where the government saw X as a blatant threat to its hegemony and banned it in 2021. This study used a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative analysis with 300 respondents (n=300) from different sectors of the media practitioners, scholars, and university students in Nigeria to draw a conclusion in line with Democratic Participant Media Theory, which questions the necessity for centralized media regulated by the government and conglomerates. The contributions to filling the gap in the literature are meant to aid readers in comprehending how X has developed into a dominant force in Nigerian media, particularly during the crisis. The study offers recommendations for media executives, policymakers, and the public on how to manage the media conflict that has developed because of the loss of official government oversight of the mass media due to the emergence of X in the media space.

Keywords: Twitter, new media, regulations, dominance, resistance

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Authors: Misbah Fatma, Anam Saiyeda

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This analysis charts the introduction and expansion of research into the filter bubble phenomena over the last 10 years using a large dataset of academic publications. This bibliometric study demonstrates how interdisciplinary filter bubble research is. The identification of key authors and organizations leading the filter bubble study sheds information on collaborative networks and knowledge transfer. Relevant papers are organized based on themes including algorithmic bias, polarisation, social media, and ethical implications through a systematic examination of the literature. In order to shed light on how these patterns have changed over time, the study plots their historical history. The study also looks at how research is distributed globally, showing geographic patterns and discrepancies in scholarly output. The results of this bibliometric analysis let us fully comprehend the development and reach of filter bubble research. This study offers insights into the ongoing discussion surrounding information personalization and its implications for societal discourse, democratic participation, and the potential risks to an informed citizenry by exposing dominant themes, interdisciplinary collaborations, and geographic patterns. In order to solve the problems caused by filter bubbles and to advance a more diverse and inclusive information environment, this analysis is essential for scholars and researchers.

Keywords: bibliometric analysis, social media, social networking, algorithmic personalization, self-selection, content moderation policies and limited access to information, recommender system and polarization

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Authors: Emmanuel Anim

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Ghana has been touted as an oasis of peace in Africa following her relatively peaceful democratic elections, proliferated number of the media, and freedom of speech. Besides, the former Gold Coast country is yet to experience any major incidence of terrorism. Nevertheless, the somewhat occasional simmering violence and conflicts arising from political, religious and chieftaincy skirmishes, largely at its northern part portrays that it is not immune to the political violence of terrorism. The predominantly-based qualitative research reveals that current conditions of socio-politico-economic, and religious issues in Ghana places the West African country on the possible sidelines of the phenomenon of terrorism, when its status quo is juxtaposed with the factors enumerated to have culminated in the rise of Boko Haram, and its accompanying insurgency in Nigeria. Arguing from the perspective of the theory of Social Movement, the analyses and discussions note that the current state of affairs in Ghana could foster domestic terrorism in the country. What is more, the research shows that Ghana faces threats from transnational terrorism given the tendency for elements in Ghana to sympathize and subscribe to the ideological dictates and appeals from Boko Haram and other terrorist organizations. As a consequence, the study recommends that adverse conditions of poverty, poor governance, unemployment, and rising levels of (Islamic) religious radicalization should be remedied by economic improvements, good governance, job creation, and de-radicalization programs by government officials to aid mitigate the incidence of terrorism in the country.

Keywords: Boko Haram, Ghana, Nigeria, terrorism

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Authors: Ridho Al-Hamdi, Sakir, Tanto Lailam

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During the democratic period of 1999-present, Indonesia has consistently applied a List Proportional Representation (List PR) system in the parliamentary election. Between 1999 and 2004, it adopted a closed-list proportional representation (CLPR) system. In the meantime, it employed open-list proportional representation (OLPR) system from 2009 to 2019. Recently, some parties intended to propose the application of CLPR while others are still consistent in adopting OLPR. An unfinished debate is taking place. Thus, this article aims to evaluate the application of CLPR in Indonesia and, in turn, analyze its compatibility in contemporary parliamentary election system. From a methodological standpoint, it is qualitative research by applying a case study approach. Data-gathering relies on field data, mainly focus group discussion (FGD) and in-depth interviews with political parties, electoral management bodies (EMBs), NGO activists, and scholars spread in six provinces and nine regencies/cities across the country. Using SWOT analysis and the compatibility of CLPR and embedded democracy framework, the finding demonstrates that CLPR is no longer relevant for contemporary Indonesian elections. This paper recommends OLPR by considering that CLPR has numerous weaknesses and threats that can jeopardize embedded democracy. More importantly, CLPR can remove inclusive suffrage significantly.

Keywords: closed-list proportional representation, embedded democracy, Indonesia, parliamentary election

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Authors: Lu Anne A. Godinez, May Claudine I. Gador, Preacious G. Gumolon, Louiechi Von R. Mendoza, Neil Bryan N. Moninio

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Gender equality and women empowerment is the third of eight Millennium Development Goals. Understanding corruption’s linkages to gender equality issues and how it impacts women’s empowerment is part of the broader process of advancing women’s rights and understanding the gender dimensions of democratic governance. Taking a long view of political (corruption index) and the social (women empowerment) dimension — a view from 2015 to 2030, a context based forecast was conducted to forecast the ASEAN corruption index in the next 15 years, answering the question: “Does women political involvement decrease corruption rate index of ASEAN countries in the next 15 years?” The study have established that there will be an increase women political involvement in the ASEAN countries in the next 15 years that will cause a drop on corruption rate index. There will be a significant decline on corruption rate index in 2030. This change entails reform not only in the political aspect of progress, but to the social aspect as well. Finally, the political aspect is increasing at a constant rate however a double or triple increase of the social aspect is seen to be the key solution for corruption.

Keywords: women, women political involvement, corruption, gender equity index, economic participation, educational attainment, political empowerment, control of corruption, regulatory quality, rule of law, voice and accountability government effectiveness, political stability and corruption perception index

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Authors: Angkana Tungkasamit, Ladda Silanoi , Teerachai Nethanomsak, Sitthipon Art-in, Siribhong Bhiasiri

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As the date for the commencement of the ASEAN Community in Year 2015 is approaching, it has become apparent to all that there is an urgent need to get Thai people ready to meet the challenge of entering into the Community confidently. Our research team has been organized by the Faculty of Education, Khon Kaen University with the task of training administrators and teachers of the schools along the borders with Laos People’s Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Cambodia to be able to develop supplementary courses on ASEAN Community. The course to be developed is based on the essential elements of the Community, i.e. general backgrounds of the member countries, the education, social and economic life in the Community and social skills needed for a good citizen of the ASEAN Community. The study, based on learning outcome and learning management process as a basis for inquiry, was a research and development in nature using participative action research as a means to achieve the goal of helping school administrators and teachers to learn how to develop supplementary courses to be used in their schools. A post-workshop evaluation of the outcome was made and found that, besides the successfully completed supplementary course, the participants were satisfied with their participation in the workshop because they had participated in every step of the development activity, from the beginning to the end.

Keywords: development of supplementary course, ASEAN community, social studies, northeastern border area of Thailand

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Authors: Julian David Rios Acuna

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This paper seeks to argue that the phenomenon of ‘paramilitarism’ in Colombia exhibits the role of violence as constitutive of the political process of state formation in the country. In order to do this, it takes as its point of departure a landmark moment in the long history of private armies known as the ‘paramilitary’ in Colombia. In 2001, paramilitary commanders, politicians, and members of the military and other branches of state power singed what is known as the ‘Pact of Ralito.’ In this pact, the paramilitary appropriated constitutional and legal language. The paper argues that this appropriation shows that the paramilitary and the state express the same claim to sovereign power and therefore have the same foundation. More precisely, paramilitary power shows itself to base its power on the same foundation as the legal order, namely, extreme forms of violence where death is generative of power. In this sense, the paper shows how, by sharing its foundation, Colombian paramilitarism exhibits that state power in Colombia can be characterized as necro-power as Achille Mbembe understands it. The paper argues that paramilitarism shows state power as necro-power by constituting itself as a symptom understood, following Zizek, as that which both shows and overthrows its own foundation. In this way, paramilitarism shows the foundation of the state, thereby reconfiguring this very state. This reconfiguration, explicitly based on necro-power, the paper concludes, transforms the state into a form more appropriate to the political demands of neo-liberalism. By exhibiting its foundation in necro-power through paramilitarism, the Colombian State turns from a liberal into a (neo)liberal democracy.

Keywords: necro-power, necropolitics, paramilitarism in Colombia, state formation, state power, sovereign power

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Authors: Jean-Paul Kapuya Bulaba Nyembwe, John Omomoluwa Ogundiran, Manuel Carlos Gameiro da Silva

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Indoor environmental quality (IEQ) remains a global concern because it impacts people's comfort, health, performance, and general well-being. People spend a significant amount of time in buildings or while commuting, hence ensuring the minimal risk in indoor spaces by ensuring suitable IEQ. IEQ studies are limited regarding developing sub-Saharan countries, whereas there is also a huge risk and concern for the current population and geometric growth as many cities in the region will become mega-cities by 2040 (World Bank report). The absence of suitable IEQ regulations and energy poverty are reasons to assess the IEQ gaps for increased awareness of sustainable interventions to minimize the associated risk. This study evaluates the gaps and potential hazards that exist in the IEQ of sub-Saharan countries using empirical studies of hospital occupants and BRT bus passengers and drivers. The Surveys were conducted in 3 cities of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Lagos metropolis of Nigeria. The results suggest that gaps exist in IEQ for these regions. The gaps indicate existential risk to people’s health, comfort, and well-being. The inferential conclusions are that there is a need for further scientific studies, improvement in IEQ conditions, and ensuring suitable regulations for developing sub-Saharan countries.

Keywords: health hazards, hospitals indoor environmental quality, indoor spaces, occupants, sub-Saharan countries, vehicles

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Authors: Caroline Hoorn

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Post-matriculants in disadvantaged communities such as Douglas encounter a number of career challenges. The transition to the democratic dispensation in 1994, coupled with the rapid changes in the information domain that are characteristic of post-industrial life, complicate the career development trajectories of disadvantaged youth. The career development stories and experiences of disadvantaged youth in provinces such as the Northern Cape have not been told, leading to their marginalisation. It is against this background that the study explored the gendered dimensions of career development narratives, experiences, and choices of post-matriculants in the Douglas community in the Northern Cape. Using a qualitative, narrative approach, the researcher elicited career development stories from 23 participants in Douglas using semi-structured interviews. Two main themes were highlighted through the narratives; (1) willingness to challenge the traditional male dominated career script (2) breaking gender barriers. The study showed that gender did not have any influence on the career choices of the post-matriculants. The perceptions around career choices and gender were being challenged partly by the urge to affirm equality and the constant reminder of the poverty-stricken conditions prevalent in the households. A preferred gender is not required to be attached to the fulfilment of outcomes in a knowledge-based economy. Thus, it is not an issue of gender or masculinity but knowledge and skills. Furthermore, the study revealed that the career choices being considered are still the traditionally stereotypical careers like nursing, teaching, and social work, which demonstrates a lack of information to a broader pool of career options to select from.

Keywords: career development, gender, narratives, post-matriculants

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Authors: Alexander G. Yushchenko

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From a multi-science point of view, we analyze threats to security resulting from globalization of international information space and information and communication aggression of Russia. A definition of Ruschism is formulated as an ideology supporting aggressive actions of modern Russia against the Euro-Atlantic community. Stages of the hybrid war Russia is leading against Ukraine are described, including the elements of subversive activity of the special services, the activation of the military phase and the gradual shift of the focus of confrontation to the realm of information and communication technologies. We reveal an emergence of a threat for democratic states resulting from the destabilizing impact of a target state’s mass media and social networks being exploited by Russian secret services under freedom-of-speech disguise. Thus, we underline the vulnerability of cyber- and information security of the network society in regard of hybrid war. We propose to define the latter a synergetic war. Our analysis is supported with a long-term qualitative monitoring of representation of top state officials on popular TV channels and Facebook. From the memetics point of view, we have detected a destructive psycho-information technology used by the Kremlin, a kind of information catastrophe, the essence of which is explained in detail. In the conclusion, a comprehensive plan for information protection of the public consciousness and mentality of Euro-Atlantic citizens from the aggression of the enemy is proposed.

Keywords: cyber and information security, hybrid war, psycho-information technology, synergetic war, Ruschism

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Authors: Emma Groenewald

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In 1994, numerous policies of a democratic dispensation envisage social justice and the transformation of the South Africa society. The drive for transformation and social justice resulted in an increasing number of university students from diverse backgrounds, which in turn, lead to the establishment of Sol Plaatje University (SPU) in 2014. A re-curriculated B. Ed. programme at SPU aims to equip students with knowledge and skills to realise the aim of social justice and to enhance the transformation of the South African society. The aim of this study is to explore the experiences and perceptions of students at a diverse university campus on a curriculum that aims to promote social justice. Four education modules, with the assumption that it reflects social justice content, were selected. Four students, representative of different ethnic and language groupings found at the SPU, were chosen as participants. Data were generated by the participants through four reflective exercises on each of the modules, spread over a period of four years. The module aims, linked with the narratives of the participants' perceptions and experiences of each module, provided an overview of the enacted curriculum. A qualitative research design with an interpretivist approach informed by Vygotsky's theory of learning was used. The participants' experiences of the four modules were analysed, and their views were interpreted. The students' narratives shed light on the strengths and weaknesses of how the B.Ed. Curriculum works towards social justice and revealed student's perceptions of otherness. From the narratives it became apparent that module did promote a social justice orientation in prospective teachers trained at a university.

Keywords: student diversity, social justice, transformation, teacher education

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Authors: Hefin Gwilym

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This paper will explore the political biographies of social workers in a neoliberal era. The findings are based on a research project for a successfully completed professional doctorate in social work. The methodology deployed for the research is a combination of constructivist grounded theory and biographical inquiry. The paper will present findings from 14 biographical interviews and will focus on one case study of a participant whose life story is richly informed by political social work. The 14 participants reflect different genders, ethnic identities, cultural and linguistic identities, age and length of social work careers. The participants also reflect different forms of political engagement, such as, as political activists and members of political parties, including parliamentarians. The findings demonstrate how deeply ingrained the social work identity is amongst the participants and how their political identity has remained strongly social democratic in nature despite the many changes in the social work profession since the rise of neoliberalism as a thought collective and policy package. The individual case study will explore the early roots of political identity in the childhood and nurturing years and the interface with subsequent social work and political careers. It will also explore the evolution of the participant’s political identity in the social work career. The case study will also present findings on how the participant has contributed to the political field with policy involvement and initiatives. The presentation will conclude with a discussion on how this particular group of social workers can best contribute to the future direction of the social work profession.

Keywords: political social work, political biographies, neoliberal, grounded theory

Procedia PDF Downloads 254